Experiencing Intercultural Communication An Introduction 6th edition Judith N. Martin & Thomas K. Nakayama ©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only for instructor use in the classroom.  No reproduction or further distribution permitted without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education. 1 Chapter 4 Identity and Intercultural Communication ©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only for instructor use in the classroom.  No reproduction or further distribution permitted without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education. A Uniform Shop in Venice, Italy - M. Brimo, 2010 2 Identity Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving as a bridge between culture and communication. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving as a bridge between culture and communication. Who you are both reflects and affects communication with others. Through communication people express or hide some of their identities from others. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity Self- what you are born with Identity is created by the development of the “self” (self-concept is created) ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Created through communication Created in spurts Multiple Influenced by society Dynamic Developed in different ways in different cultures ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself Biological and social roots of the self Biology and the self Personality ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself Biological and social roots of the self Biology and the self Personality Socialization and self-concept Reflected appraisal Significant others Social comparison ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Identities Emerge when messages are exchanged between persons Negotiated, co-created, reinforced, and challenged through communication Different identities are emphasized depending on whom we are communicating with and what the conversation is about ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in life) ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in life) Interactions with others are crucial to the development of our identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Multiple We belong to various groups We develop mul ...

1. Experiencing Intercultural Communication
An Introduction
6th edition
Judith N. Martin & Thomas K. Nakayama
©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only
for instructor use in the classroom. No reproduction or further
distribution permitted without the prior written consent of
McGraw-Hill Education.
1
Chapter 4
Identity and Intercultural Communication
©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only
for instructor use in the classroom. No reproduction or further
distribution permitted without the prior written consent of
McGraw-Hill Education.
A Uniform Shop in Venice, Italy - M. Brimo, 2010
2
Identity
Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving
as a bridge between culture and communication.

2. ©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identity
Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving
as a bridge between culture and communication.
Who you are both reflects and affects communication with
others.
Through communication people express or hide some of their
identities from others.
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identity
Self- what you are born with
Identity is created by the development of the “self” (self-
concept is created)
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities
Created through communication
Created in spurts
Multiple
Influenced by society
Dynamic
Developed in different ways in different cultures

3. ©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created through Communication
Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of
yourself
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created through Communication
Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of
yourself
Biological and social roots of the self
Biology and the self
Personality
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created through Communication
Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of
yourself
Biological and social roots of the self
Biology and the self
Personality
Socialization and self-concept
Reflected appraisal

4. Significant others
Social comparison
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created through Communication
Identities
Emerge when messages are exchanged between persons
Negotiated, co-created, reinforced, and challenged through
communication
Different identities are emphasized depending on whom we are
communicating with and what the conversation is about
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created in Spurts
It’s not a smooth, orderly process
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created in Spurts
It’s not a smooth, orderly process
Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in
life)
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Created in Spurts
It’s not a smooth, orderly process

5. Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in
life)
Interactions with others are crucial to the development of our
identity
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Multiple
We belong to various groups
We develop multiple identities
We highlight our different identities at different times
Going to church or temple - Religious identity
Going to clubs or bars - Sexual orientation identity
Men or women in social groups - Gender identity
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Influenced by Society
Societal forces also have a strong influence on our identity
We are all subject to being pigeonholed into identity categories,
or contexts, even before we are born (part of an ethnic group,
regional group, religious group, etc.)
Sometimes these societal influences establish the
foundations/basis from which interactions occur
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Dynamic
Social or political forces that create certain or parts of our
identity might change
What is the identity of a “woman?”
Today, there are many different ideas about what being a
woman means—from wife and mother to feminist and

6. professional
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identities Are Developed in Different Ways in Different
Cultures
Americans value individualism and encourages a strong sense of
identity and to be independent and self-reliant
Many African and Asian societies emphasize interdependency
with others
Dominant ideas can make members of some cultural groups (in
the United States) feel inferior
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Social and Cultural Identities
Gender identity
Sexual identity
Age identity
Racial and ethnic identity
Religious identity
Class identity
National identity
Regional identity
Personal identity
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Gender Identity
There is a difference between Sex and Gender:
Sex
biological classification based on reproductive function

7. Gender
social construction that includes the beliefs, attitudes, actions
and roles associated with being masculine or feminine
This distinction is important in understanding how people’s
views on biological sex influence gender identities.
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Gender Identity
What it means to be a man or a woman in our society is heavily
influenced by cultural notions
Popular culture affects how people socialize with others
We negotiate how we communicate our gender identity to others
There are implications for intercultural communication as well.
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Sexual Identity
Sexual Orientation
the sex and gender to whom a person is romantically and
sexually attracted
Views on sexual identities differ in various cultures
Sexual attraction is complex and makes sexual identities even
less categorizable
Do not assume that your framework for sexual categories is
universal
Do not assume the ways that sexuality is handled in public is
the same around the world

8. ©McGraw-Hill Education.
Age Identity
Age Identity
Cultural notions of how someone their age should act, look, and
behave
U.S. is an age-conscious society
Certain ages have special significance in some cultures
Our notions of age often change as we grow older (what was
“young” very much changes)
Not just how you feel about your age, but how you are treated
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Racial and Ethnic Identity
Race/racial identities
to some extent, based on physical characteristics (skin color,
body type, facial structure, hair color, etc.), but they are also
constructed in fluid social contexts
the way people construct these identities and think about race
influences how they communicate with others
What race do we identify with
**example at beginning of chapter—Rachel Dolezal’s racial
identity
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Racial and Ethnic Identity
Ethnicity/Ethnic identity
reflects a set of ideas about one’s own ethnic group membership
group of people who identify w/ each other based on common
experience (geographics, national origin, ancestry, history,

9. cultural and social norms, religion, race, language, ideology,
food, dress, etc.)
Who are hyphenated Americans?
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Physical Ability Identity
Physical ability identity
develops in some because of varying degrees of physical
capabilities.
Book: “People are all disabled in one way or another—by their
height, weight, sex, or age—and they all need to work to
overcome these conditions.”
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Physical Ability Identity
Physical ability changes over a lifetime
People with disabilities see themselves as a cultural group
(similar perceptions and communication patterns)
Their identity involves changing how they see themselves and
how others see them
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Physical Ability Identity
Stages of coming to grips with new disability
Focus on rehabilitation and physical changes

10. Adjust to disability and its effects on relationships
Stigma incorporation – Integration of being disabled into one’s
own definition of self
*People with disabilities struggle to convey a positive identity
and to communicate that their physical ability is only one of
their many identities
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Physical Ability Identity
Communication related to issues of identity can be difficult
between nondisabled people and those with disabilities
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Religious Identity
Religious identity can be confused with racial and/or ethnic
identity
When someone says, “I am Jewish.” or “She has a Jewish last
name.”—religious/ethnic/racial identity??
Criterion for religion varies
National boundaries
Biology
Lineage
**When one religion is acknowledged over other religions in
public places (imposed on others, perhaps) conflicts can arise

11. ©McGraw-Hill Education.
Class Identity
Class Identity
One’s socioeconomic status (upper, upper-middle, middle,
working and lower)
Class identity influences our perceptions of and communication
with others (people sometimes try to figure out what class we’re
from)
Communication between classes difficult due to lack of
understanding of class differences and media stereotypes
©McGraw-Hill Education.
National Identity
National identity (nationality)
refers to one’s legal status in relation to a nation
Our view or our nationality influences how we communicate
with others
People’s views of our nationality (country) influences
communication with us
May be complicated when a nation’s status is unclear
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Regional Identity
What is the difference between national identity and regional
identity?
Regional identity in the U.S.
Southerners

12. Texas (advertised as “a whole other country”)
Some regional identities reflect cultural identities that affirm
distinctive cuisines, dress, manners, and language
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Personal Identity
Personal identity
this is a lot of what we talked about at the beginning of the
chapter
Sometimes one’s personal identity is largely defined by outside
forces.
At other times, how people behave and communicate to others
helps construct their personal identity.
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Multicultural Identity
Multicultural people live “on the border” of two or more
cultures
Multiracial
Global Nomads
“Others”
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Multiracial People
Racial identity development for biracial children is different

13. from others, since they don’t fit into a neat racial category.
May be or feel rejected by both groups
Often WANT to embrace and be a part of both groups (may
identify with one, both or a new group)
Because of this it may cause stress, anxiety, frustration for
people in this group
*Most do not find it difficult to manage their competing
ethnicities or races, and do not feel marginalized
©McGraw-Hill Education.
35
Multiracial People
Identity Development
Awareness of differentness
Struggle for acceptance
Self-acceptance and assertion
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Global Nomads
Known as third-culture kids or TCKs
Grow up in many different cultural contexts--parents moved
around (missionaries, international business employees, or
military families)
TCKs have both unique challenges and unique opportunities
Like biracial children, TCKs often develop resilience, tolerance,
and worldliness, characteristics essential for successful living in
an increasingly diverse, global, social, and economic world

14. ©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identity and Adaptation
“Other” category
Long-term romantic relationships with members of another
ethnic or racial culture
Children of foreign-born immigrants may also develop
multicultural identities.
People who move to another country just by choice or for work
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Identity and Adaptation
Process of adaptation: U-curve theory
3 phases in adapting to a new cultural situation
First phase - Excitement and anticipation
Second phase - Culture shock (A relatively short term feeling of
disorientation or discomfort due to the unfamiliarity of
surroundings and the lack of familiar cues in the environment)
Third phase - Adaptation, in which individuals gradually learn
the rules and customs of the new cultural context
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Living “On the Border”
Positives and Negatives
Culture brokers
Still feel frustration at times (like we just mentioned)
Two types of identities

15. Encapsulated identity:
Person feels torn between different cultural identities, which
often creates feelings of ambiguity
Tries to assimilate but never feels comfortable
Constructive identity:
Person thrives on the margins of two cultures
Culture broker
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Living “On the Border”
Intercultural personhood
People who live on cultural borders and undergo a gradual
process of intercultural evolution
Culture brokers who can help others see their blind spots and
show a way of being in the world
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Post-Ethnicity
Identities are very fluid and driven by personal identity
preferences
People seem to be more willing to interact with and across
cultures
Individuals are more inclined to shape their own identity by
cultural preferences as well (again, not determining their whole
identity based on skin color or ethnic heritage)
**This is how I interpreted this section. What do you think of
this?

16. ©McGraw-Hill Education.
Building Intercultural Skills
Chapter 4 - Identity and Intercultural Communication
Become more conscious of your own identities and how they
relate to your intercultural communication
Become more aware of how you assign identities to other people
Practice communicating with others in ways that affirm their
identities
Talk about identities with your friends
©McGraw-Hill Education.
Intl. Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 32: 132–142,
2016
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1044-7318 print / 1532-7590 online
DOI: 10.1080/10447318.2015.1067499
Seniors and Information Technology in China
Alexander N. Chen1 , James P. Downey2, Ronald E.
McGaughey2, and Kan Jin3
1Department of Marketing and Management, University of
Central Arkansas, Conway, Arkansas, USA
2Department of Management Information Systems, University
of Central Arkansas, Conway, Arkansas, USA
3Academic Affairs Office, Zhejiang Radio and TV University,
Zhejiang, P.R. China

17. Technology, particularly information technology (IT), is chang-
ing rapidly and offers many advantages for users. IT has the
potential to improve one’s quality of life, but only if used.
Research
has shown that, in most developed and developing nations,
senior
use of IT lags behind that of other segments of society. This
“gray
divide” is a concern for government, business, and others.
Concern
about senior adoption and use of IT has been the motivation for
numerous studies and is the motivation for this study of Chinese
seniors. This exploratory study examines urban Chinese seniors’
IT use, computers and mobile phones in particular, but also
their
attitudes and behaviors as they relate to the use of those
devices.
More specifically it examines several potential factors that
moti-
vate or hinder senior’s use of information technology, including
self-efficacy, satisfaction, comfort with technology, and both
posi-
tive and negative attitudes. This study provides some insight
into
the quantity and diversity of Chinese senior technology use in
urban China. Particularly noteworthy, the study found that tech-
nology ownership was quite high, and in general the Chinese
seniors studied had positive attitudes and beliefs concerning
infor-
mation technology. This is generally good news for the Chinese
government, which must efficiently provide services for the
grow-
ing population of Chinese seniors, as well as for businesses that
wish to capitalize on one of the largest senior populations in the
world.

18. 1. INTRODUCTION
Anecdotal and empirical evidence shows that information
technology (IT) positively impacts the lives of users. One needs
only to watch the tech e-zines such as Gizmag to know that
the launch of new IT gadgets is a daily occurrence—something
smaller, something faster, something smarter, something cooler,
or something that does what no gadget has done before, or
improves on what another gadget does. This boom in technol-
ogy devices should benefit the entire population, but in practice
this has not been the case.
Address correspondence to Alexander N. Chen, Department of
Marketing and Management, College of Business
Administration,
University of Central Arkansas, Conway, AR 72035. E-mail:
[email protected]
uca.edu or [email protected]
People are living longer than at any other time in recorded
history; thus the population of seniors is growing in all of the
world’s major economies. As senior numbers grow, businesses,
governments, and other institutions seek ways to better serve
them, and to do so efficiently. IT holds promise here, but only
if seniors use it. The problem is that seniors generally use IT
less than other segments of the population; thus, there is a “gray
divide.” A gray divide is when accessibility to and use of IT
by seniors lags behind that of the overall population. The exis-
tence of a gray divide means that seniors are not benefiting
from IT to the same extent as other segments of a population.
Although research indicates that the broader “digital divide”
may be shrinking as it relates to various socioeconomic strata,
this may not be the case for the gray divide, at least not in all
countries (Eurostat, 2013; McMurtrey, McGaughey, Downey, &
Zeltmann, 2013; Rainie, 2013).
There are many possible reasons why seniors may be reluc-

19. tant to adopt and use IT, and those reasons may or may not be
common to seniors in all countries (Yu & Chao, 2014; Zhou,
Rau, & Salvendy, 2012). Given the changing needs of this seg-
ment as life expectancies increase and the potential of IT to
improve the quality of seniors’ lives, it is not surprising that it
is the subject of numerous studies. The evidence thus far seems
to support of existence of a gray divide in countries where it has
been studied (Bernadas, Verville, & Burton, 2012; Fernández-
Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2012; McMurtrey et al., 2008; Neves &
Amaro, 2012). Although there is some research examining the
gray divide in China, few studies have addressed the factors
influencing Chinese seniors’ adoption and use of IT.
China is similar to other industrialized nations in that its citi-
zens, both male and female, are living longer (National Institute
of Health, 2014). Approximately 13% of China’s population
is 60 years of age or older. That segment of the population
increased by close to 3% from 2000 to 2010 (National Bureau of
Statistics, 2010), and it is projected that by 2025, China’s
senior
population will account for approximately 25% of China’s
total population (Xie, 2004). Not only is China’s senior pop-
ulation growing rapidly, it is the largest senior population in
the world (Pan & Jordan-Marsh, 2010). This makes Chinese
132
http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3619-6677
mailto:[email protected]
mailto:[email protected]
mailto:[email protected]
SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA
133

20. senior well-being particularly important and their attitudes and
beliefs about IT and its use a concern for China’s government,
businesses, and society as a whole.
China’s rapid economic growth, changing demographics,
and the Chinese government’s huge investment in Internet band-
width make research on senior use of the Internet and other IT
important to the Chinese government. It needs to know how its
investment is benefiting seniors, because some services that the
government provides to seniors could be delivered more effi-
ciently with IT as done in the United States and Europe. The
research should be of interest to businesses looking for oppor-
tunities to market products and services to seniors. Although
Chinese seniors’ incomes are generally low, this is not neces-
sarily a hindrance to having and using IT. Simply put, there is a
need to better understand Chinese seniors’ attitudes toward and
behaviors pertaining to IT. To what extent do Chinese seniors
actually own and use IT? How, and for what, do they use IT?
How do Chinese seniors perceive their technology skills? Do
they like IT, and are they comfortable with IT? These questions
are worthy of investigation in establishing baseline measures of
Chinese seniors’ use of and attitudes toward IT. It is the objec-
tive of this exploratory study to start the process of answering
these questions.
Although the literature provides evidence of a gray divide
in China (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), we hope to shed
light on if and why Chinese seniors might tend to be light users
of IT. We believe it is important to learn more about Chinese
seniors’ attitudes and behaviors as they relate to IT. We go
beyond existing studies and try to understand not just usage
behaviors but also attitudes—attitudes about the technology,
as well as attitudes about self that influence adoption and use.
More specifically, this study presents the results of an empirical
examination of technology behaviors for a variety of applica-
tions and devices from a survey of almost 300 retired citizens

21. (seniors) in Hangzhou City and Changshan County of Zhejiang
Province, China. We examine two primary facets of Chinese
seniors’ relationship with IT: the current status of IT adoption
and use, and existing attitudes and beliefs about IT and its use.
A current status provides something of a baseline for future
studies and investigates ownership, usage, and usage functions.
The beliefs and attitudes provide insight into possible motiva-
tors or inhibiters to technology adoption and use. The specific
ITs examined were the personal computer (including laptops)
and the cell phone. This study thus extends prior research on
technology behaviors of Chinese seniors by examining not only
adoption and use but also specific psychological factors known
to influence adoption and use. The addition of the potential
psychological influences on technology adoption and use will
provide a better understanding of the “why” behind baseline
measures of IT adoption and use among the Chinese senior citi-
zens studied. This is perhaps the most important contribution of
this study—understanding why.
2. BACKGROUND
Extant research has produced considerable evidence from
numerous countries of a disparity between the young and
old in terms of IT adoption and use (McMurtrey, Downey,
McGaughey, & Zeltmann, 2011; Peng, 2010; Plaisant,
Clamage, Hutchinson, Bederson, & Druin, 2006; Rainie, 2013).
In U.S. studies by McMurtrey, McGaughey, and Downey (2008,
2009; McMurtrey et al., 2013), U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
(i.e., census data) and survey data were used to highlight
gaps between the young and old in terms of Internet and
computer use. Peng (2010) emphasized that studies and gov-
ernment statistics repeatedly show that access to computers and
the Internet remains uneven. In a similar vein, another study
acknowledged that older adults are subject to the same digital
divide in accessibility as the larger population (Plaisant et al.,
2006). In a study conducted in the United Kingdom, statis-

22. tically significant differences were found between the age of
respondents and broadband adoption (Dwivedi & Lal, 2007).
In another study from the United Kingdom, the authors noted
that many seniors simply do not recognize the potential benefits
of these technologies because they lack an awareness and under-
standing of the digital world (Olphert, Damodaran, & May,
2005). Similar findings were reported in Europe from a study
of the reasons for nonuse, and the frequency, intensity, and
sociodemographic correlates of Internet use of older citizens in
Europe (Peacock & Kunemund, 2007).
In China, there is ample evidence that citizens have embraced
technology. In a recent study by Microsoft Corporation (2014)
that included technology users in a variety of developing and
developed countries (China, India, Brazil, Russia, Mexico,
Turkey, United States, Germany, Japan, and France), a higher
percentage of Chinese citizens (74%) reported that personal
computers, tablets, smartphones, and other technology gadgets
had improved their quality of life. This percentage in China
was quite high; contrast it to other countries with 40% for
France, 48% for the United States, 42% for Japan, and 61%
for Russia. In addition, 94% of Chinese citizens reported that
access to personal computer technology had helped bridge the
economic gap in their country (Microsoft Corporation, 2014).
According to a new Chinese government report (China Digital
Divide Team, 2013), in 2012, Chinese families owned 250 mil-
lion computers (about 55.9 computers per 100 families). That
same study showed that China had 564 million (42.1% of the
population) people accessing the Internet. Of those, 420 million
(31.4% of the population) used cell phones for Internet access.
In 2012, about 1.11 billion people (82.6% of China population)
were using cell phones (though not all were Internet capable—
smartphones). The data show that many Chinese use IT in the
form of computers, cell phones, and the Internet, but to what
extent is this true for Chinese seniors?

23. As with other countries, there is evidence of a gray divide
in China. Lam and Lee (2006) found evidence of it in their
134 A. N. CHEN ET AL.
longitudinal study of Internet adoption and use by older adults
in Hong Kong during a period between 2002 and 2003. Those
findings are somewhat dated now, and they were not con-
ducted in mainland China, but there are more. Another study
focused on the Hebei province of China and revealed that only
about 22.8% of the seniors sampled used the Internet, and of
those, only 30% of these seniors accessed it daily. Another
15% accessed it two or three times a week. Furthermore, the
study found that when most seniors did access the Internet, it
was for relatively short periods (Guo, 2012). Wang, Rau, and
Salvendy (2011) examined IT device and equipment use by
the elderly and found relatively high usage of computers and
mobile phones in particular. They also found higher Internet
usage by seniors than did Guo (2012), so the findings of even
more current studies are mixed. Liu and Zheng (2011) exam-
ined cell phone Internet access in China and found a disparity
in cell phone Internet access related to gender, employment
position, personal income, family income, education, age, and
single-child status. They likewise found an interaction between
full-time employment and age in their impact on cell phone
Internet access—the elderly with no full-time employment (that
would typically be retirees) were less inclined to use cell
phones
for Internet access. They did not examine whether the costs of
access was a factor in usage. A 2012 report on Internet trends
in China prepared by the China Digital Divide Team (2013)
produced evidence of a gray divide in Internet access/use,
revealing that 93.6% of Internet users were between age 10 and
49, and only 4.8% were 50 and older. In fact, the gap was

24. slightly worse than in 2010, largely because of the relative
growth of the younger (growing slower) and older (growing
faster) segments of China’s population.
There are multiple reasons why seniors worldwide have
been slow to adopt information technology. One cause is phys-
ical; research has shown that the elderly often do not have
the dexterity to operate technology (Ellis & Kurniawan, 2009;
Fernández-Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2012; McMurtrey et al., 2013;
Picking et al., 2012; Zhou et al., 2012). Research has also
shown that IT, from computers, to tablets, to mobile phones,
is not designed with the elderly in mind (Hwangbo et al.,
2013; McGaughey, Zeltmann, & McMurtrey, 2013; McMurtrey,
Downey, Zeltmann, & McGaughey, 2012; Picking et al., 2012;
Roupa et al., 2010; Yu & Chao, 2014; Zhou, Rau, & Salvendy,
2014).
Another important reason for seniors not adopting technol-
ogy (or underusing it) may be categorized simply as distaste for
change, based on a wide range of negative beliefs and attitudes
that might lead to avoidance behavior. One important factor is
an individual’s beliefs about his or her technology skills, known
to be an important indicator and subsequent motivator for initial
and continued use. Technology self-efficiency is an important
motivator of both learning and using technology; it influences
effort and persistence in the face of adversity (Gist & Mitchell,
1992). Self-efficacy stimulates a motivational component that
mobilizes the cognitive effort to accomplish tasks (Bandura,
1997; Yu & Chao, 2014). Another factor is comfort with tech-
nology, which is a psychological response to an activity that
encourages or discourages use (Hwangbo, Yoon, Jin, Han, & Ji,
2013; Taveira & Choi, 2009).
Attitudes have long been recognized as precursors of action.
In their theory of reasoned action, Fishbein and Ajzen (1975)

25. maintained that behavior is predictable and based on attitudes
(positive and negative) toward the behavior. An individual who
has a positive attitude or less anxiety toward a behavior tends
to perform or learn that behavior, whereas a person with neg-
ative attitudes tends to avoid the behavior. Our examination
of senior attitudes relating to computers and mobile phones
is thus grounded in the theory of reasoned action. We exam-
ined three attitudes—affect, anxiety, and satisfaction—with cell
phone and computer skills. Anxiety is a fear of the domain
under examination and usage in that domain, technology in this
case. (Loyd & Gressard, 1984). Affect is the feeling of like
(positive affect) or dislike (negative affect) toward the domain
of interest (Taveira & Choi, 2009). One who likes cell phones
(or computers) is more inclined to learn how and to use them
than those who have less liking. We measured positive affect in
this study. Satisfaction is an affective attitude that has a long
research stream in technology and has been demonstrated to
increase usage (Doll & Torkzadeh, 1988).
3. METHODOLOGY
In this article, we provide insight into IT usage levels and
patterns among Chinese seniors while shedding light on psy-
chological influences on behaviors contributing to it. Because
the purpose is to investigate “retired” seniors, the interest is
in Chinese seniors 55 years of age or older. The rationale
for using that age stems from how the Chinese government
defines seniors. In China, according to the government, men
reaching the age of 60 and women at 55, with a minimum of
10 to 15 years of continuous service, should retire. Because the
term seniors was originally coined to describe elderly who had
retired, and because China has these official retirement ages for
men and women, we used age 55 as a cutoff point for seniors
in our study. We use the terms senior, senior citizen, and retiree
interchangeably in this study.

26. Data were gathered using a survey methodology. The survey
was developed using standard survey development techniques
(Churchill, 1979; Nunnally, 1967; Straub, 1989). Previous
instruments provided some items used in this study (Eastman &
Iyer, 2004; Iyer & Eastman, 2006; Reisenwitz, Iyer, Kuhlmeier,
& Eastman, 2007). The primary source of survey items, how-
ever, came from the survey used by McMurtrey et al. (2011) to
examine technology behaviors among American seniors. Data
were gathered for both cell phone and computers on ownership,
usage behaviors, functions for use, e-commerce information,
beliefs about the technology (self-efficacy and comfort), and
attitudes toward the technology (anxiety, affect, and satisfac-
tion with skills). For the self-efficacy and attitude scales, we
SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA
135
used previously validated scales. Self-efficacy items came from
the global instrument of Hill, Smith, and Mann (1987). Anxiety
and affect came from the Computer Attitude Scale of Loyd and
Gressard (1984) Comfort and satisfaction were derived from the
survey used by McMurtrey et al. (2011). Beliefs and attitudes
(positive affect, anxiety, and satisfaction) were assessed for
both
cell phones and computers.
For this study, the English version of the survey was trans-
lated into Mandarin Chinese by two individuals fluent in both
languages. Before we finalized the Chinese version, we sent the
draft to bilingual experts, that is, faculty in the foreign
language,
education, and psychology departments of the university, for
comments. We also used a pilot survey of 10 Chinese students
to make sure that translation of the instrument had resulted in

27. a survey that could be understood by Mandarin-speaking sub-
jects. With modifications based on comments from these experts
and students, the final survey was completed.
The survey was administered at four retirement apartment
complexes in two cities in eastern China in 2012. One area was
a large city (approximately 7.6 million in size), and the other
a much smaller city (with a population size of 400,000). The
researchers randomly selected the apartment complexes with
the requirement that these complexes house retirees who had
different employment backgrounds. The four complexes housed
retired government workers (43 total), primary/high school
teachers (83), college faculty (69), and staff and workers for a
higher education institution (89). Although it is virtually impos-
sible to generalize about Chinese seniors, given their sheer
number and different cultures and backgrounds, by choosing
seniors from different work backgrounds, we hoped to provide
some degree of differentiation.
A total of 357 surveys were collected. Of these, 73 were dis-
carded because of incomplete data. This left 284 usable surveys.
The average age of respondent was 70.6 (SD = 8.7), and 55%
of respondents were male. In terms of education, 41% had less
than a high school education, 27% high school, 11% an asso-
ciate’s degree (or equivalent), and 21% a bachelor’s degree or
higher. Although respondents were retired, nearly 40% reported
they were engaging in some part-time work. Fifty-nine per-
cent of respondents reported a monthly income level between
$650 and $1,300, with 27% reporting less than $650, 11%
between $1,300 and $1,950, and only 3% reporting a monthly
income above $1,950. According to a 2013 Bloomberg News
report, based on data from the China Health and Retirement
Longitudinal Study, the incomes of Chinese seniors are low.
Approximately 22.9%, or 42.4 million, of China’s seniors
live on an annual income of less than 3,200 Yuan ($520).
Our sample comprised a relatively more affluent segment

28. of Chinese seniors because respondents were city dwellers,
and they tend to be more well off financially than rural
citizens.
4. RESULTS
The study examined technology behaviors of retired Chinese
seniors age 55 and older, using the two dominant IT platforms
for personal use: cell phones and computers. We collected own-
ership and usage information, what respondents did with their
computers and cell phones, online purchasing information, and
finally beliefs and attitudes toward computers and cell phones
(self-efficacy, comfort, anxiety, affect, and satisfaction). The
results paint a broad picture of IT usage, skills, availability,
behavior, and attitudes among respondents.
4.1. Usage Comparison Between Cell Phones and
Computers/Laptops
Cell phone technology probably represents the most ubiqui-
tous technology worldwide. This was also evident among the
Chinese seniors studied. About 96% of all respondents owned a
cell phone. Of interest, 77% reported that they also had a house
phone (landline). Respondents reported owning a cell phone for
7.7 years (SD = 4.4) and using a cell phone for the same amount
of time (7.7 years, SD = 4.3); thus it appears that using and
owning occurred simultaneously.
Slightly less than half of respondents reported that they
owned a desktop computer (49.5%). Only 27% reported owning
a laptop. Therefore, between 60% and 70% of the respondents
owned one or the other, or both. On average, respondents had
owned a computer for slightly over 7 years (SD = 4.1); the
range
was between 0 (did not own) and 22 years. For those who did
own a computer, approximately 25% owned it for 10 years or

29. more.
Respondents reported that on average they used a computer
for 7.2 years (SD = 4.8). This is about the same amount of
time as they reported owning one. It appears that for these
respondents, buying (or receiving) a computer was the start
of their usage experience. Not many respondents (only 8%)
reported using a computer prior to owning one. This suggests
that computer technology usage has developed slowly and more
recently, perhaps even after retirement (recall that the average
age was just over 70), among Chinese retirees. It may also sug-
gest that, in China, the workplace was not likely where most
seniors developed computer skills; thus they learned because
they wanted to, not because they had to for work.
Direct usage was measured two ways—frequency and dura-
tion, for both cell phone usage and computer usage. Some 88%
reported that they used their cell phones from several times a
week to several times a day. Specifically, 38% reported sev-
eral times a day, 12% reported once per day, and another 38%
reported several times a week. Only 12% reported using their
phone once a week or less. Despite this frequency of use, how-
ever, these respondents did not use cell phones for very long.
A sizable 77% reported that they used their phone less than half
136 A. N. CHEN ET AL.
TABLE 1
Computers and Cell Phones Usage in Frequency and Duration
Frequency Duration (Per Day)
Computers Cell Phones Computers Cell Phones

30. Never 26% 3% Never 26% 4%
Less than once a month 5% 1% 0.5 hr 25% 77%
Once a month 1% 1% 0.5–1 hr 14% 9%
Once a week 5% 7% 1–1.5 hr 8% 4%
Few times a week 30% 38% 1.5– 2 hr 12% 5%
Once a day 19% 12% 2–3 hr 8% 1%
Several times a day 14% 38% >3 hr 7% < 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
an hour per day, 9% reported a half hour to an hour per day,
and the rest were scattered. Only one person reported using a
phone more than 3 hr per day. Although we did not capture data
to check, metered service charges might have encouraged users
to economize on cell phone use.
Approximately 26% of respondents reported that they never
use a computer. The highest percentage, however, reported that
they use a computer a few times a week (30%). About 33%
reported that they use computers at least daily (once per day to
several times per day). In terms of duration per day, most do
not use the computer at all or use it less than half an hour per
day (with 51% combined); however, the rest (about 49%) use
it at least a half hour per day. Usage figures are presented in
Table 1.
It is interesting to note that the cell phone is generally used
for a shorter duration than the computer. That may simply
reflect
the nature of use—talk versus perform some task—but as noted
could be the result of metered service in China. Internet access
via a computer is not normally metered in the same way—it
is a fixed charge per amount of data per period, for exam-
ple, month (China Mobile Communications Corporation, 2015;
China Unicom, 2015).
4.2. Reasons and Purposes: Comparison Between

31. Computers/Laptops and Cell Phones
In general, respondents did not use cell phones for a wide
variety of tasks besides talking. On a question in which
respondents could choose multiple reasons for using their cell
phone, 58% of respondents did report using it for texting,
20% of respondents reported using phones for taking pictures,
9% used their phones for social media, and 5% used their
phones for other Internet activity. Fewer than 5% reported
using their cell phone for games, banking, e-mail, or buying
things.
The survey specifically asked about E-commerce, or pur-
chasing items online using a cell phone. Ninety-three percent
reported that they never used a phone to make purchases online,
whereas only 6% reported making one to five purchases online
in the previous year. It seems the majority of the respondents
did
not use phones for much more than texting, talking, and taking
photos. For senior citizens in China, the cell phone is still per-
forming its traditional purpose—interpersonal communications.
Although the survey did not specify the type of cell phone, it
seems likely that most did not have a smartphone. That is what
Zhou et al. (2014) found among a similar sample of Chinese
seniors—most use feature phones and not smartphones. It is
interesting to note that the findings of Zhou et al. (2014) mir-
ror our own also with regard to how Chinese seniors use their
mobile phones; they use them primarily for calling, SMS, and
taking/viewing pictures.
We examined computer-based Internet use. Respondents
who reported never using a computer were excluded (typically
they left this section blank). Questions revolved around general
Internet access and E-commerce: What did users access, and
did they engage in online buying? One question asked respon-

32. dents why they accessed the Internet in the previous year, with
21 choices (respondents could pick as many as applied); see
Table 2. The number one reason for using the Internet was
to track news and current events (22%). Other common rea-
sons included staying in touch with family and friends (18%),
watching television or movies (16%), and playing games (12%).
More uncommon reasons for using the Internet were other
entertainment (8%), investigating health and medical issues
(8%), gathering product information (5%) and keeping up with
stocks/bonds (4%). There was little or no reported Internet
activity for many things, including social media sites, geneal-
ogy searches, or banking. Although the purpose of the two
studies was somewhat different, our findings here were very
similar to the findings of Wang et al. (2011) with regard to
the things seniors do or not do on the Internet and their rela-
tive importance. For instance, they found that seniors use the
Internet for keeping up with the news, playing games, research-
ing products, communicating with others, researching various
topics, and more. Study findings are not directly comparable
because of differences in questions posed, but they are more
SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA
137
TABLE 2
Reasons for Using Computers and Cell Phones
Reasons for Using Internet via Computers % Reasons for Using
Cell Phones %
News and current events 22% Texting 58%
Staying touch with family and friends 18% Taking pictures 20%
Watching televisions and movies 16% Social networks 9%
Playing games 12% Other Internet activity 4%

33. Other entertainment 8% Games, banking, e-mail, or buying 5%
Investigating health and medical
information
8% things
Gathering product information 5%
Keep up with stocks/bonds 4%
TABLE 3
Internet Purchasing and Research Behavior
Purchasing Research
Clothing or apparel 31% Clothing and apparel 22%
Hobby-related items 25% Travel 12%
Electronics 7% Medical items 10%
Travel (air/hotel) 5% Books 8%
Groceries 4% Drugs 7%
Medical items 4% Groceries 6%
similar than different with regard to Chinese senior Internet use.
Of interest, E-commerce activities were not common among
their subjects or ours, and the use of social networking was
almost nonexistent.
In terms of e-commerce, a full 84% of respondents reported
they bought nothing online using a computer in the past year.
Of the remaining 16% (who did buy online), most made
between one and five purchases (88%), whereas 12% reported
making between six and 10 purchases online. No respondent
reported purchasing more than 10 items online. For those who
bought online, the two most common types of purchases were
clothing or apparel, encompassing 31% of all items purchased
online, and hobby-related items, which accounted for another
25% of the total reported purchases (Table 3). Other items made

34. small contributions to the total, including electronics (7%),
travel (such as air/hotel—5%), groceries and medical items (4%
each), and music purchases (3%).
Despite the majority not actually buying online, many used
the Internet to research products. The most researched item was
clothing and apparel, comprising 22% of all reported searches.
Travel packages (airlines or hotel or similar) were second at
12%, and medical care research was third at 10%. Other items
researched, accounting for between 5% and 8% of the total,
included books, drugs, groceries, jobs, and electronics.
4.3. Beliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and
Computers/Laptops
In addition to usage behavior and functions, we also exam-
ined beliefs and attitudes toward both cell phone and computer
technology, including self-efficacy, comfort, affect, anxiety,
and
satisfaction. We believe this to be a unique contribution of
our study—examination of attitudes and behaviors toward tech-
nology, which can influence adoption and use (Ajzen, 1991;
Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Furthermore, they can be a conse-
quence of use and impact future adoption and use. Whereas
comfort and satisfaction were measured with single items, the
other three included three to four items. A factor analysis was
conducted of the multi-item constructs, with each item load-
ing on its appropriate construct. In addition, reliability was
examined using Cronbach’s alpha; each construct exhibited sat-
isfactory internal reliability. Internal reliability and correlations
are provided in Table 4; means, standard deviations, and com-
parisons between computer and cell phone beliefs/attitudes are
provided in Table 5.
We captured cell phone self-efficacy from respondents, using
a scale that ranged from 0 (no confidence in cell phone abil-

35. ity) to 10 (totally confident). In this study, respondents aver-
aged 5.48, indicating that they felt reasonably confident in
their phone skill level (slightly above the center anchor of 5).
138 A. N. CHEN ET AL.
TABLE 4
Alpha Statistics and Correlations of Beliefs and Attitudes
No. of
Items α 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Computer
self-efficacy
3 .980 1.0
2. Cell self-efficacy 3 .975 .82∗ ∗ 1.0
3. Computer
comfort
1 n/a .29∗ ∗ .10 1.0
4. Cell comfort 1 n/a .38∗ ∗ −.02 .56∗ ∗ 1.0
5. Computer
anxiety
3 .967 −.35∗ ∗ −.20 −.62∗ ∗ −.60∗ ∗ 1.0
6. Cell anxiety 3 .954 −.09 .22∗ ∗ −.17 −.44∗ ∗ .55∗ ∗ 1.0
7. Computer affect 4 .967 .60∗ ∗ .50∗ ∗ .25∗ ∗ .19 −.07 .18 1.0
8. Cell affect 4 .868 .69∗ ∗ .81∗ ∗ .11 .11 −.15 .28∗ ∗ .75∗ ∗
1.0
9. Computer

36. satisfaction
1 n/a .32∗ ∗ .18∗ .76∗ ∗ .38∗ ∗ −.57∗ ∗ −.19∗ .18 .09 1.0
10. Cell satisfaction 1 n/a .29∗ ∗ .08 .41∗ ∗ .60∗ ∗ −.45∗ ∗
−.33∗ ∗ .18 .16∗ .50∗ ∗
∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01.
TABLE 5
Descriptive Statistics and Comparisons Between Computers and
Cell Phones
Comparison
Computers M (SD) Cell Phones M t p
Beliefs
Self-efficacy 5.04 (3.47) 5.48 (3.49) 2.11 < .05
Comfort 4.85 (2.25) 5.79 (1.80) 6.22 < .01
Attitudes
Satisfaction 4.14 (1.63) 4.38 (1.14) 1.92 < .10
Anxiety 2.03 (1.74) 1.91 (1.62) .74 ns
Affect 3.92 (2.15) 4.00 (2.15) .46 ns
Comfort with cell phones was examined, measured on a scale
of 1 to 7, with 7 being very comfortable. For comfort, respon-
dents averaged 5.79, indicating they also felt very comfortable
using cell phones.
We examined three attitudes—anxiety, positive affect, and
satisfaction with cell phone skills. Anxiety was measured on a
scale of 1 to 7, with 1 indicating low phone anxiety and 7 indi-
cating high anxiety. Respondents averaged 1.91, which suggests
that they were not very anxious about using cell phones. For
affect, also measured on a scale of 1 to 7 (with 7 indicating a

37. great liking for cell phones), respondents scored 4.00,
indicating
that they had above the median (of 3.5) liking for cell phones.
In this study, satisfaction was measured on a scale ranging from
1 (very dissatisfied) to 7 (very satisfied). Respondents averaged
4.38, again above the median of 3.5.
As with cell phones, beliefs and attitudes concerning com-
puters were examined. Computer self-efficacy, comfort, anxiety,
affect, and satisfaction were included. The computer self-
efficacy mean was 5.04, which placed this group in the middle
of the scale (moderately confident). The comfort mean was
4.85, indicating a moderate amount of comfort with comput-
ers. For computer anxiety, measured on a 1–7 scale, respondents
averaged 2.03, which suggests that respondents were not partic-
ularly anxious about computing (1 is low anxiety). For computer
affect, also measured on a 1–7 scale, respondents averaged 3.92,
indicating a relatively high affect level—they more generally
liked computers.
Overall, the results are rather interesting; despite relatively
low usage, respondents displayed mostly positive beliefs and
attitudes toward cell phones and computers. They were com-
fortable with both computers and cell phones, were mostly
satisfied with their skills, had moderate self-efficacy, had rel-
atively low anxiety, and had above-average affect or liking of
the two technologies.
SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA
139
This study compared beliefs and attitudes for the two
domains of cell phones and computers. For all five beliefs

38. and attitudes, respondents reported higher self-efficacy, com-
fort, satisfaction and affect, and lower anxiety for cell phones,
but the difference between the two technologies was generally
not significant (see Table 5). In fact, the difference was signifi-
cant (at the .05 level) only for the two beliefs of self-efficacy
and
comfort. Respondents reported significantly higher self-efficacy
and comfort for cell phones than for computers. One possible
reason is that most of the Chinese seniors studied may have
used regular cell phones rather than smartphones. A regular cell
phone is considerably less complicated than a smartphone or
a computer. The differences in attitudes between cell phones
and computers, however, were not significant. Respondents had
nonsignificant differences between computers and cell phones
for liking (affect), anxiety, and satisfaction (note that the differ-
ence in satisfaction might be considered marginally significant:
p < .10).
5. DISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR
FUTURE RESEARCH
5.1. Discussion
Overall, our findings indicate that most of the Chinese
seniors in this study owned, liked, and were comfortable with
computers and mobile phones but that they are for the most part
light users of both. Particularly relevant findings are summa-
rized next.
Chinese retirees use IT. There is compelling evidence that
this population is not averse to using IT. Almost all reported
owning and using a cell phone (96%); an additional 60% to
70% owned and used a personal computer, findings similar
to those of Wang et al. (2011), who studied a similar group
of Chinese seniors (similar age distribution and above-average
education and affluence). The evidence suggests that the major-

39. ity of respondents have not only been exposed to IT but also
participated in its use. Cell phone use far exceeded computer
use. Cell phone ubiquity is probably not surprising; this is a
global phenomenon. For phones, although frequency is rela-
tively high (88% reported using it at least a few times a week),
duration of use is relatively low. Some 77% reported using it
less than 30 min per day. Only 25% use it for at least 30 min a
day. The data suggest that Chinese seniors own technology but
are relatively light users.
Variety is not a common characteristic. When they did use
technology, most respondents displayed little variety in its use,
similar to the findings of Guo (2012). Besides talking, seniors
used their cell phones primarily for texting (58%) and taking
pictures (20%), with the next highest percentage (9%) for social
networking. Less than 5% used their phone for other Internet-
related uses like games, e-mail, paying bills, or banking. These
Chinese seniors used a computer for a wider variety of applica-
tions than they did their cell phones, most involving the
Internet,
with 22% reporting that they used their computer to keep up
with news, 18% to stay in touch with family and friends, 16%
to watch TV or movies, and 12% to play games. Although the
variety of applications is greater for computers, the percentages
are still rather low. For these Chinese seniors, there is relatively
little application variety.
Social networking and e-commerce are rare. Chinese
seniors use technology very little for social networking
(Facebook is currently blocked in China) and e-commerce (or
mobile-commerce). In fact, the numbers for each are simi-
lar. Further, when asked if they intended to buy online in the
future, they responded strongly that it was unlikely. Only 16%
of seniors use computers to buy online. Among this small pro-
portion of e-commerce users, it was found that they were more

40. likely to purchase clothing, hobby-related goods, travel, and
medical products. E-commerce was still relatively rare at the
time we conducted the survey. This may suggests a significant
area of opportunity for Chinese businesses.
Attitudes and beliefs toward technology are surprisingly pos-
itive. Given the lack of variety and the relatively low number
of years of technology use, Chinese senior attitudes and beliefs
were surprisingly robust for both cell phones and computers.
The studied seniors generally felt comfortable with and com-
petent with both computers and cell phones, and they generally
liked and were satisfied with both. Cell phones fared better on
almost all measures, but not by significant margins. This may
be
because cell phones are generally easier to use than computers,
particularly if they are simply feature phones (not smartphones),
which we think may be the case for cell phones owned by these
seniors based on what they did with them. This study found that
respondents have a positive belief in their own perceived skills,
which is a motivator to learn and use technology. For comfort,
satisfaction, affect, and anxiety, scores were above the midpoint
(or below in the case of anxiety), suggesting that users had
positive beliefs and attitudes concerning the two technologies.
What is the state of senior IT use and adoption in China?.
We examined IT usage behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes among
Chinese seniors to establish baseline measures of their use
and acceptance of IT. The findings of this study, consid-
ered in conjunction with other recent studies of the broader
Chinese population (Guo, 2012; Liu & Zheng, 2011; Microsoft
Corporation, 2014), do seem to suggest a digital divide between
Chinese seniors and other segments of the population—a gray
divide. However, given the significant numbers of the stud-
ied Chinese urban seniors owning and using cell phones and
computers (96% and about 65%, respectively), and similar num-
bers reported by Wang et al. (2011), this divide may not be as

41. sharp as perhaps expected given previous studies, at least not
among all Chinese seniors; recall that these two studies focused
on more educated and affluent Chinese seniors than average.
Still, the quantity and quality of such usage lags behind usage
reported for other Chinese age groups (Microsoft Corporation,
2014); Chinese retirees use phones infrequently, generally for
a short duration, and task variety is low. Similar patterns were
observed in their computer use.
140 A. N. CHEN ET AL.
There are some other positive findings, however, among this
sample of seniors. In general, their belief in their ability to
learn
and use technology is above average, which is a powerful moti-
vating factor in changing actual technology behaviors (Bandura,
1997). They are fairly comfortable with technology and
satisfied
with its potential, also important indicators of future potential.
In addition, their attitudes remain positive with high liking of
technology and low anxiety levels about using technology, espe-
cially cell phone technology. These factors make catching up to
the rest of their countrymen and other seniors worldwide a real
possibility in the future, at least for urban Chinese seniors like
those studied herein.
5.2. Limitations of This Study
There were some obvious limitations to this study. The
biggest limitation is generalizability; the population and diver-
sity of China’s retirees is vast, and making comparisons
between this study population and other groups of retirees is
almost impossible. We sampled only two cities; according to
the Chinese census and related studies, there are significant dif-

42. ferences among socioeconomic factors between coastal areas
and the interior of mainland China (Zhang, 2007). There is
a documented digital divide between rural and urban China
(China Digital Divide Team, 2013), suggesting that rural
seniors
may exhibit different technology behaviors; this study did not
examine rural seniors.
In addition, the sample was drawn from retirement apart-
ments that housed mostly government and professional retirees.
Government retirees tend to be financially better off than many
Chinese seniors who may or may not be better educated and
have good pensions. It is noteworthy, however, that our find-
ings are generally consistent with the Chinese government DDI
report (China Digital Divide Team, 2013) and other large-scale
survey research (Liu & Zheng, 2011) in showing that seniors
are relatively light users of IT. Clearly, generalizability to other
seniors in China must be approached with caution.
Another limitation is that all data were self-reported.
Although some data must be self-reported (e.g., attitudes and
perceptions), other data are more meaningful if gathered objec-
tively, like usage statistics from mobile service providers and
hard sales data for online purchases. Finally, we gathered data
only from seniors and so did not directly compare this group
with the more general population in China. Therefore, evidence
of a gray divide comes only from comparing the respondents
in this study to groups from the general population in other
citations and references.
5.3. Directions for Future Research
Our sample of Chinese seniors exhibited relatively light
IT use, like seniors in other countries (Bernadas et al., 2012;
Fernández-Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2011; McMurtrey et al., 2013;
Neves & Amaro, 2012). Respondents in this study do not use

43. technology for very long and do not use it for a wide variety
of tasks. Noteworthy for business organizations is that seniors
are generally not buying online. Given that this population con-
sisted of relatively well-off retirees (at least compared to rural
seniors), the actual magnitude of any gray divide may be under-
stated in this study. Despite these findings, however, there is
much that is positive about seniors’ interactions with technol-
ogy. For the most part, respondents owned cell phones and
computers and used them, even if not for long periods. They had
positive beliefs about technology, including their self-perceived
ability to use the technology (self-efficacy), and were comfort-
able using it. Such beliefs can be motivators for learning and
using technology in the future. They also had positive attitudes
toward technology, including a positive liking (affect), satisfac-
tion with technology, and low anxiety about using it. Like the
beliefs of self-efficacy and comfort, attitudes serve as
predictors
of future adoption and use. The findings of this study, therefore,
reveal that these Chinese seniors have not really embraced IT
but that they seem open to the possibilities.
Further research is needed. Seniors from other areas within
China’s sprawling population should be studied. Because other
researchers, such as Wang et al. (2011) and Zhou et al. (2012),
studied groups similar to our own sample (more educated and
affluent than average), it may highlight the difficulty of study-
ing a cross-section of all Chinese seniors. Those living in rural
areas, and there are many, would seem to be particularly dif-
ficult to include in studies such as our own. There likely are
significant differences among divisions of Chinese senior popu-
lations based on geography, community size, education level,
and socioeconomic status. Although it may be impossible to
fully map this population, other studies could help triangulate
the status of technology adoption and use by seniors in China.

44. This study examined adoption and use of two relatively
broad categories of IT, cell phones, and computers. Other
studies could further segment IT to conduct a more detailed
analysis of IT adoption and use. For example, cell phones
could be divided into smartphones and feature phones (plain
cell phones), and those with and those without a data services.
Likewise, computers include now more categories than just
laptops and desktops.
The basis for charges for mobile device airtime and data, as
well as Internet access, should be examined in addition to the
magnitude of said charges. Although studies based on the tech-
nology acceptance model, or variations of the technology accep-
tance model such as the senior technology acceptance model,
address many factors that influence technology acceptance, and
they have proven useful, they do not generally address eco-
nomic factors that likely influence adoption and use, such as
the cost of products and services. That is because the technol-
ogy acceptance model was originally developed for application
in work settings—acceptance of technology in the workplace.
Economic realities often outweigh people’s wants, particularly
when they live on fixed incomes as do many seniors, and every
choice means giving up something else. For seniors, that which
is forgone could be something like needed medication, or food,
SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA
141
which translate into high opportunity costs. Yang (2013) found
that costs inhibited phone app adoption among young American
college students, even though attitude and intent may have
been favorable toward adoption. Seniors, like those college stu-
dents, often have limited budgets, so it is reasonable that the
costs associated with acquiring and using information technol-

45. ogy would influence senior adoption and use. Future studies
should incorporate economic influences on choice with ques-
tions that adequately address all relevant costs. Furthermore,
usability, usefulness, branding, regulation, and service avail-
ability will likely influence adoption and use and should be
studied.
China has established itself as a key player in the global
economy, and technology remains one of the decisive elements
in economic growth. China is changing rapidly, socially, cul-
turally, and economically. China is home to the world’s largest
population of seniors, so it is important to understand their
tech-
nology behaviors. It is important because technology has the
capability to improve and enhance living conditions, and this
large senior population has the potential to be a force in the
marketplace. We believe it is important to examine the use of
information technology by seniors and to monitor and reduce
any gray divide. As populations grow older, we should study
and develop creative ways to use IT to improve the quality of
life for seniors and develop relevant policies, programs, and
support systems to help them. We believe research focusing
on the patterns of IT usage among senior citizens is valuable
research.
ORCID
Alexander N. Chen http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3619-
6677
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Alexander N. Chen (PhD, Penn State University) is a professor
of Management at the University of Central Arkansas. He has
previously taught at Penn State Altoona, University of North
Carolina at Pembroke, and Macau University of Science and
Technology. He published in the areas of end users satisfaction,
international business, and human resources.

56. James P. Downey (PhD, Auburn University) is an associate
professor and Chair of the MIS Department at the University of
Central Arkansas. He spent 25 years as a naval officer, includ-
ing a tour at the U.S. Naval Academy. He has presented his
research at international conferences and is published in many
journals.
Ronald E. McGaughey (PhD, Auburn University) is the
Acxiom Professor of MIS at the University of Central Arkansas.
His research appears in many journals, including the European
Journal of Operational Research, and he serves on numerous
editorial boards. He has management experience in the textile,
construction, and logging industries.
Kan Jin graduated from the University of Central Arkansas
MBA program in July 2013. He was a research assistant for
A. Chen. Currently he works for the Academic Affairs Office
of Zhejiang Radio and TV University, Hangzhou, Zhejiang
Province, People’s Republic of China.
http://ci-journal.net/index.php/ciej/article/view/800/904
http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/2013/Nov/The-State-
of-Digital-Divides.aspx
http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/2013/Nov/The-State-
of-Digital-Divides.aspx
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ABSTRACT1. INTRODUCTION2.

57. BACKGROUNDBACKGROUND[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=an
chor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00023.
METHODOLOGYMETHODOLOGY[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype
=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00034.
RESULTSRESULTS[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/
XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00044.1. Usage Comparison Between
Cell Phones and Computers/LaptopsUsage Comparison Between
Cell Phones and
Computers/Laptops[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/X
YZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20014.2. Reasons and Purposes:
Comparison Between Computers/Laptops and Cell
PhonesReasons and Purposes: Comparison Between
Computers/Laptops and Cell
Phones[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ
H.V,DestAnchor=S20024.3. Beliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell
Phones and Computers/LaptopsBeliefs and Attitudes Toward
Cell Phones and
Computers/Laptops[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/X
YZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20035. DISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS,
AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCHDISCUSSION,
LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE
RESEARCH[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ
H.V,DestAnchor=S00055.1.
DiscussionDiscussion[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=
/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20045.2. Limitations of This
StudyLimitations of This
Study[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ
H.V,DestAnchor=S20055.3. Directions for Future
ResearchDirections for Future
Research[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ
H.V,DestAnchor=S2006ORCIDORCID[]pdfmark=/DEST,linkty
pe=anchor,View=/XYZ
H.V,DestAnchor=S0006REFERENCESABOUT THE AUTHORS
Intercultural Interview
(75points)

58. For this paper, you will be interviewing someone who you feel
is culturally different from you. When choosing which
culture/cultural differences to focus on, you should look at the
various ways people construct their identities that are
influenced by society and culture (see Chapter Four-Identity
and Intercultural Communication).
In your analysis, you should focus on these areas:
• First, how does this person feel their self-
concept/identity was developed on a more personal level (i.e.
the beginning of Ch. 4)? How did reflected appraisal,
significant others, and/or social comparison influence their self-
concept/identity?
• Second, how has their self-concept/identity been
influenced by societal and/or cultural influences (the second
part of Ch. 4)? Which of the identities we discussed do they
feel they relate to the most? Why? Be specific/give examples.
(Identities to consider: Gender, Sexual, Age, Racial/Ethnic,
Physical Ability, Religious, Class, National, Regional. You are
also welcome to discuss the ideas of minority/majority identity
development, multiracial identity, global nomads and my
“other” category in helping you to explain their point of view.)
• Finally, how does this affect their worldview and/or
communication with others? (Think back to how you answered
this on your “Who Do You Think You Are?” paper to aid you in
asking them about THEIR worldview and/or communication
with others.)
Be sure to make a clear link between what we have learned from
class and how it relates to your analysis, using terms and
concepts from the text, class lecture and class discussions.
Each paper should have an appropriate introductory paragraph
with a central idea expressed. The paper should also have an

59. appropriate conclusion that sums up the paper. Finally, the
paper should be free of errors, use correct grammar and spelling
and be college level quality.
Format: The paper should be a full 4-5 pages (1000-1250
words) (no shorter than 4 full pages/1000 words), double-
spaced, 12-point font (Times New Roman, Cambria, Book
Antiqua, Arial, or Calibri), and 1-inch margins, please. I do not
need a cover page. If your only references are the book, I do
not need a reference page. If you do use other sources, you
should use APA format when citing in the text of the paper and
on a reference page. Sloppy proofreading can cause you to
receive a lower grade.
Paper #2 Intercultural Interview
(75 points)
_______ 1. The paper is double-spaced, 12-point font (Times
New Roman, Cambria, Book Antiqua, Arial, or Calibri),
and 1-inch margins. (5 points)
_______ 2. Punctuation, grammar and spelling are correct and
reflect college-level writing skills.
(5 points)

60. _______ 3. The paper should be a full 4-5 pages (1000-1250
words) (no shorter than 4 full pages/1000 words), not
including the reference page (if sources other than the
book were used). (5 points)
_______ 4. Quoted and/or paraphrased material is cited in APA
format both in the text of the paper and on the
Reference List (if applicable). (5 points)
_______ 5. The paper contains a clear introduction (that
previews what will be covered in the paper), a
body that addresses the topic of the paper, and a conclusion that
clearly summarizes the paper. (11 points)
_______ 6. The paper is easy to follow, flows well and the
ideas/assertions are discernible and tie together. The
reader does not have to work to figure out the point of the paper
or what the writer is trying to communicate. (14 points)
_______ 7. The paper includes and elaborates on the concepts
discussed in the textbook as it relates to the identity,
worldview and communication behavior of the interviewee.
Personal examples from the interviewee are elaborated on
and there is a clear link to the concepts and terms we
have discussed in class.(15 points)

61. _______ 8. The concepts are defined correctly and used
correctly in the context of the paper,
exemplifying the student’s understanding of the
coursework and how it applies to other contexts (i.e.
what we’ve talked about throughout the chapter(s) can be
applied to this and other everyday situations). (15
points)
___________/75