14Gender and SexualitySeverin SchweigerCulturaGetty Imag.docx

14Gender and Sexuality
Severin Schweiger/Cultura/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Outline the biological, social, and cognitive explanations for
the emergence of gender identity.
ሁ Form evidence-based arguments on gender differences in
development.
ሁ Summarize the developmental imperative of physical activity
for boys and girls during childhood.
ሁ Compare and contrast school achievement and learning
between boys and girls.
ሁ Describe differences and similarities among heterosexual
girls, heterosexual boys, and LGBT
adolescents with regard to romantic relationships and identity
formation.
ሁ Discuss the psychological effects of puberty.
ሁ Evaluate ethnic and national differences in sexual activity
among adolescents; explain the
consequences of teenage pregnancy.
ሁ Identify different health outcomes of sex during adolescence,
including categorizing STIs and the
effects of HIV among infected children worldwide.

Section 14.1The Development of Gender
Prologue
Recent stories have led to renewed discussion about sex and
gender in society. Sasha Lax-
ton from Great Britain; Storm Stocker from Toronto, Canada;
and Pop from Sweden have all
made headlines as their parents were determined to raise them
without regard to gender. The
children’s rooms were painted in neutral colors; hairstyles,
Halloween costumes, and cloth-
ing were chosen without perceived regard for gender standards;
exposure to toys and other
activities were not limited by what was considered “normal” for
a boy or a girl.
As a result, there has been considerable debate among parents,
academics, and the media
about the potential detriment—and benefit—if children are not
aware of how they are “sup-
posed” to behave. However, these families are also quite outside
the mainstream. It takes
tremendous effort to rid a child of messages related to gender,
including limiting exposure
to media, avoiding certain store shelves, and restricting access
to preschool and other social
activities.
For most children, though, sex and gender are inescapably
connected. It is extremely rare for
a child to be born with undifferentiated sex organs. Even so,
those children still generally have
either XX or XY genes. Biological sex is therefore not
particularly variable. By contrast, regard-
less of biological sex, gender is much more continuous. Some

children are drawn quite strongly
to the behaviors and activities of one gender over another,
whereas other children engage
freely in more varied activities. This module explores these
issues, as well as concerns related
to adolescent sex and romantic relationships and their
developmental consequences.
14.1 The Development of Gender
Recall the many different factors involved in the development
of the self and the formation
of gender identity (see Module 12). Gender is a key component
in the development of the
self. In psychology, gender refers to the meanings societies and
individuals give to female
and male characteristics, unlike sex, which is biological. How
much of gender is dependent on
Courtesy of Ron Mossler (left); Courtesy of Mary Jaworski
(right)
ሁ These two siblings, the author’s children, wear different
clothes, style their hair differently, and
act according to implied “rules” of behavior, which are quite
strong. How do we come to accept
rules for gender? As children carve a gender identity, is it a
natural part of development, or is it
institutionalized by parents and society? This module begins to
explore these questions.
biological sex is a matter of great debate. Although
overwhelming neuroscientific evidence

indicates that males and females are born different,
reinforcement of gender through social-
ization is robust and begins early. During childhood, messages
from parents, media, school,
and peers strongly shape ideas about gender-specific behavior.
The way people define their own gender has a great deal to do
with gender roles. We con-
struct these roles based on sociocultural norms of what is
considered acceptable sex-typed
behavior. Individual experiences and societal expectations play
strong roles in their develop-
ment. For instance, boys and girls are socialized to dress in a
particular manner, play with
certain kinds of toys, and assist in specific kinds of chores.
Culture is closely tied to this pro-
cess as well. Some cultures emphasize one role or activity over
another. For example, in some
parts of Asia, it is not unusual for boys and men to wear a kind
of skirt that would be unusual
in Europe or North America. These factors and more contribute
to how gender is constructed.
Biological Influences
Few areas in social and developmental psychology provoke as
much controversy as the rela-
tive influences of nature and nurture on gender identity. Like so
many developmental areas,
evidence is clear that the foundation for gender is at first
biologically and genetically driven.
Notably, male brains are significantly larger than female brains;
however, it is unclear what
types of advantages, if any, exist (Ruigrok et al., 2014).
Specific anatomical brain differences
suggest that sex influences development and behavior (Cahill,
2005). Just like bats have rela-

tively large brain centers devoted to hearing, rats rely on smell
and have relatively large olfac-
tory centers, and humans rely on sight and have a sophisticated
visual cortex, specific differ-
ences in areas of the human brain may reflect relative strengths.
In females, the limbic system
is larger and parts of the frontal cortex related to decision
making are denser. It is well estab-
lished that, in males, the amygdala—involved in the fight-or-
flight response and other emo-
tionally laden stimuli—is larger (Goldstein, Kennedy, &
Caviness, 1999; Ruigrok et al., 2014).
It is possible that the disparities may reflect differences in
emotionality and different
responses to stress. It has therefore been suggested that the
multitude of biological differ-
ences between the sexes “pervade all clinical experience”
(Federman, 2006, p. 1514). Never-
theless, any small anatomical differences cannot account for the
multitude of gender differ-
ences we see in society.
Perhaps the strongest evidence for a bio-
logical influence on gender development is
the finding that androgens, the hormones
responsible for male growth and develop-
ment, have a significant effect on gender-
typed behaviors. Girls who are exposed
prenatally to higher concentrations of
androgens are more likely to later engage in
male-type play behaviors, compared to their
sisters who had less exposure. In general,
higher levels of androgens are associated
with more active, rougher play. Conversely,
males who are exposed to higher than nor-
mal levels of the female hormone estrogen

are more likely to display relatively high
levels of stereotypically female behaviors
Romrodinka/iStock/Thinkstock
ሁ The development of gender identity begins
early.
(Hines, 2013; Karaismailoğlu & Erdem, 2013). In fact, early
exposure to male hormones has
been linked to male-typical behavior across the animal
kingdom. Researchers have discovered
that sex-based hormonal influences contribute to changes in
brain structure, gene expression,
and, ultimately, behavior throughout the animal kingdom
(Arnold, 2009; Hines, 2011).
Additional evidence indicates that hormones contribute to
differences in cognitive process-
ing, including the ways in which we interpret emotions (Little,
2013). Furthermore, areas of
the brain that are linked to activity, emotion, and self-regulation
appear different in male and
female brains, beginning at birth. Because these traits are
observable early, it is thought that
the distinctions in brain organization contribute to broad-based
sex differences in infant tem-
perament (Baron-Cohen, 2003; Eagly & Wood, 2013; Hines,
2005; Karaismailoğlu & Erdem,
2013). In turn, these differences are likely responsible for the
finding that the average male
infant is more active and fussier than the average female.

Nevertheless, variability within each
sex is much greater than the differences between them.
F o c u s o n B e h a v i o r : W i t h i n - G r o u p v e r s u s
B e t w e e n - G r o u p D i f f e r e n c e s
It is essential to understand what is meant by within-group
differences as opposed to
between-group (sometimes referred to as across-group)
differences. Figure 14.1 expresses
the hypothetical distribution of height for 14-year-old boys and
girls. At this age, on aver-
age, boys are taller than girls by approximately 1.5 inches (3.8
cm). Typical girls can be
anywhere from 60 to 68 inches tall (152–173 cm); typical boys
range from 60.5 to 69
inches tall (154–175 cm). Therefore, the average difference
between boys and girls of 1.5
inches is relatively small, whereas the range of heights within
the group of all girls (Figure
14.1a) and the range of heights within the group of all boys
(Figure 14.1b) is relatively
large. The difference between boys and girls is still significant
but not nearly as dramatic
as the differences within each group. The effect size refers to
the magnitude of the differ-
ence (Figure 14.1c). When the difference between groups is
small, there is considerable
overlap and the effect size is small; when the difference
between groups is large, there is
little overlap and the effect size is large. These distinctions are
especially important when
investigating developmental differences between boys and girls.
Figure 14.1: Within-group versus between-group differences
ሁ Between-group sex differences are not nearly as strong as
within-group differences.

f14.01_PSY104.ai
Inches 63 Inches 64.5
Average height of
14-year-old girls
Average height of
14-year-old boys
Within group differences
for girls
Within group differences
for boys
Difference between
groups
Others suggest that physical differences alone account for
distinctions in personality and
social behavior. Males are stronger, and therefore they play
more physically. Traditionally,
women have done much of the caring, feeding, and nurturing, so
they would also engage in
those activities through play and work. This biosocial
perspective presumes that an interac-
tion exists between sex and gender identity development, but it
also acknowledges that we
are not destined to be limited by it (Eagly & Wood, 2013;
Fisher, 2006). In modern society,

there is more flexibility. For instance, neither physical strength
nor nurturance is necessar-
ily required to become a successful engineer, artist, or
accountant. Men and women are not
limited to pursuing activities and careers according to their
physical types. Although we can
identify at birth whether a brain belongs to a male or a female,
all brains include a constella-
tion of features that are heterogeneous, plastic, and constantly
developing; brains cannot be
aligned along a male-female continuum (Joel, 2011).
Evolutionary Influences
Some observers approach the biological contributions to gender
from an evolutionary per-
spective. Brains may have evolved differently due to a
developmental advantage. For instance,
males may show masculine qualities because our male ancestors
needed to protect their
families from harm. Females may be attracted to males’ activity
and perceived strength in
leadership. Similarly, it is argued that women propagate the
species by showing nurturance,
which begins with gentler childhood play (Murray & Murray,
2011). Through natural selec-
tion, separate masculine and feminine traits became more
valuable to the species.
Now, instead of genes being expressed strictly for the purpose
of survival, perhaps they con-
tribute to differences in activity levels and social preferences.
For instance, on average, boys
prefer more action toys and rougher activities. In contrast, girls
engage in more role-playing
and quieter activities. These preferences begin in early infancy
and exist across cultures (Aydt

& Corsaro, 2003; Braza et al., 2012; Campbell, Shirley, &
Candy, 2004). Evolution suggests
they may have been at least partially due to natural selection.
Social Influences and Reinforcement
According to the biosocial perspective, each individual has a
broad range of potential out-
comes based on life experiences. For instance, sex differences
in temperament have been
observed to affect how adults respond to infant behavior.
Psychosocial factors operate in a
variety of ways to turn boys and girls into masculine and
feminine adults, depending on atti-
tudes and culture. Beginning at an early age and continuing
throughout adolescence, when
boys and girls do not behave in ways that are representative of
their sex, they are often
rejected or rebuked, and laws of reinforcement and punishment
operate to shape gender
identity. These mechanisms operate across cultures and
nationalities (Ruble, Martin, & Beren-
baum, 2006).
Furthermore, the principal mechanism behind social learn-
ing theory is the role of imitation. For instance, fathers and
mothers model different types of behaviors. Fathers more
typically engage in rough-and-tumble play and mothers
tend to participate in more nurturing, softer kinds of activ-
ities. According to social learning theory, these behaviors
either mimic or prescribe the same tendencies in young
children. Regardless, the behaviors are reinforced. Even
among children exposed to the “wrong” hormones, as
Critical Thinking
If the type of parent dyad (lesbian, gay, or
heterosexual) indeed has an effect on chil-

dren’s behavior, what does this evidence
tell us about the origins and development of
gender-related behaviors?
discussed earlier, there is evidence that parents reinforce
atypical sex play. That is, girls who
were exposed to (male) androgens have been found to engage in
more boy- typical play and
are reinforced for doing so (Wong, Pasterski, Hindmarsh,
Geffner, & Hines, 2013).
Although boys as young as 9 months old spend more time
engaged with traditional boys’ toys
than with those labeled appropriate for girls—implying a
biological beginning for gender—
boys and girls are typically offered different kinds of toys and
levels of stimulation—pointing
to the importance of learning factors (Laflamme, Pomerleaui, &
Malcuit, 2002). Girls more
than boys are reinforced for engaging in gender-specific
behavior like dress-up. And when
girls play more actively, they are met with more disapproval
than are boys (Campbell et al.,
2000; Lytton & Romney, 1991). In a comparison of lesbian,
gay, and heterosexual parents, it
was found that children who have same-gender parents have less
stereotypical behavior. The
children were less inclined to follow typical gender roles. That
is, sons of heterosexual par-
ents demonstrated the most masculine characteristics, followed
by sons of gay fathers; sons
of lesbian mothers showed the least amount of masculinity

(Goldberg, Kashy, & Smith, 2012).
In addition, male and female babies tend to be spoken to and
attended to differently (Clearfield
& Nelson, 2006; Lovas, 2005). In one well-known experiment,
204 adults were shown the
same videotape of an infant. Half of the participants were told
they were witnessing a boy and
half were told it was a girl. When the adult raters assessed the
infant’s emotional responses,
significant differences emerged depending on whether adults
thought the baby was a boy or
a girl. The “boy” was seen as less fearful and experiencing more
pleasure than the “girl.” The
same behavior that was labeled “anger” when the adults thought
they were observing a boy
was more often labeled “fear” when adults thought it was a girl
(Condry & Condry, 1976).
Although subsequent behaviors of the children were not
measured, it is reasonable to assume
that different speech patterns and levels of attentiveness result
in diverse behaviors.
Differences in adults’ responses persist when children enter
school. When there is a potential
classroom conflict, kindergarten teachers are likely to treat girls
in a gentler manner than boys.
From elementary school until the end of high school, boys are
more often called on in class,
even when they do not initiate the interaction (one of the
reasons that some adults advocate
for all-girl schools). Boys are both praised and criticized more,
yet teachers believe they are
teaching from a gender-neutral position (Duffy, Warren, &
Walsh, 2001; Garrahy, 2001; Jones
& Dindia, 2004; Sax, Arms, Woodruff, Riggers, & Eagan,

2011). These different responses affect
self-concept and self-esteem and reinforce how children should
behave. These kinds of norma-
tive messages are also incorporated into moral development, as
examined in Module 12.
Media
The media are often held up as fundamental agents of gender
stereotypes. Although certainly
the demeanor, dress, and behavior of television characters have
changed dramatically over
the past couple of generations, media of all types are
instrumental in prescribing models of
behavior. Regardless of the models that parents project, the
effect of media is inescapable.
From billboards to movies, children are exposed to models that
reinforce gender roles.
Analyses of children’s television programming consistently
finds differences in male and
female characters. Females more often show relational
aggression and are more concerned
about their appearance; males show comparatively more
physical aggression. Male charac-
ters in general, and superheroes in particular, outnumber
females by two to one. This propor-
tion has remained fairly steady for a number of years, despite
more progressive attitudes. In
one newer study, though, researchers concluded that the
portrayals of male and female gen-
der stereotypes in one of the three studied television networks

(Disney Channel) had disap-
peared (Baker & Raney, 2007; Hentges & Case, 2013; Luther &
Legg, 2007).
In other research, exposure to male superheroes was
found to be associated with both boys’ and girls’ use of
weapons during free play. In spite of the increased use of
weapons, superheroes were associated with higher lev-
els of male-stereotyped play behavior among boys, but
not girls. Furthermore, parents were largely unsuccessful
when they attempted to discourage the use of weapons
during play, especially when addressing their daughters
(Coyne, Linder, Rasmussen, Nelson, & Collier, 2014).
As children move into adolescence, there continue to be
strong stereotypes on television. Programs geared specifi-
cally toward emerging adolescents (“tweens”) continue
distinctive and stereotypical portrayals of personality
characteristics, behaviors, and concern for appearance
(Gerding & Signorielli, 2014). As noted in Module 12, early
adolescence is a particularly important stage of identity
development. These stereotypical messages no doubt contribute
to the shaping of identity
(Steensma, Kreukels, de Vries, & Cohen-Kettenis, 2013).
Cognitive Influences
In addition to biology and sociocultural factors, children begin
to construct gender-type in the
same way Piaget would say we construct knowledge about the
physical world. That is, accord-
ing to cognitive theorists, children interpret environmental clues
that teach them how to act.
Gender identity (or a schema for gender) is initially acquired in
the second year (Campbell et
al., 2004). Beginning at this age, children acquire beliefs and
expectations about gender and

are usually able to identify the differences between boys and
girls based on outward appear-
ances. As a result, a gender schema guides the way we view the
world beginning at an early
age. Because of cognitive limitations, however, preoperational
children have rigid ideas about
gender. For instance, a preschooler may think it is inappropriate
or silly for women to wear a
tie simply because “only men do that.”
At around 4 years of age, children acquire gender stability. Now
they understand that boys
become men and girls become women, but only so long as they
act in a particular manner.
If a boy dresses like a girl, he can become a girl. Finally, a year
or two later, children develop
an understanding that gender is permanent. This is called gender
constancy. Depending on
cultural norms, this is the stage at which children may begin to
give up hopes of achieving
success in an area that is usually reserved for a gender other
than the one with which they
identify (Karniol, 2009; Ruble et al., 2007). If children aspire to
behave in a way that is incon-
sistent with gender, self-concept and self-esteem may suffer.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W
Summarize the various factors that inf luence how gender
identity develops.
Critical Thinking
With regard to the Coyne et al. (2014) study
just cited, which conclusion do you think
is more accurate? (1) Boys view programs
with superheroes more frequently than girls
because boys have a stronger innate iden-

tification with the characters or (2) Higher
levels of stereotyped play are the result of
relatively more exposure among boys to
superheroes. That is, do boys watch superhe-
roes because they identify with the masculin-
ity of the characters, or do they first watch
superheroes (perhaps due to encouragement
by peers and family) and then begin to imi-
tate the behavior?
Section 14.2Physical Activity of Boys and Girls in Childhood
14.2 Physical Activity of Boys and Girls in Childhood
One area of great interest in examining gender development is
the nature of activities in
which children engage, especially physical activity. As you
have learned so far, the strength
of a gender type is often measured by how children interact
during play. Of course, general-
izations are not true for all children. Individual and cultural
differences have a role in activ-
ity level, as well. Some parents and cultures are more free-
spirited in allowing children to
play energetically, whereas others are more restrictive. In
general, both boys and girls enjoy
a variety of activities. Once again, greater variation is observed
within groups than between
groups. So the question remains, is there more gender-
stereotyped play because children are
biologically drawn to one type of play, or do they become more
strongly socialized for that
type of play? This section considers more closely what research
tells us about boys and girls
and physical activity.

Early and Middle Childhood
There is evidence that childhood activity levels are associated
with temperament and level of
activity during infancy, suggesting a genetic basis for
differences in motor activity (Allan,
Mikolajewski, Lonigan, Hart, & Taylor, 2013; Strelau &
Zawadzki, 2012; Wood, Saudino, Rog-
ers, Asherson, & Kuntsi, 2007). Early on, comparatively more
boys are interested in move-
ment, manipulation, larger play spaces, and more vigorous play.
When playing with blocks,
boys prefer tall structures that may crash, as opposed to the
lower, more balanced creations
that girls prefer. A number of cross-cultural studies have shown
that physical activity contrib-
utes to an increase in overall attention and greater cognitive
development throughout child-
hood (e.g., Booth et al., 2014; Chen, Fox, Ku, & Taun, 2013;
Sibley & Etnier, 2003).
Preschool children of both sexes simply want to move. It is not
in their nature to sit still for
an extended time, as the preschool years are the most physically
active period in the lifespan.
Regardless of individual differences, parents and early
childhood educators need to provide
generous opportunities for physical activity. Opportunities for
movement contribute to opti-
mal physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development
(Ginsburg et al., 2007; Poest, Williams,
Witt, & Atwood, 1990). Even simple music and movement
programs can have significant posi-
tive effects on the motor ability of preschool children
(Zachopouloua, Tsapakidoub, & Derric,

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ሁ Boys and girls are generally interested in different kinds of
social interaction; they also mature at
different times.
Section 14.2Physical Activity of Boys and Girls in Childhood
2004). A meta-analysis of 44 independent studies concluded
that there is “a significant posi-
tive relationship between physical activity and cognitive
functioning in children,” including
those that are physically or mentally disabled (Sibley & Etnier,
2003, p. 243). So, although
adults may sometimes become frustrated when their very young
children cannot seem to sit
still, not being able to sit still is normal for that age group.
Should a 3 year old be expected to
sit at a table until the family dinner is completed? That
expectation is certainly reasonable,
but not if dinner lasts 2 hours.
By 4 years of age, the majority of children segregate themselves
by sex and style of play. There
are interesting differences in the nature of play at this time, too.
Play is more purposeful for
boys. For instance, when a newcomer enters a playgroup,
personality is less important than
whether or not the boy is useful in play. Girls, by contrast, look
to other girls with curiosity
and friendship. Reflecting this difference, girls remember names
of playmates better than
boys do (Moir & Jessel, 1992; Sumaroka & Bornstein, 2009).

Adolescence
Physical activity tends to decline when children start middle
school (Allison, Adlaf, Dwyer,
Lysy, & Irving, 2007). Although genetic and maturational
variables play a role in this decrease,
there are environmental factors, as well. Parents who engage in
less-active lifestyles, includ-
ing such seemingly harmless activities as driving short
distances instead of walking, model
inactive behaviors for their children. One group of researchers
suggested that only about 20%
of a child’s decline in physical activity can be attributed to
maturational factors; the remain-
der is explained by external causes, including motivation.
Longitudinal studies have shown
that inactive obese adults serve as models and are more likely to
have less active, obese chil-
dren (Ornelas, Perreira, & Ayala, 2007).
As children move on to high school, providing opportunities for
physical activity continues to
reap benefits. Since the passage of Title IX in the United States
in 1972, schools receiving fed-
eral funds for education have been required to provide equal
athletic opportunities for high
school boys and girls (as well as college athletes). In only 6
years after its inception, Title IX
was responsible for more than a sixfold increase in the number
of girls who participated in
high school sports, from 4.5% to 28.6% (Stevenson, 2010). Title
IX accounted for a substan-
tial increase in high school girls continuing their education and
about 40% of the rise in
employment for those women once they graduated college. Girls
who participate in high

school sports have lower pregnancy rates, keep better grades in
school, and have reduced
rates of obesity (Kaestner & Xu, 2010). Long-term effects
include better educational and work
prospects and better overall health.
Participation in sports is consistently associated with
stronger academic performance, as athletes apparently
are better able to manage their study time (Bass, Brown,
Laurson, & Coleman, 2013; Ruiz et al., 2010; Trudeau
& Shephard, 2008). Adolescents who participate in
sports activities tend to watch less television and spend
less time with video games. High school athletics also
appears to increase cognitive control and attention. It is
difficult, however, to know whether athletics is actually a
catalyst that increases performance
Critical Thinking
What do you think accounts for the reduction
in pregnancy rates and better educational and
work prospects among girls who participate in
sports?
Section 14.3Differences in School Achievement and Learning
on cognitive tests. Perhaps athletes as a whole perform better on
cognitive tests or—in con-
trast to the stereotype—are smarter and more attentive than
nonathletes overall.
What are the developmental advantages of physical activity
throughout childhood?

14.3 Differences in School Achievement and Learning
Advances in neuroscience and technology allow us to monitor
brain activity while girls and
boys engage in various tasks. It is not uncommon for
researchers to look at activity while study
participants are reading, writing, performing calculations,
manipulating objects in space, or
following a map. Though often a controversial, unpopular topic,
we find there are measurable
differences in school achievement and learning between girls
and boys. When we compare
differences, we find that girls consistently perform better at
left-brain-dominated language
tasks and boys consistently score better on tests of right-brain-
dominated mathematical rea-
soning and spatial tasks (Guiso, Monte, Sapienza, & Zingales,
2008).
Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) ignited the controversy involving
brain differences when they
wrote, “Female superiority on verbal tasks has been one of the
most solidly established
generalizations of the field of sex differences” (p. 74). The
researchers were also specific in
concluding that there were no sex differences in visual or
auditory learning, analytical abil-
ity, or achievement motivation. Then, in 2005, the president of
Harvard University set off a
firestorm (and eventually resigned) when he summarized
research and suggested that there
were fewer women in math and science fields due to “different
availability of aptitude at the
high end” (Summers, 2005). That is, he suggested that there
may be fewer women who stand
out as the “best of the best” in math and science. But, if that is
true, what are the implications

for academic and career pursuits?
In the United States, sex differences in mathematical
achievement remain fairly robust
throughout childhood and adolescence, whereas the gap closes
slightly in verbal skills as chil-
dren transition into adulthood (National Assessment of
Educational Progress, 2014). Lan-
guage processing tends to be more abstract in girls and is
evident in the way boys and girls
process language differently, relying on distinctive areas of the
brain (Burman, Bitan, & Booth,
2008). Females are traditionally better at nonverbal
communication, as well. For instance,
they are consistently more accurate than males in understanding
emotion from nonverbal
cues (Hall, 1984; Sax, 2005). Differences remain across ages,
culture, and whether or not
males or females are the senders of communication.
In an extensive meta-analysis, the performance of 1.5 million
adolescents in reading and math
was examined across 75 countries. Though there were some
variations, boys scored consis-
tently higher than girls in math. In reading, girls scored higher
than boys in all 75 countries
(Stoet & Geary, 2013). Although this research suggests that
biology plays a strong role in gen-
der differences, an alternative meta-analysis of cross-national
differences in mathematics by
Else-Quest, Hyde, and Linn (2010) concluded that gender
differences varied widely. In their
analysis, boys in some countries scored higher, and in other
countries girls did. In still others,

Section 14.3Differences in School Achievement and Learning
no significant gender difference was found. Instead of gender,
the researchers said factors like
national characteristics of women (e.g., the number of women in
higher education) and a
country’s overall emphasis on education were the most
important factors in predicting differ-
ences. Including these variables led the researchers to conclude
that sex differences in cogni-
tive pursuits are strictly due to “cultural variations in
opportunity structures” and overall
gender inequity affecting girls and women (Else-Quest et al.,
2010, p. 103).
Conclusions reached by Else-Quest et al.
(2010) contrast with the gender gap that
persists in the United States, where edu-
cation is relatively strong. Sex differences
remain in specific skill areas, too. For
instance, a recent study found that boys sig-
nificantly outperformed girls in mechanical
reasoning tasks, which are fundamental to
many STEM (science, technology, engineer-
ing, and mathematics) disciplines (Lemos,
Abad, Almeida, & Colom, 2013). Addition-
ally, the gap in scores increases throughout
adolescence. This finding suggests that boys
and girls may be reinforced differently. That
is, teachers and parents likely support boys
in STEM fields more than girls, leading to a
preponderance of males in those fields.
Interestingly, as measured by grades in school, girls outperform
boys overall in academic

achievement. Though girls earn higher grades, boys outperform
girls on the standardized
SAT college admission examination (Duckworth & Seligman,
2006; Jackson & Rushton, 2006;
Mau & Lynn, 2001). It has been suggested that girls are more
disciplined, which affects school
grades more than standardized tests. By contrast, differences in
test scores may be accounted
for by greater test anxiety among girls, greater motivation
among boys, or even teacher biases
favoring girls. Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that
gender shapes expectancy, self-
efficacy, and perhaps how achievement is valued. Boys and
girls are expected to pursue cer-
tain areas of study as soon as they show a slight interest;
similarly, teachers and parents may
selectively ignore other interests depending on a child’s gender
(Eccles & Wigfield, 2002;
Hannon, 2012).
Regardless of gender effects in specific cognitive abilities, a
statistically significant difference
in overall intelligence between boys and girls does not appear to
exist (Halpern, 2012). This
finding suggests that gender-related variations are indeed due to
factors other than innate
differences. It is reasonable to assume that small differences
might exist in certain kinds of
cognitive tasks, like spatial ability and linguistics. However,
small differences are not signifi-
cant enough to generalize about how an entire group should
approach education. The larger
issue appears to be disparities in the messages that boys and
girls hear. Indeed, even as each
generation of children continues to perform better on
standardized tests (called the Flynn

effect), the male-female ratio of top students continues to
shrink. Whereas there were 13 boys
for every girl who tested in the top 0.01% of all math SAT
scores in the early 1980s, the ratio
was down to four to one 10 years later (Wai, Putallaz, & Makel,
2012). It is perhaps troubling
that the ratio has since stagnated, but these data clearly
demonstrate that previously gender-
typed skills can be nurtured.
Wavebreakmedia Ltd/Wavebreak Media/Thinkstock
ሁ Despite a persistent gender gap in education
in the United States, there appears to be no
statistically significant difference in overall
intelligence between girls and boys.
Section 14.4Romantic Relationships and LGBT Teens
What are some possible explanations for achievement
differences between boys and girls?
14.4 Romantic Relationships and LGBT Teens
Of course the most noticeable development with regard to
gender differences during child-
hood occurs during adolescence. From a psychosocial
perspective, when adolescents begin
having romantic relationships, they are continuing the process
of forging an identity and at
the same time learning how to move forward and establish
intimacy. Hormones spike sexual
interest, but parents and culture usually dictate the formal
initiation of dating. For instance, on

average, first-generation Asian parents have more conservative
views and are more restric-
tive of dating behavior than are other parents in the United
States. Dating privileges in Asian
families are often tied to academic achievement. However, these
parental attitudes also result
in more scheming as teenagers try to date without telling their
parents (Lau, Markham, Lin,
Flores, & Chacko, 2009).
Overall, adolescent romantic relationships benefit from positive
parental and peer role mod-
els. Adolescents with more exposure to hostility and conflicted
relationships experience a
greater degree of conflict in romantic relationships.
Alternatively, adult models who demon-
strate warmth and sensitivity contribute positively to dating
relationships (Arriaga & Foshee,
2004; Connolly, Furman, & Konarski, 2000; La Greca &
Mackey, 2007).
Girls are more likely than boys to identify relationships as
romantic. This finding is not
surprising, since boys are more likely to hide emotions, whereas
girls are perceived as rela-
tively more prosocial, kinder, and empathic. The media usually
support these differences, as
well. Although it is commonly assumed that boys and girls are
socialized to behave differ-
ently, recall also that brain imaging and evolutionary evidence
suggest that girls are better
at processing complex emotions (see Module 5). From an
evolutionary perspective, emo-
tions are more important for females who need to attract a mate,
leading to a stronger
inclination for modern-day romance. It has been suggested that

males deemphasize emo-
tions because evolution dictates that they simply need to
distribute their genes. However,
evidence indicates that males clearly appraise emotional
reactions prior to having romantic
and sexual encounters (Dawkins, 2006; Domes et al., 2010; La
Greca & Mackey, 2007; Shin
et al., 2005).
Sexual Orientation
When considering sexual orientation (attraction) and the
emotions of romantic relationships,
not everyone displays clear patterns. The pioneering sex
researcher Alfred Kinsey suggested
that sexual orientation runs along a continuum with
“exclusively heterosexual” on one end
and “exclusively homosexual” on the other. That is,
homosexuality and heterosexuality are
not discrete ends of a scale as was once thought. People who are
in the middle of the scale
show equal attraction to males and females and are considered
bisexual (Kinsey, Pomeroy, &
Pomeroy, 1948). As Figure 14.2 indicates, according to most
studies, between 1% and 4% of
individuals identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual by the time they
reach adulthood.
Figure 14.2: Percentage of adults who identify as lesbian, gay,
or bisexual
ሁ With one exception, studies indicate the rate of homosexual
attraction is between 1.2% and 3.7%.

f14.02_PSY104.ai
National Epidemiological
Survey on Alcohol and Related
Conditions, 2004–2005
National Survey of Family
Growth, 2006–2008
(Age 18–44)
General Social Survey, 2008
California Health Interview
Survey, 2009
National Survey of Sexual
Health and Behavior, 2009
Canadian Community Health
Survey, 2005 (Age 18–59)
Australian Longitudinal Study
of Health and Relationships,
2005
UK Integrated Household
Survey, 2009–2010
Norwegian Living Conditions
Survey, 2010
1.0% 0.7% 1.7%
1.4%

1.7%
1.8%
2.5%
1.1%
0.9%
1.0%
0.7% 0.5% 1.2%
0.5% 1.5%
1.2% 2.1%
0.8% 1.9%
3.1% 5.6%
1.4% 3.2%
1.1% 2.9%
2.3% 3.7%
U
n
it
e
d
S

ta
te
s
In
te
rn
a
ti
o
n
a
l
Gay/Lesbian Bisexual
Source: How many people are lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgender? By Gary J. Gates, Williams Distinguished Scholar,
2011. Used
by permission.
Attraction is not necessarily dependent on either biological sex
or gender identity. For
example, transgender individuals may be exclusively attracted
to homosexuals, exclusively
attracted to heterosexuals, or have feelings somewhere in the
middle of Kinsey’s scale. Like
other human traits, a wide range of sexual attraction would be
expected among any group.
Although several notable studies have found substantially

higher concordance rates for
homosexuality among monozygotic twins compared to dizygotic
twins (suggesting a genetic
determinant), those studies suffer from poor methodology,
including self-selected samples
(e.g., Bailey & Pillard, 1991; Kallman, 1952). Nevertheless,
more recent research using ran-
dom sampling supports the assertion that heredity has a
significant role in sexual orientation.
Using extensive statistical analysis, researchers found that
about 40% of homosexual behav-
ior in men and about 20% in women is explained by genetic
differences (Långström, Rahman,
Carlström, & Lichtenstein, 2010). Other biological evidence for
homosexuality includes dif-
ferences in brain structure and chemistry between heterosexuals
and homosexuals. Finally,
there remains virtually no evidence that points to an
environmental influence on sexual ori-
entation (Meyers, 2014).
Differences in sexual orientation no doubt have an effect on
behavior beginning at an early
age. On average, the characteristics of play among children who
later identify themselves as
homosexual are more like that of the opposite gender (Rahman
& Wilson, 2003). These find-
ings not only support the existence of biological determinants in
sexual orientation, but also
provide evidence of a neurobiological foundation for gender.

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) Teens
Although there has been a gradual change, romantic
relationships among homosexual youth
remain stigmatized, and identity formation may suffer because
of prejudice and feelings
of shame. Homosexual relationships during adolescence are
often fraught with additional
anxiety for fear of persecution and rejection. Gay, lesbian, and
bisexual adolescents will
therefore sometimes first date members of the other sex. More
than heterosexuals, gay, les-
bian, and bisexual teens question their sexuality and their
gender, epitomizing what Erikson
referred to as role confusion (Carver, Egan, & Perry, 2004; Pew
Research, 2013a; Rahman &
Wilson, 2003).
Sometimes a specific kind of gender identity crisis
occurs when biological sex is inconsistent with cognitive
representations of gender (i.e., when physical body parts
do not match how the brain thinks about sex and gen-
der). This condition is referred to as gender dysphoria
disorder, or transgenderism. Note that this term implies
a temporary mental state, not a permanent disorder
based on sexuality. Whereas the previous term, gender
identity disorder, implied that there was an enduring
problem with identity, the new term recognizes that
context is important: No disorder is indicated as long as
people are comfortable with their own gender—regard-
less of what behaviors they engage in or the physical
appearance of their bodies. In other words, psycholo-
gists consider dysphoria (unease) a cause for concern,
not any particular gender identity.
Although many children report being confused about
gender and sexual feelings, as adults the vast majority

no longer feels that way. Compared to children who do
not have gender identity issues, when the physical and
cognitive advances that mark puberty occur, signifi-
cantly more children with gender identity disorder will
eventually have a homosexual or bisexual orientation
than a heterosexual one (Wallien & Cohen-Kettenis,
2008; Zucker, 2005).
© Image Source/Corbis
ሁ Individuals who are comfortable
with their own gender identity and
sexual orientation, whatever those
may be, experience less depression
and higher self-esteem than those
who are not comfortable with those
aspects of their identity.
Section 14.5Psychological Effects of Puberty
With regard to self-concept, an individual’s comfort with his or
her identity as homosexual or
bisexual predicts higher self-esteem and less depression than in
those who are less accepting.
In this regard, what is important is a child’s feelings about his
or her gender identity, not what
that gender is (Zhao, Montoro, Igartua, & Thombs, 2010). It
should not be surprising to learn,
however, that LGBT teens are disproportionately the target of
bullying and aggression, which
usually contributes to negative feelings of worth. As noted
previously, the greater exposure to
harassment probably contributes to higher rates of substance
abuse, depression, and suicidal

ideation (Reisner, Greytak, Parsons, & Ybarra, 2014).
Explain how romantic relationships and sexual orientation
contribute to identity
formation.
14.5 Psychological Effects of Puberty
Becoming aware of one’s sexual orientation contributes to the
psychosocial changes that
accelerate due to puberty (see also Module 5). This awareness
affects the way teenagers view
themselves. For instance, it is well known that adolescents are
often preoccupied with appear-
ance and have unrealistic perceptions of what the ideal body
looks like (Carter & Ortiz, 2008).
This preoccupation probably plays a role in eating disorders
(discussed in Module 6). As girls
acquire more body fat and boys add more muscle during
puberty, their body images change
accordingly. On average, body esteem, or the self-assessment of
one’s appearance, decreases
for girls and increases for boys during the initial years of
puberty (Bearman, Presnall, Marti-
nez, & Stice, 2006).
Early-maturing boys view themselves more positively than do
late-maturing boys. They are
more popular and successful athletically, and some studies show
they have a relatively more
successful family life and career in adulthood. Perhaps early
maturity provides the social
advantage of more attention from girls and prepares boys for
better future relationships with
their spouses, employers, and customers. They have also been
found to use tobacco, alcohol,

and illegal substances more often and to be more involved in
delinquent behaviors, though
these behaviors are often only transitory without long-term
negative consequences (Taga,
Markey, & Friedman, 2006; van Jaarsveld, Fidler, Simon, &
Wardle, 2007; Westling, Andrews,
& Hampson, 2008).
When girls mature early, their experiences are quite different
from those of boys or later-
maturing girls. The earliest maturing girls are often
uncomfortable in their own bodies as
they stand out from their peers and are sometimes the subject of
ridicule. In a review of the
literature, Mendle, Turkheimer, and Emery (2007) concluded
that early-maturing girls are
more depressed and anxious, use more illicit substances, and
perform more poorly in school.
They are also more likely than their same-age peers to elicit
attention from older boys, lead-
ing to greater rates of delinquency and earlier sexual activity.
Section 14.6Sex
14.6 Sex
Regardless of individual timing, sexual maturation is a normal
developmental change. Yet
few discussions about teenagers and sex emphasize this
perspective. Instead, most research
focuses on avoiding high-risk behaviors that result in disease
and pregnancy. American par-
ents have relatively restrictive attitudes about sex, compared to
Western European parents.
Nevertheless, in the United States as well as in most European

countries, the majority of ado-
lescents first have sex (sometimes referred to as sexual debut in
research literature) during
high school. By 17 years of age, over 50% of girls and nearly
60% of boys in the United States
report having had intercourse.
As Figure 14.3 shows, there are a number of cultural differences
in age of sexual debut. For
instance, blacks lose their virginity relatively early, at about 15
years old, whereas Asians on
average wait until they are 18 (Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2009). As
is often the case, some racial
and ethnic differences are confounded by other variables,
especially socioeconomic status
(SES). Early sexual activity is associated with early puberty,
parental discord and divorce, an
absent father, lack of parental supervision, poor academic
performance, and drug and alcohol
use (Crockett, Raffaelli, & Shen, 2006; Darroch, Singh, &
Frost, 2001; Davies & Windle, 2000;
Ellis et al., 2003).
Figure 14.3: Probability of having sex at each age, by race
and gender
ሁ Different racial and ethnic groups have different patterns of
sexual behavior. On average, over half
of all 17 year olds in the United States have had sex.
C
u
m
u

la
ti
v
e
r
e
p
o
rt
e
d
a
b
s
ti
n
e
n
c
e
African American
Caucasian
*Includes multiracial Hispanic
Asian

Hispanic*
Female
Male
Age in years
0
12 13 14 15 16 17
0.1
0.3
0.5
0.7
0.9
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
Source: Adapted from Cavazos-Rehg et al. (2009).

Section 14.6Sex
Sex Education
Special challenges exist in educating youth about sex. Although
research indicates that a sci-
entific approach is best (as opposed to one directed at a
particular population or to support
specific goals), community and educational implementation
remains difficult. Schools often
contract out to service agencies that do not share a standardized
scientific curriculum, and
sex education therefore lacks guidance and consistency (Ott,
Rouse, Resseguie, Smith, &
Woodcox, 2011). Therefore, the short-term sex education
classes that most public schools
offer end up being inadequate.
No doubt many children today get their
information from the Internet, where
unrealistic activities proliferate. Children
also learn through peers and other media,
including television and film. Sexual content
in the media is usually depicted in an unre-
alistic and misleading manner: as a carefree,
spontaneous event lacking any negative
consequences. And the amount of exposure
to sex in the media has been found to affect
attitudes and behavior about sex, including
intentions to have sex (Brown, El-Toukhy, &
Ortiz, 2014; Strasburger et al., 2010; Ward
& Friedman, 2006).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : S e x E d u c a t i o n
Education about sex is most effective when it is an ongoing
conversation rather than an

uncomfortable week in school with a stranger. At home, parents
can successfully edu-
cate their children about sex by beginning to talk about it at an
early age. Sex education
does not need to be a solitary event at a specific age; there is
not one best time to have a
conversation. Instead, sex education can be an ongoing
conversation that begins in early
childhood. In fact, research has shown that teenagers who have
better communication and
higher quality relationships with their parents are also less
likely to become teenage par-
ents (Henrich, Brookmeyer, Shrier, & Shahar, 2006).
But how should this conversation begin? When children first
begin “naming” games (e.g.,
Where’s your nose? Where’s the ball?), it is an ideal time to
intersperse real language that
relates to sex: “Where’s your nose? Where’s your shoulder?
Where’s your vagina? Where’s
your ear?” In this way, children grow up with an appropriate
vocabulary to discuss impor-
tant issues.
Using euphemisms like “winky” and “hoo-hoo,” or even
“privates,” implies there is some-
thing uncomfortable about the terms penis and vagina. Children
(and parents!) need to
first be comfortable using appropriate language before they can
discuss body functions in
a meaningful way. They will then be able to pursue questions
about menarche, nocturnal
emissions, intercourse, and other subjects throughout childhood
without awkwardness.
In this way, healthy, appropriate sex education becomes a
normal part of a continuing

dialogue.
LEMOINE/BSIP/SuperStock
ሁ The education of young people about sex
remains inconsistent and is often inadequate.
Section 14.6Sex
Teenage Pregnancy
Probably as a result of more restrictive sex education, much less
birth control is being used
and rates of teen pregnancy are much higher in the United
States than in other Western coun-
tries (Darroch et al., 2001; Eaton et al., 2012). Though the
number of teenage pregnancies has
dropped considerably in recent years, high-risk sexual behaviors
persist. The teen pregnancy
rate remains up to eight times higher in the United States than
in other developed countries,
despite similar patterns of sexual intercourse (Martinez, Copen,
& Abma, 2011).
As Figure 14.4 shows, in 2013, the overall teenage birthrate
continued the decline that has
been evidenced since the early 1990s. The rates of pregnancy
among 15–19 years old have
Figure 14.4: Rates of teenage pregnancy per thousand, 1990–
2013
ሁ The rate of teenage pregnancy has declined significantly for
over 20 years.
R

a
te
p
e
r
1
,0
0
0
w
o
m
e
n
a
g
e
d
1
5
–
19
y
e
a
rs

Years
38
36
34
32
30
28
26
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06

20
07
20
08
19
99
19
90
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98

20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
42
50
54
56
46
40
48
52
44
58

60
62
Source: Adapted from CDC/NCHS, National Vital Statistics
System, 2014.
Section 14.6Sex
fallen over 50% from the 1991 peak. Since first being tracked in
1940, there are now historic
lows for all groups: Hispanic, black, white, Alaskan native, and
Asian/Pacific Islander (see Fig-
ure 14.5). Similar percentage declines are seen in both
spontaneous and medically induced
abortions, providing strong evidence that the reduction in live
births is due strictly to fewer
pregnancies, not an increase in abortions. Infants born to
mothers aged 10–14 sunk another
15% in 2013, to an all-time low, but it still consisted of 3,108
live births (Hamilton, Martin,
Osterman, & Curtin, 2014).
Figure 14.5: Birth rates for teenagers aged 15–19 years,
by ethnicity
ሁ Rates of teenage motherhood vary considerably by race,
though all have seen a considerable drop
over the past 20 years. Rates for fatherhood parallel those seen
among mothers (Hamilton et al.,
2014; Martin et al., 2011).
1991 2005 2007 2009 2012

All races White Black Hispanic Native American/
Alaska Native
Asian or
Paci�c Islander
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
80
70
90
100
110
120
R
a
te

s
p
e
r
1
,0
0
0
w
o
m
e
n
a
g
e
d
1
5
–
19
y
e
a
rs
Source: Adapted from CDC/NCHS, National Vital Statistics

System, 2014.
Although rates are at historic lows, births to teenage mothers
remain higher in the United
States than in a number of other developed countries. The
United Nations Statistics Divi-
sion (2013) found that the birth rate among 15- to 19-year-old
teens in the United States
was 41.5 per 1,000 teens. By contrast, rates were 14.1 in
Canada, 8.2 in Germany, and 4.5 in
Japan. Many Central and South American countries had
substantially higher rates, though. For
instance, Costa Rica had a rate of 62.0 and Uruguay was at
40.8.
Physically, female adolescents are less likely than older women
to seek prenatal medical care
and therefore have a higher risk of having babies with low birth
weights or other complica-
tions. These conditions lead to higher rates of birth defects,
childhood illnesses, and infant
Section 14.7Sexually Transmitted Infections
mortality. Regardless of differences in health care systems,
there is consistency in unfavorable
outcomes for adolescents throughout Western countries (e.g.,
Chen et al., 2010; Da Silva, Her-
nandez, Agranonik, & Goldani, 2013; Kingston et al., 2012;
Liran, Vardi, Sergienko, & Sheiner,
2013; Pérez-López, Chedraui, Kravitz, Salazar-Pousada, &
Hidalgo, 2011).
There are negative psychosocial and cognitive outcomes, as

well. In the United States, girls
from low-SES households use birth control less often than their
higher-SES peers and con-
sequently have more unwanted pregnancies (Strasburger et al.,
2010). Low SES and teenage
pregnancy are associated with poor academic performance,
lower rates of parental educa-
tion, physical violence in the home, and less supervision.
Consequently, teenage mothers have
a higher risk of dropping out of school and living in poverty.
Their female children are at high
risk of becoming pregnant themselves, perpetuating the cycle of
poverty. However, young
mothers are not necessarily locked into perpetual negative
outcomes if there are interven-
tions aimed at reducing risk factors. The key to breaking the
cycle of poverty is to delay future
births and continue education (Albert, 2010; Coyne, Långström,
Lichtenstein, & D’Onofrio,
2013; Wheeler, 2010).
Surveys have found that parental influence is the most
compelling factor cited by teens want-
ing to avoid pregnancy. Children of parents who are involved
both emotionally (e.g., sharing
information about friends, school) and in activities (e.g.,
attending athletic events, cooking
dinner together) are more likely to delay sexual debut and have
a reduced chance of teenage
pregnancy (Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2010).
What factors are associated with teen pregnancy? What are the
developmental
consequences?

14.7 Sexually Transmitted Infections
Another area of concern relates to sexually transmitted
infections (STIs). Adolescents have
the highest rate of STIs of any age group. About one out of
every four sexually active adoles-
cents will eventually contract an STI; nearly 20% of adolescent
girls are infected with just
one STI, the human papilloma virus (HPV, or genital warts).
Since 2006, a vaccine has been
available that has been found to prevent the transmission of
HPV to females, and in 2009 the
U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved the vaccine for
males aged 9 to 26. It is recom-
mended that boys and girls be vaccinated beginning at 11 or 12
years of age (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b).
STIs can be contracted through oral, vaginal, or anal contact,
including penetration of fingers
if there is exposed tissue due to large or (sometimes unseen)
small cuts. Lower age of sexual
debut and lower SES are the strongest predictors of STIs
(Crosby & Danner, 2008). When left
untreated, infections cause sterility, death, and other serious
health complications, as well as
birth defects in children born to infected mothers.
Either viruses or bacteria can cause STIs (see Table
14.1). In general, bacterial infections like chlamydia,
syphilis, and gonorrhea are treated fairly easily with
antibiotics. In contrast, infections caused by viruses
cannot be cured. Human immunodeficiency virus

(HIV), the virus that causes a constellation of symp-
toms referred to as AIDS, is appropriately the most
feared STI worldwide. Even though it is the most
deadly STI, surveys show that youth throughout the
world are naively unconcerned about contracting it.
More than 75% of some American youth and young
adult groups are unaware that they have even
become infected, yet education about sex and repro-
ductive issues can have a strong positive effect
(Crosby & Danner, 2008; MacKellar et al., 2005;
Melaku, Berhane, Kinsman, & Reda, 2014; Oncel,
Kulakac, Akcan, Eravasar, & Dedeoglu, 2012).
© CORBIS
ሁ STIs have long been a public health concern,
as this Works Progress Administration poster
from the 1930s indicates.
Table 14.1: Most common sexually transmitted infections of
adolescence
Infection Symptoms Cause/treatment Consequences
Chlamydia If symptoms do occur, they
usually appear within a
few weeks. Often no symp-
toms. Sometimes burning
sensation while urinating
or unusual discharge.
Bacteria/antibiotics If untreated, can lead to
infections and diseases
that produce sterility.
Syphilis Average appearance of
symptoms at 3 weeks, but

can be up to 3 months.
Painless sore (chancre)
appears at point of entry
(e.g., anus, vagina). Chan-
cre disappears without
treatment, but new
secondary symptoms will
occur. These may include a
rash, hair loss, and flulike
symptoms (e.g., fatigue,
headache, fever, sore
throat, muscle ache).
Bacteria/antibiotics Though symptoms may
disappear, the infection
does not without treat-
ment. Last stages include
damage to internal organs,
nerves, and systems. Can
cause paralysis and death.
(continued)
Infection Symptoms Cause/treatment Consequences
Gonorrhea Vaginal discharge or
burning sensation during
urination. Many women
and some men show no
symptoms.
Bacteria/antibiotics If untreated, can lead to a

range of physical compli-
cations, including infertil-
ity and blindness. Strongly
associated with birth
defects.
HPV
(genital warts)
Genital warts on penis or
vagina.
Virus/warts can be
removed but virus persists
Predisposes those infected
with increased risk of
cervical cancer. May cause
cancer of penis, vagina,
and anus.
Herpes Active infections resemble
cold sores.
Virus/antiviral treatments
can reduce frequency and
severity of outbreaks
Lesions can be painful, but
periods between out-
breaks have no symptoms.
HIV/AIDS Extensive cold or flulike
symptoms, extensive
weight loss, organ inflam-
mation, tuberculosis,

Kaposi’s sarcoma (cancer),
gastrointestinal problems,
and other opportunistic
infections.
Virus/management or
delay of AIDS symptoms
through antiviral therapy
Eventual death. Newest
data show life expectancy
can be extended by over
20 years with treatment.
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : S T I O R S T D ?
AIDS and HIV epitomize the trend toward using the term
sexually transmitted infection
(STI) instead of sexually transmitted disease (STD). A person
can be infected with HIV and
show no symptoms. While the virus remains dormant, it can still
be transmitted through
contact with bodily f luids. The infection can be transmitted
before the disease of AIDS
(including physical symptoms) occurs. Previously, an STD was
referred to as a venereal
disease. In general, all three terms refer to viruses or bacteria
that are transmitted via
sexual contact.
In general, STIs have lower prevalence in whites than in blacks
and Hispanics. These dispari-
ties are likely due to differences in SES, including access to
health care and contraception. As
is the case for unwanted pregnancies, teenagers whose parents
are involved, responsive, and
economically advantaged have fewer STIs. Community leaders

and health organizations must
acknowledge these disparities so that they can direct services
more effectively.
A Global Perspective
Worldwide, the rate of HIV infection varies dramatically. Sub-
Saharan Africa remains the epi-
center of infections, accounting for approximately 70% of the
worldwide total. Since 2001, the
rate of infection among children with HIV declined by over half
worldwide (UNAIDS, 2014).
Most of the 3.3 million children living with HIV were infected
by their mothers, either in the
womb or while breastfeeding; about two-thirds of children are
not treated. With effective
antiretroviral medicine, mothers can reduce the risk of passing
along the virus in vitro, during
Wrapping Up and Moving On
delivery, or through breastfeeding to less than 5%. However,
only about 62% of women have
access to proper treatment (Hargreaves, Slaymaker, Fearon, &
Howe, 2012; UNAIDS, 2014).
Condom Use
Abstinence is the only definitive protection against STIs.
However, it is unrealistic to assume
that teaching only abstinence will provide a comprehensive
solution to unwanted pregnancy
and STIs among adolescents. In Iraq and Afghanistan, the
majority of survey respondents say
that executing a woman for engaging in premarital sex is
justified (Pew Research, 2013c). Yet

even at risk of death, people in oppressed countries still have
sex, demonstrating a develop-
mental imperative. Therefore, among adolescents who are
sexually active, condoms still pro-
vide the best protection against infection.
Despite gains, compared to adolescents in Western
European and other developed countries, U.S. teenagers
are still less likely to use condoms. The percentage of
teenage girls who used contraception the first time they
had sex rose from 56% in 1985 to 84% in 2011. How-
ever, according to survey data of sexually active high
school students, only 66% of male and 53% of female
respondents reported using a condom
the last time they had sexual intercourse. In addition, reported
condom use declined in every
demographic as students progressed from 9th to 12th grade, an
oddly alarming trend (Eaton
et al., 2012; Kann et al., 2014; Strasburger et al., 2010). An
additional 30% of sexually active
girls in the survey used hormone-based birth control. If samples
are representative, the dis-
crepancy between males and females in reported condom use
(66% versus 53%) illustrates
the difficulty in obtaining accurate information about sex from
adolescents. As long as most
intercourse is heterosexual, the two percentages should be
relatively similar.
It has been suggested that media images depicting the difficulty
of teenage motherhood have
contributed to the decline in risky sexual behavior. Shows such
as Teen Mom and The Secret
Life of the American Teenager walk a fine line between
glamorizing teenage parenthood and
accurately portraying the financial, emotional, and health

hardships of unplanned teenage
pregnancies. At the very least, they have offered an avenue for
conversation that perhaps has
not existed in the past. In one survey, 79% of girls and 67% of
boys said that teen pregnancies
depicted on television made them think about how to avoid
pregnancy (Albert, 2010). Other
effects of media are explored in the next module.
Wrapping Up and Moving On
The basis of gender differences is still largely unknown. A
multitude of factors and processes
likely explain the wide set of gender-related behaviors. Though
evidence shows that brain
differences between boys and girls do indeed exist, the ways in
which adults respond to those
Critical Thinking
Why do you think condom use declines in high
school?
Identify the most common sexually transmitted infections. What
are the typical long-term
effects of ignoring treatment?
Summary and Resources
differences probably have a much greater influence on later
behavior. Parents, teachers, and
peers reinforce certain behaviors and skills, according to sex.
For example, traditional gender
roles require girls to be more sensitive. Girls are often expected
to be more nurturing and

emotionally responsive, so in many ways they are trained to be
different. Even during infancy,
adults express more emotions and display more sensitivity with
baby girls than with baby
boys. Therefore, evidence is inconclusive about the relative
influences of biology and social
experiences in gender differences.
Regardless of existing differences, boys and girls each have
their own strengths that should be
celebrated and respected individually, not necessarily in
relation to each other. This is espe-
cially important as we move into the last module. The
interactions that we have with peers,
at school, and in society have a potentially profound effect on
individual, long-term develop-
mental outcomes.
• Sex and gender are integral to identity. Although research
finds biological differ-
ences between boys and girls beginning at birth, the effect of
social learning on gen-
der is undeniable, including the use of different colors to
designate boys and girls,
toys, different kinds of social interactions, and the media.
• As with much of what we have explored so far, there is
empirical support for biologi-
cal, evolutionary, social, and cognitive influences that help to
explain gender devel-
opment. Taking an interactive approach to gender development
once again appears
to be the most relevant perspective.

• Evolution suggests there are advantages for each gender. It is
thought that, through
natural selection, separate masculine and feminine traits have
become more valu-
able to the species.
• Cognitive theories suggest that children go through a set of
prescribed stages of gen-
der development, culminating in gender constancy at about the
time children enter
formal education.
• Although it may make intuitive sense that playing with
gender-typed toys is entirely
learned, evidence does not support this view. Boys are more
physically active than
girls, which may predict different kinds of activities.
• It is hard to know if gender differences in achievement are
attributable to socializa-
tion or biology. Although there are definitive differences in the
brains of girls and
boys, we do not know what the differences mean.
• Sexual activity is a developmental process. Surveys reveal
that, by the end of high
school, the majority of adolescents in the United States have
had sexual intercourse,
which is another avenue of psychosocial change. Nevertheless,
romantic relation-
ships leading to sex are often discussed as a kind of risky
behavior rather than as
something that is developmentally appropriate.
• LGBT teens are often at special risk because of the possibility
of peer rejection,

persecution, or a sense of shame. Many will first have a
heterosexual relationship,
epitomizing the identity crisis described by Erikson.
• Late-maturing girls and early-maturing boys generally have
psychosocial
advantages.
• Although trends have shown substantial improvement over
recent decades, sexually
transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancies remain
problematic. Especially
among low-SES groups, early pregnancy often has long-term
negative effects.
• In some parts of the world, most notably in Sub-Saharan
Africa, children infected
with HIV are a common occurrence. Because of increased
access to health care,
fewer pregnant mothers are passing on the virus to their
children.
• Because abstinence is not usually a reasonable alternative to
sex, use of condoms
and other birth control methods should be an important part of
adolescent sex
education.
Key Terms
AIDS The disease caused by the human
immunodeficiency virus.

androgens The hormones that are respon-
sible for male growth and characteristics.
effect size The statistical and practical
magnitude of the difference between two
groups.
estrogen A hormone responsible for female
growth and characteristics.
gender A social and psychological concept
that refers to masculinity or femininity.
gender constancy The understanding that
people are permanently male or female.
gender dysphoria disorder (or transgen-
derism) Mental discomfort that results
when an individual’s physical appearance
(having a penis or vagina) does not match
the individual’s personal schema for gender.
gender identity The masculine or feminine
qualities with which people identify.
gender roles Roles based on sociocultural
norms of what is considered acceptable
behavior based on the sex of the individual.
gender stability The awareness of the sta-
bility of gender over time.
human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)
The virus that causes the disease AIDS.

sexual debut Age at first sexual encounter.
sexually transmitted infections (STIs)
Infections or diseases that are transmitted
during sex.
Web Resources
See links below for additional information on topics discussed
in the chapter.
Amygdala
http://www.sciencedaily.com/articles/a/amygdala.htm
Chlamydia
http://www.cdc.gov/std/chlamydia/STDFact-Chlamydia.htm
Fight-or-Flight Response
http://health.howstuffworks.com/mental-health/human-
nature/other-emotions/
fear2.htm
Gonorrhea
http://www.cdc.gov/std/gonorrhea/STDFact-gonorrhea.htm
http://www.sciencedaily.com/articles/a/amygdala.htm
http://www.cdc.gov/std/chlamydia/STDFact-Chlamydia.htm
nature/other-emotions/fear2.htm
nature/other-emotions/fear2.htm
http://www.cdc.gov/std/gonorrhea/STDFact-gonorrhea.htm

HPV
http://www.cdc.gov/std/hpv/stdfact-hpv.htm
Laws of Reinforcement and Punishment
http://allpsych.com/psychology101/reinforcement.html
Limbic System
http://webspace.ship.edu/cgboer/limbicsystem.html
Syphilis
http://www.cdc.gov/std/syphilis/default.htm
Title IX
http://www.titleix.info/Default.aspx
http://www.cdc.gov/std/hpv/stdfact-hpv.htm
http://allpsych.com/psychology101/reinforcement.html
http://webspace.ship.edu/cgboer/limbicsystem.html
http://www.cdc.gov/std/syphilis/default.htm
http://www.titleix.info/Default.aspx
ELR 640 Negotiations
FINAL EXAM
1. This exam is worth a total possible 25 points. You will
receive one (1) point if your name is at the top of your exam.
(This is as close as I get to a bonus point!).
2. You can receive up to six (6) points for each fully developed

answer on the exam.
3. For each question, be sure to carefully read the question.
Your answer can be limited to a paragraph, but it is important
that you follow the directions (for example, to compare two
ideas, or to give three examples of a concept) – look at the
verbs within the question.
4. Please do notuse bulleted items or phrases. Your answer
should stand on its own (be able to be read separately from the
question and still make sense to the reader).
Question 1:
Throughout our course the point has been repeated that the
choice of lead negotiator or negotiating team spokesperson is
very important to the team and its success in negotiations. You
gained information about the necessary qualities
(characteristics) of an effective lead negotiator in your text, in
the workbook and in your simulation. Identify five personal
qualities (not job title or background) that you have learned are
important to have as an effective negotiator. Describe them in
order (most important quality first) and defend your ratings of
each of these five characteristics - why you gave that level of
importance to the characteristic.
Question 2:
Our text author Robert Cassel devotes much of his book to
detailed information, directions and advice for management’s
side in traditional negotiations. However, in Chapter 16 Cassel
describes the elements of collaborative negotiations. Compare
and contrast the strategies and processes of these two
approaches to negotiations (traditional and collaborative) – be
specific in your comparisons. (As an example,, traditional
negotiations focuses on the two difference positions, while
collaborative negotiations attempts to focus on shared
interests).

12The Self and Moral Development
Gary S. Chapman/Photodisc/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Articulate Erikson’s and Marcia’s theories of psychosocial
development and evaluate their role in the
development of identity.
ሁ From the viewpoint of Erikson, explain how children must
balance independence of actions with
possible negative consequences of those actions.
ሁ Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness.
ሁ Determine how self-esteem is developed and summarize
demographic differences.
ሁ Define ethnic identity and understand how it influences
identity development.
ሁ Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different
stages of moral development.
Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial
Development
Prologue
I once coached a basketball team of 11-year-old girls. It was a
highly competitive league, but
we were out to have fun as well. My slight, 4½-foot-tall
daughter was on the team, as was a
girl she eventually befriended, Chrystal, who was about a foot
taller, about 50 pounds heavier,

and well into puberty. Chrystal could easily have passed for 16
years old. After one particu-
larly hard practice, I gave a few of the girls hugs of
encouragement as they were leaving. I did
not really think anything of it at the time.
At the beginning of the next practice, Chrystal’s mother made a
point of letting me know that
my hug had a tremendous impact on Chrystal and later brought
her mother to tears. Because
of her size, adults rarely treated Chrystal as the young child she
was. Sometimes adult men
would flirt with her or otherwise look at her in a way that was
entirely inappropriate even for
a teenager, let alone an 11 year old. As a result, Chrystal had
changed from an outgoing child
to one who was more withdrawn.
Chrystal’s personality and emotional development was on par
with that of my daughter. In
nearly every way in which development is measured, Chrystal
and Mariana were identical,
but you would not know it by looking at the two of them on a
basketball court. Even though
Chrystal was able to throw around her size and weight to the
team’s advantage, she still liked
dolls, children’s music, and stuffed animals. My hug, and
Mariana’s friendship, apparently
allowed her to recapture the social and emotional processes that
had become derailed. Her
mother reported that the turnaround was immediate and
sustained; Chrystal had once again
become more outgoing and childlike.
Factors that directed Chrystal’s social, emotional, and
personality development are even

harder to pinpoint than those related to physical and cognitive
development. As we explore
development of the self in this module, remember that there are
many ways to measure growth
besides age.
12.1 Foundations: Erikson’s Stages
of Psychosocial Development
Perhaps the most well-known theorist in the area of
psychosocial development is Erik Erik-
son. An important aspect of this development is that of the self,
which is a conceptualization
of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves.
Erikson stressed how the self
develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with
society. In many ways, Erikson
is to psychosocial development as Piaget is to cognitive
development. That is, his theory of
psychosocial development remains a historical benchmark from
which contemporary the-
ory has evolved. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to find
Erikson’s ideas practical and
worthwhile.
Erikson was influenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic
theory. Both of these psychology
pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on
later personality and behav-
ior. However, whereas Freud felt early development was largely
a function of sexual conflict,
Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social
influences during the life-
span (Erikson, 1950, 1993). According to Erikson, each
developmental period is marked by
a psychosocial conflict that can have either a favorable or an

unfavorable outcome. Although
Development
Erikson developed his theory to encompass the entire lifespan,
this section focuses on psy-
chosocial stages through the end of adolescence.
Basic Trust versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old)
Erickson proposed that the fundamental conflict of infancy
revolves around the infant’s
dependency needs and parental responsiveness. Infants need to
feel secure that they will
be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are
responsive and dependable, infants
become confident that their needs will be met; they develop a
sense of trust. In contrast, an
insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected) will
develop a sense of mistrust. There-
fore, the first of Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust
versus mistrust.
Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt (2 to 3 years old)
If infants do not develop trust, they become insecure and are
hesitant to venture on their own.
By contrast, trusting infants feel confident about exploring the
world. They become mobile
and are able to do more things for themselves. As they move
into toddlerhood, they are often
heard saying, “Me do it!” This expression reflects their
inclination toward independent behav-
iors. They want to dress themselves and explore garbage in the
street, open cabinets, and run

freely—they want autonomy.
Toddlers develop a sense of autonomy when parents set limits
while also encouraging self-
sufficiency, for example, by saying, “You may run on the grass,
but not in the street” or “You
may wear either of these two outfits.” By contrast, if parents are
overly demanding or do not
let children perform tasks on their own, a sense of shame and
doubt may result. Parents who
are patient while walking or waiting for their children to dress
are encouraging a sense of self-
sufficiency and competency; children who are rushed begin to
doubt themselves because of a
perceived lack of competence. This conflict is known as
autonomy versus shame and doubt.
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : A u t o n o m y v e r s u s
S h a m e
a n d D o u b t
One night, just before my son turned three, he asked if he could
clear the ceramic (i.e.,
breakable) dinner dishes and load them into the dishwasher. I
did not think about it at the
time, but it was a decision that is key to Erikson’s stage of
autonomy versus shame and
doubt: Should we let him do this task by himself and risk
breaking dishes, or insist on set-
ting limits on a task he felt he was capable of doing? It is not
always easy to know if you are
overcontrolling or undercontrolling—either of which, according
to Erikson, can lead to
shame and doubt.
While my anxious wife looked on, I guided Max over to the
dishwasher, where he promptly

displayed his pride and confidence after performing what was
previously an adult job. He
soon was clearing the dishes most nights and did not break a
plate until years later when
he was old enough not to want the job anymore. (Of course, by
then he was stuck with it!)
Doing the dishes myself would certainly have been more
efficient, but it also would have
given my son the message that he was not competent in a task
that he was absolutely able
to do. Sometimes parents must struggle with issues related to
patience as their children
gain autonomy and take initiative.
Development
Initiative versus Guilt
(3 to 6 years old)
When children gain autonomy, they begin
to master the world around them. They
become more independent but sometimes
suffer negative consequences as a result.
Early “experiments” with food flying off
of a highchair, which first occur randomly,
are now done with more purpose. Chil-
dren might cut their own hair. Parents are
again faced with dilemmas. If a 4 year old
attempts to pour a glass of orange juice but
ends up dropping the container and break-
ing a glass, how should the parent react?

Children can either be reinforced for taking
the initiative or feel guilt for having done
something wrong. The key to helping chil-
dren overcome this initiative versus guilt conflict is to set
balanced limits in goal-directed
activities like climbing on rocks or crossing streets alone.
Industry versus Inferiority (7 to 11 years old)
Children develop an increasing sense of competence by taking
the initiative, expanding their
opportunities, and feeling a sense of accomplishment. They
become productive. This pro-
ductivity is reflected in self-reinforced learning and discovery.
As explained in Module 9, this
process occurs when children begin to use reading as a way to
advance learning, not simply
as a skill to master. Industry is reflected in the way children
build, fix, organize, and acquire
knowledge. For example, following recipe directions produces
output, even if it is not perfect.
The output translates to achievement in the conflict of industry
versus inferiority, building
esteem that leads to a sense of identity in the next stage.
Conversely, children who did not favorably resolve the earlier
stage of autonomy versus
shame and doubt are more likely to hesitate when they come
across new situations. They
may fear disapproval for independent actions and become less
self-sufficient. Exploratory
behaviors may be perceived as “trouble-making.” Restrictions
lead to less exploration, fewer
accomplishments, and a lowered sense of competence. Instead
of feeling industrious, chil-
dren feel a sense of inferiority.

Identity versus Role Confusion (adolescence)
Erikson believed that the stage of identity development that
coincides with adolescence was
pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and later stages are
dependent on it. The earlier stages set
the groundwork for the development of self-concept and self-
esteem. In this stage, teenagers
try to discover who they really are, including their sexual
identity and what they want to do
in life. Beginning in early adolescence, physical, sexual, and
cognitive changes, as well as more
complex social demands, contribute to confusion about identity.
Erikson called this time of
© Curi Hyvrard/Corbis
ሁ As part of their developing personality,
children must balance independence of actions
with possible negative consequences of those
actions.
Development
potential upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this
period, teenagers will often try
out different behaviors before finding a clear path. The process
of reconciling these conflicts
results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. When
children are allowed to explore,
create, and accomplish, they develop the competence necessary
to define goals and forge a
unique sense of self. Conversely, if teenagers feel a sense of

inferiority, they do not develop
feelings of accomplishment and purpose. Current and future
roles remain undefined.
The cognitive advancement associated with formal operations
allows adolescents to hypoth-
esize about different futures (and also makes them more self-
conscious, as in Elkind’s imagi-
nary audience). Identity formation therefore includes self-
assessment about strengths and
weaknesses, friendships, sexual identity, occupational
possibilities, and values. The sense of
“self ” and personal control emerge when there is a sense of
continuity about these character-
istics (Erikson, 1970).
Once again, according to Erikson, parents can facilitate
adolescent psychosocial development
by allowing teenagers to explore their own identities while
setting limits. If, however, par-
ents continually insist that children conform to specific views,
identity development can be
arrested. Instead of developing a strong sense of self, teenagers
will face role confusion. They
may engage in behaviors that are socially unacceptable. Role
confusion may lead to difficulty
forming close adult relationships. Relationships become more
superficial because individuals
have not developed the strong sense of self that is necessary for
intimate emotional connec-
tions. This outcome is sometimes referred to as identity
diffusion since the self, or personality,
lacks a unified core. Erikson proposed that identity versus role
confusion was the key to
developing into an adult.

Adult Stages
The adult stages rest firmly on the successful resolution of the
challenges of earlier devel-
opmental stages. A strong sense of identity sets the foundation
for adult success in form-
ing intimate relationships, leading to successful resolution in
the stage of intimacy versus
isolation. The intimate expression of hopes, dreams, and fears
results in the formation of
deep emotional connections. Without the risk of vulnerability, a
sense of isolation develops.
In middle age, adults then seek to accomplish goals that they
hope will provide a lasting influ-
ence on children and the community. This stage is generativity
versus stagnation, whereby
adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of
stagnation when they lack pro-
ductivity. In Erikson’s final stage of integrity versus despair,
people in late adulthood either
accept their lives and what they have accomplished with a sense
of integrity or live in despair
as a result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled. Though these
adult stages are summarized
here only briefly, you can see how they are strongly connected
to the earlier focus on identity
development in adolescence.
Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.
Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
12.2 Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
Using Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a

backdrop, James Marcia suggests
that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that
adolescence presents. He clas-
sifies individual identity development in terms of two
characteristics: crisis and commitment.
Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which
adolescents begin to question previ-
ous values. As a result, individuals explore different
alternatives. A high school senior may
consider a technical school, traveling, or several different
college majors. Commitment refers
to whether or not a decision has been made related to the
exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007).
There is quite a difference, for instance, between an
unmotivated high school student who
jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who attends
college workshops and volun-
teers at a health care agency. In the latter case, exploration will
eventually lead to commitment.
As Figure 12.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable
identity statuses based on the two
criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity
achievement occurs when occupa-
tional and social challenges of education, career, and marriage
are explored and pursued and
there is a current commitment. The crisis occurs when various
options are considered. For
example, after an individual investigates a number of
opportunities in the mental health field
(e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and
teaching), identity achievement would
occur when the individual commits to the pursuit of one over
another. Early identity achieve-
ment is associated with high achievement motivation, empathy,
compassion, and self-esteem.

However, for most, identity does not solidify until the early to
mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger,
2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010).
Figure 12.1: Marcia’s identity statuses
ሁ James Marcia described four possible outcomes related to
adolescent identity development.
Identity
Diffusion
Identity
Moratorium
Identity
Foreclosure
Identity
Achievement
AbsentPresent
Commitment
A
b
se
n
t
E
x
p
lo

ra
ti
o
n
(
c
ri
s
is
)
P
re
se
n
t
Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).
Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without
adequately exploring alternatives, per-
haps because of the strong influence of an authority figure or
societal norm. They join the
military, work in the family business, or pursue a law degree
because their parents have
decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure
does not necessarily equal

Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
unhappiness, but it is associated with a high need for approval.
Identity foreclosure is more
common among Asian, European, and collectivist cultures than
in mainstream, middle-class
culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence that is
indicative of identity achieve-
ment is not necessarily a desirable goal for every group.
Furthermore, secular changes within
cultures also affect goals and values. For instance, among
adolescents there has been a recent
shift in attitudes, resulting in an increased concern for other
people and the environment. As
a result, career development in the contemporary cohort of
adolescents and young adults
includes relatively more collectivist goals and less materialism
(Greenfield, Keller, Fuligini, &
Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Greenfield, 2014; Rothbaum,
Weisz, Pott, Miyake, &
Morelli, 2000).
Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States
is usually associated with
exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you
want to be” is an example of
parents encouraging the exploration of various alter-
natives. When adolescents actively explore choices but
are not committed, it is referred to as identity morato-
rium. This struggle for identity is often associated with
anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are
considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping
out of school altogether, are often in moratorium.
Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed
to any social or occupational

choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These individuals
tend to be flighty, without clear
direction for the future. They may be confused about goals,
occupation, sexual identity, or
gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedication
makes it difficult to sustain rela-
tionships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely than
others to become isolated.
It is considered a positive development when individuals move
from diffusion to foreclosure
to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not
necessarily fixed into one iden-
tity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain
stable. For instance, it is com-
mon for individuals to change statuses from moratorium to
achievement and back again, in
what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is
considered normal and may appear
periodically throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status
peaks during late adolescence
and declines thereafter. Whereas research finds that about half
of all adolescents have a stable
identity status, more than one-third move in a direction toward
identity achievement. Among
a college research sample, status begins to change more during
late adolescence. Although
identity status is still not always solidified by the time these
young adults graduate, perhaps a
noncollege sample would yield different results (Kroger, 2007;
Kroger et al., 2010).
The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of
identity development is both
a culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is,
according to Erikson, we have a ten-

dency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry
that forward into marriage,
community, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes
apply mostly to Western-
ized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia
suggested that their theories could
be applied universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated
Marcia’s conceptual basis for
achievement; however, identity development is quite different,
even within Western coun-
tries, when there are choices in career and education and
everyday survival can be taken for
granted (e.g., Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich,
2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz,
Serafini, & Meeus, 2013).
Critical Thinking
In what ways can attending college and pursu-
ing a degree be categorized as identity foreclo-
sure? When is it moratorium?
Section 12.3Development of the Self
In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for
instance, the menu of careers
to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high
priority, and economic neces-
sity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work.
Identity development through
exploration would not even be considered when daily living
remains a struggle.
Describe an individual who is representative of each of

Marcia’s identity statuses.
12.3 Development of the Self
Because the people around us heavily influence the construction
of self, the development of
the self is tied to social norms and expectations. Children in the
United States grow up in a
culture that emphasizes individual traits and abilities over
interdependence and group goals.
Early childhood characterizations of self typically include
mostly concrete descriptions (“I
like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors
modesty and the social aspects
of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than
children in the United States to use
more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play
with my friends at the park,”
“I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as
early as 3 years of age (Wang,
2006). During adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to
include romantic relationships
and sexuality. Continuing into late childhood and adolescence,
descriptions become complex,
and include both personal and social aspects of self (“I am a
good friend,” “I work hard in
school, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).
Self-Awareness
Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent
knowledge that self is separate from
others. To develop an expression of individuality, children must
develop an understanding of
themselves. Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest
that infants do not demonstrate
awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention (see
discussion of sensorimotor

substage 4 in Module 7) beginning at about 8 months. Other
views hold that children lack the
cognitive capacity to know that they are distinct persons until
they recognize themselves in
a mirror or in photographs. This process is called self-
awareness. Children can define their
identities only when they are able to recognize that they are
separate from others.
The most common method for identifying the psychosocial
milestone of self-awareness is
the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are
prominently marked on their
nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a
mirror. They may attempt to wipe
off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention
to it. If they do, it may be con-
cluded that they are aware of their own physical
characteristics—the first step in developing
a sense of self that is independent from other people and
objects.
Section 12.3Development of the Self
Infants as young as 12 months old react to the mark, but
the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24 months,
nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior,
suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also
recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing
and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me”
(Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985).
So does awareness via the mirror-and-rouge test occur
all at once, or is it a gradual process? Again the issue of

continuous or discontinuous development arises. Ber-
tenthal and Fischer (1978) attempted to reconcile this
question by demonstrating that self-awareness occurs
in at least five stages, rather than the one implied by
the mirror-and-rouge test. They constructed a series of
experiments with 6- to 24-month-old children that cor-
responded to substages 3 through 6 of Piaget’s senso-
rimotor development (as well as one level beyond sub-
stage 6, referred to here as substage 7).
In phase 1, to be considered self-aware at the most basic
level, infants needed to look at themselves in a mirror
and within a short time touch some part of the image.
In phase 2, infants were dressed in an outfit with a hat that was
supported by a hidden wire
attached to a vest. In this way the children were not aware of
the hat, so when it appeared
in the mirror, children with self-recognition would be surprised
and perhaps try to grab the
hat. Phase 3 was similar to phase 2 but included a toy that was
lowered into view behind the
infant. Unlike the hat that moved with the child, the toy was not
connected physically. Infants
demonstrated success by connecting the reflection with the toy,
and locating it behind them.
Phase 4 consisted of the mirror and rouge. As found by
Amsterdam and others, successful
infants indicated that the mirror image did not fit the schema for
normal appearance. Finally,
in the fifth and last phase, mothers stood to the side of the
mirror and asked their children,
“Who’s that?” Successful infants stated their names or an
appropriate pronoun.
Table 12.1 shows that 46 out of 48 infants aged 6 to 24 months
followed the progression of

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