This document provides a summary and analysis of Marcel Mauss's essay "Techniques of the Body". It discusses how Mauss analyzed different human behaviors and physical movements as social phenomena that are learned and vary between different societies and cultures. Mauss believed that actions of the body like walking, running, and swimming involve techniques that are collectively learned and traditional to specific groups. He also emphasized the social and educational aspects of techniques of the body, noting they are learned from others and imposed from social authorities from above.

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2-3 pages (double spaced)
Essay/conversational form with introduction and conclusion
Demonstrates command of the reading and an effort to engage
deeply with the reading
offers insightful commentary
Due: to be uploaded before each class.
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about the day’s readings. This can be accomplished in many
ways, including (but not limited to)
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as an important contribution by the author, or you could start
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OR
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individually like separate bullet points, but rather incorporated
into the response. In fact, with only ~ 2 pages, if you were to

2. answer each question you wouldn’t have space to answer any
one fully.
Always aim for DEPTH over BREADTH (this is an
anthropological philosophy)
Try to utilize any new terms from previous class sessions to
make connections !
Chapter 6
[ ... ]
Marcel Mauss
TECHNIQUES OF THE B0DY 1
From M. Mauss (1973 [1936]) 'Techniques of the body',
translated by Ben
Brewster, Economy and Society 2: 70-88.
W H EN A NATU R AL SCIENCE makes advances, it only ever
does so in the direction of the concrete, and always in the
direction of the unknown. Now the
unknown is found at the frontiers of the sciences, where the
professors are at each other's
throats, as Goethe put it (though Goethe was not so polite). It is
generally in these
ill-demarcated domains that the urgent problems lie. Moreover,
these uncleared lands are

3. marked. In the natural sciences at present, there is always one
obnoxious rubric. There is
always a moment when, the science of certain facts not being
yet reduced into concepts,
the facts not even being organically grouped together, these
masses of facts receive that
posting of ignorance: 'Miscellaneous'. This is where we have to
penetrate. We can be cer-
tain that this is where there are truths to be discovered: first
because we known that we
are ignorant, and second because we have a lively sense of the
quantity of the facts. For
many years in my course in descriptive ethnology, I have had to
teach in the shadow of
the disgrace and opprobrium of the 'miscellaneous' in a matter
in which in ethnography
this rubric 'miscellaneous' was truly heteroclite. I was well
aware that walking or swim-
ming, for example, and all sorts of things of the same type, are
specific to determinate
societies; that the Polynesians do not swim as we do, that my
generation did not swim as
the present generation does. But what social phenomena did
these represent? They were
'miscellaneous' social phenomena, and, as this rubric is a horror,
I have often thought
about this 'miscellaneous', at least as often as I have been
obliged to discuss it and often
in between times.
[ ... ]
An example will put us in the picture straight away: us, the
psychologists, as well as
the biologists and sociologists. Previously we were taught to
dive after having learnt to

4. swim. And when we were learning to dive, we were taught to
close our eyes and then to
open them under water. Today the technique is the other way
round. The whole training
begins by getting the children used to keeping their eyes open
under water. Thus, even
74 MARCEL MAUSS
before they can swim, particular care is taken to get the children
to control their dan-
gerous but instinctive ocular reflexes, before all else they are
familiarised with the water,
their fears are suppressed, a certain confidence is created,
suspensions and movements
are selected. Hence there is a technique of diving and a
technique of education in diving
which have been discovered in my day. And you can see that it
really is a technical educa-
tion and, as in every technique, there is an apprenticeship in
swimming. On the other
hand, here our generation has witnessed a complete change in
technique: we have seen
the breast-stroke with the head out of the water replaced by the
different sorts of crawl.
Moreover, the habit of swallowing water and spitting it out
again has gone. In my day
swimmers thought of themselves as a king of steam-boat. It was
stupid, but in fact I still
do this : I cannot get rid of my technique. Here then we have a
specific technique of the
body, a gymnic art perfected in our own day.
But this specificity is characteristic of all techniques . An

5. example: during the War I
was able to make many observations on this spcificity of
techniques. E.g. the technique of
di99in9 . The English troops I was with did not know how to
use French spades, which
forced us to change 8000 spades a division when we relieved a
French division, and vice
versa. This plainly shows that a manual knack can only be
learnt slowly. Every technique,
LJ.:
roperly so-called, has its own form.
But the same is true of every attitude of the body. Each society
has its own special
its.
[". J
A kind of a revelation came to me in hospital. I was ill in New
York. I wondered
where previously I had seen girls walking as my nurses walked .
I had the time to think
about it. At last I realised that it was at the cinema. Returning
to France, I noticed how
common this gait was, especially in Paris; the girls were French
and they too were walk-
ing in this way. In fact, American walking fashions had begun
to arrive over here, thanks
to the cinema. This was an idea I could generalise. The
positions of the arms and hands
while walking form a social idiosyncracy, they are not simply a
product of some purely
individual, almost completely psychical arrangements and
mechanisms. For example: I
think I can also recognise a girl who has been raised in a

6. convent. In general she will walk
with her fists closed. And I can still remember my third-form
teacher shouting at me:
'Idiot! why do you walk around the whole time with your hands
flapping wide open?'
Thus there exists an education in walking, too.
Another example: there are polite and impolite positions for the
hands at rest. Thus you
can be certain that if a child at table keeps his elbows in when
he is not eating he is
English . A young Frenchman has no idea how to sit up straight;
his elbows stick out side-
ways; he puts them on the table, and so on.
Finally, in runnin9, too, I have seen, you all have seen, the
change in technique.
Imagine, my gymnastics teacher, one of the top graduates of
Joinville around 1860, taught
me to run with my fists close to my chest: a movement
completely contradictory to all
running movements; I had to see the professional runners of
1890 before I realised the
necessity of running in a different fashion.
Hence I have had this notion of the social nature of the' habitus'
for many years. Please
note that I use the Latin word - it should be understood in
France - habitus. The word
translates infinitely better than 'habitude' (habit or custom), the
'exis', the 'acquired
ability ' and 'faculty' of Aristotle (who was a psychologist). It
does not designate those

7. br dan-
e water,
ements
l diving
educa-
e other .
y day
t I still
, War I
~ue of
1
which
1
d vice
nique,
rpecial
pered
think
how
alk-
1anks
'ands
llrely
ile: I
walk
me:
1en?'

8. you
'e is
"de-
iue.
cght
all
the
ase
rd
red
ose
~ ~ v»' V"'
TECHNIQUES OF THE BODY 75
metaphysical habitudes, that mysterious 'memory', the subjects
of volumes or short and
famous theses. These 'habits' do not just vary with individuals
and their imitations, they
vary especially between societies, educations, proprieties and
fashions, prestiges. In them
we should see the techniques and work of collective and
individual practical reason rather
than, in the ordinary way, merely the soul and its repetitive
faculties.
( ... ]
Another series of facts impressed itself upon me. In all these
elements of the art of
using the human body, the facts of education were dominant. [
... ] The child imitates

9. actioris of adults, which have succeeded and which he has seen
successfully performed by
people in whom he has confidence and who have authority over
him. The action is
imposed from without, from above, even if it is an exclusively
biological action, involv-
ing his body. The individual borrows the series of movements
which constitute it from the
action executed in front of him or with him by others.
It is precisely this notion of the prestige of the person who
performs the ordered,
authorised, tested action vis-a-vis the imitating individual that
contains all the social ele-
ment. The imitative action which follows contains the
psychological element and the bio-
logical element. But the whole, the ensemble, is conditioned by
the three elements
indissolubly mixed together.
( ... ]
I made, and went on making for several years, the fundamental
mistake of thinking
that there is technique only when there is an instrument. I had
to go back to ancient
notions, to the Platonic position on technique, for Plato spoke
of a technique of music
and in particular of a technique of the dance, and extend these
notions.
I call technique an action w!:!!ch is ~<;_tj_v~ ~cl tr~~i!io~;!] (
and you will see th~ -~~
it is no different from a magical , religiQU.l,.QI §~P2lic_
acti,22). It has to be effective and tra-
ditional. There is no technique and no transmission in the

10. absence of tradition. This above
all is what distinguishes man from the animals: the transmission
of his techniques and very
probably their oral transmission.
Allow me, therefore, to assume that you accept my definitions.
But what is the dif-
ference between the effective traditional action of religion, the
symbolic or juridical
effective traditional action, the actions of life in common, moral
actions on the one hand
and the traditional actions of technique on the other? It is that
the latter are felt by the
author as actions ef a mechanical, physical or physico-chemical
order and that they are pursued
with that aim in view.
In this case all that need be said is quite simply that we are
dealing with techniques ef
the body. T~ body is man's first and most natural instrument. Or
more accurately, not to
speak of instruments, man's first and most natural technical
object, and at the same time
technical means, is his body. Immediately this whole broad
category of what I classified
in descriptive sociology as 'miscellaneous' disappeared from
that rubric and took shape
and body: we now know where to range it.
Before instrumental techniques there is the ensemble of
techniques of the body. [ ... ]
The constant adaption to a physical, mechanical or chemical aim
(e.g. when we drink) is
pursued in a series of assembled actions, and assembled for the
individual not by himself
~e but by all his education, by the whole society to which he

11. belongs, in the place he
occupies in it.
76 MARCEL MAUSS
Moreover, all these techniques were easily arranged in a system
which is common to
us, the notion basic to psychologists, [ ... J of the symbolic life
of the mind; the notion we
have of the activity of the consciousness as being above all a
system of symbolic assemblages.
I should never stop if I tried to demonstrate to you all the facts
that might be listed
to make visible this concourse of the body and moral or
intellectual symbols. Here let us
look for a moment at ourselves. Everything in us all is under
command. I am a lecturer
for you; you can tell it from my sitting posture and my voice,
and you are listening to me
seated and in silence. We have a set of permissible or
impermissible, natural or unnatural
attitudes. Thus we should attribute different values to the act of
staring fixedly: a symbol
of politeness in the army, and of rudeness in everyday life.
[" . J
What emerges very clearly ... is the (act that we are everywhere
faced wi~sio-
psycho-socio1ogical assemblages of series of actions. These
actions are m9re or le~itual
ana more or less ancient in the life of the individual and the
history of the society. -

12. - Let us go further: one of the reasons why these series may
more easily ~embled
in the individual is precisely because they are assembled by and
for social authority. As
a corporal this is how I taught the reason for exercise in close
order, marching four
abreast and in step. I ordered the soldiers not to march in step
drawn up in ranks and in
two files four abreast, and I obliged the squad to pass between
two of the trees in the
courtyard. They marched on top of one another. They realised
that what they were being
made to do was not so stupid. In group life as a whole, there is
a kind of education of
movements in close order.
In every society, everyone knows and has to know and learn
what he has to do in all
conditions. Naturally, social life is not exempt from stupidly
and abnormalities. Error
may be a principle. The French Navy only recently began to
teach its sailors to swim. By
example and order, that is the principle. Hence there is a strong
sociological causality in
all these facts.
On the other hand, since these are movements of the body, this
all presupposes an
enormous biological and physiological apparatus. What is the
breadth of the linking psy-
chological cog-wheel? I deliberately say cog-wheel. A Comtian
would say that there is no
gap between the social and the biological. What I can tell you is
that there I see psycho-
logical facts as connecting cogs and not as causes, except in
moments of creation or

13. reform.
[".]
I believe that this whole notion of the education of races that
are selected on the
basis of a determinate efficiency is one of the fundamental
moments of history itself: edu-
cation of the vision, education in walking - ascending,
descending, running. It consists
especially of education in composure. And the latter is above all
a retarding mechanisms,
a mechanism inhibiting disorderly movements; this retardation
subsequently allows a
co-ordinated response of co-ordinated movements setting off in
the direction of a chosen
goal. This resistance to emotional seizure is something
fundamental in social and mental
life. It separates out, it even classifies the so-called primitive
societies; according to
whether they display more brutal, unreflected, unconscious
reactions or on the contrary
more isolated, precise actions governed by a clear
consciousness.
It is tha
unconsciow
the certaini
unconsciou
sailors to le
[" . J
Note
This I,

14. publis.
pp. 2'i
by Cl.
pp. 36
hmon to
I
~tion we
inblages.
e listed
re let us
lecturer
gtome
natural
symbol
•ity. As
four
and in
in the
being
ion of
in all
rror
. By
'ty in
s an

15. psy-
is no
ho-
or
the
du-
ists
n
ital
to
TECHNIQUES OF THE BODY 77
It is thanks to society that there is an intervention of
consciousness . It is not thanks to
unconsciousness that there is an intervention of society. It is
thanks to society that there. is
the certainty of pre-prepared movements, domination of the
conscious over emotion and
i"iiiconsciousness. It is right that the French Navy is now to
make it obligatory for its
sailors to learn to swim.
( ... ]
Note
This lecture was given at a meeting of the Societe de
Psychologie, May 17th, 1934 and
published in the Journal de psychologie normal et patholigique,
Paris, Annee XXXII, 1935,

16. pp. 271 - 93 . Reprinted in Marcel Mauss, Sociologie et
Anthropologie (with introduction
by Claude Levi-Strauss), 4th edition, Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France, 1968,
pp. 364-86.
•
Chapter 8
Erving Goffman
EMBODIED INFORMATION IN
FACE -TO-FACE INTERACTION
From E. Goffman (1963) Behavior in Public Places: Notes on
the Social
Organization of Gatherings, Free Press of Glencoe, Collier-
Macmillan.
T HE EXCHANGE OF WOR D S and glances between
individuals in each other's presence is a very common social
arrangement, yet it is one whose distinctive
communication properties are difficult to disentangle. Pedantic
definitions seem to be
required.
An individual may give information through the linguistic
means formally established
in society for this purpose, namely, speech or recognized speech
substitutes such as writing

17. and pictorial signs or gestures. One speaks here of an individual
sending messages to some-
one who receives them. But the individual may also give
information expressively, through
the incidental symptomatic significance of events associated
with him. In this case one might
say that he emits, exudes, or gives off information to someone
who gleans it.
[ ... ]
The information that an individual provides, whether he sends it
or exudes it, may be
~odied or disembodied}). frown, a spoken word, or a kick is a
message that a sender con-
veys by means of his own current bodily activity, the
transmission occurring only during the
time that this body is present to sustain this activity.
Disembodied messag_e_s, such as the ones
we receive from letters and mailed gifts, or the ones hunters
receive from the spoor of a
now distant animal, require that the organism do something that
traps and holds informa-
~on long after the organism has stopped informing. This study
will be concerned only with
embodied information.
[ ... ]
In everyday thinking about the receiving senses, it is felt that
ordinarily they are used
in a "naked" or "direct" way. This apparently implies a
restriction on boosting devices -
mechanical, chemical, or electrical - except as these raise the
faulty sense of a particular

18. individual to average unassisted strength: glasses, for example,
but not binoculars; hearing
aids but not microphones. Electric lighting would have to be
allowed as merely raising
a room to day-time standards.
-·
w
implie:
em bod
tionsc
;ends i
glean fi
of briel
No
senses"
on pers
asymmt
in the p
as easil)
embodi•
ofembo
exploita
cation c,
the nake
a giver.
The
an addec
way, and
and initia
that heh:
nakedly a
there bei

19. nor havir
involved.
The l
and G. H.
two perso
considerat
insightfull:
action mu
sympathet
informatio
[ ... ]
Co pre
another. P1
of this ace,
ditionally <
clear, and,
[ ... ]
For ou
safety will i
(he Social
blished
writing
~ sorne-
ough
i might

20. 1ay be
· con-
igthe
.ones
, of a
;rna-
With
ied
l-
iar
11g
~g
EMBODIED INFORMATION IN FACE-TO-FACE
INTERACTION 83
When one speaks of experiencing someone else with one's
naked senses, one usually
implies the reception of embodied messages. This linkage of
naked sen~s on one side and
embodied transmission on the other providesone°of the crucial
c9mmunication condi-
tions of face-to-face_ interaction. Under this condition any
message that an individual
;ends is likely to be qualified and modified by much additional
information that others
glean from him simultaneously, often unbeknownst to him;
further, a very large number
of brief messages may be sent.
Now the individual can, of course, receive embodied messages
by means of his naked

21. senses without much chance of these communication roles being
reversed, as when he spies
on persons through a crack in the wall or overhears them
through a thin partition. 2 Such
asymmetrical arrangements may even be established as part of
an occupational setting, as
in the procedure by which psychoanalysts or priests observe
their clients without being
as easily observed in return. Ordinarily, however, in using the
naked senses to receive
embodied messages from others, the individual also makes
himself available as a source
of embodied information for them (although there is always
likely to be some differential
exploitation of these monitoring possibilities). Here, then, is a
second crucial communi-
cation condition of face-to-face interaction: not only are the
receiving and conveying of
the naked and embodied kind, but each giver is himself a
receiver, and each receiver is
a giver.
The implications of this second feature are fundamental. First,
sight begins to take on
an added and special role. Each individual can see that he is
being experienced in some
way, and he will guide at least some of this conduct according
to the perceived identity
and initial ~ponse of his audience. 3 Further, he can be seen to
be seeing this, and can see
that he has been seen seeing this. Ordinarily, then, to use our
naked senses is to use them
nakedly and to be made naked by th~ir use: We are clearly seen
as the agents of our acts,
there being very little chance of disavowing having committed
them; neither having given

22. nor having received messages can be easily denied, at least
among those immediately
involved. 4
The factor emerges, then, that was much considered by Adam
Smith, Charles Cooley,
and G. H. Mead; namely, the special mutuality of immediate
social interaction. That is, when
two persons are together, at least some of their world will be
made up out of the fact (and
consideration for the fact) that an adaptive line of action
attempted by one will be either
insightfully facilitated by the other or insightfully countered, or
both, and that such a line of
action must always be pursued in this intelligently helpful and
hindering world. Individuals
sympathetically take the attitude of others present, regardless of
the end which they put the
information thus acquired. 5
[ ... ]
Copresence renders persons uniquely accessible, available, and
subject to one
another. Public order, in its face-to-face aspects, has to do with
the normative regulation
of this accessibility. Perhaps the best explored face-to-face
aspect of public order as tra-
ditionally defined is what is sometimes called "public safety."
Its basic rules are few and
clear, and, in Western society today, heavily reinforced by
police authority.
[ . .. ]
For our present purposes, the aspect of public order having to

23. do with personal
safety will be passed by. I will be concerned with the fact that
when persons are present
84 ERVING GOFFMAN
to one another they can function not merely as physical
instruments but also "5 commu-
nicative ones. This possibility, no less than the physical one, is
fateful for ~veryone
concerned and in every society appears to come under strict
normative regulation, giving
rise to a kind of communication traffic order.
[ ... ]
In American society, it appears that the individual is expected
to exert a kind of disci-
pline or tension in regard to his body, showing that he has his
faculties in readiness for any
face-to-face interaction that might come his way in the
situation.
[ ... ]
One of the most evident means by which the individual shows
himself to be situa-
tionally present is through the disciplined management of
personal appearance or "per-
sonal front," that is, the complex of clothing, make-up, hairdo,
and other surface

24. decorations he carries about on his person. In public places in
Western society, the male
of certain classes is expected to present himself in the situation
neatly attired, shaven, his
hair combed, hands and face clean; female adults have similar
and further obligations. It
should be noted that with these matters of personal appearance
the obligation is not
merely to possess the equipment but also to exert the kind of
sustained control that will
keep it properly arranged. (And yet, in spite of these rulings, we
may expect to find, in
such places as the New York subway during the evening rush
hour, that some persons,
between scenes, as it were, may let expression fall from their
faces in a kind of tempo-
rary uncaring and righteous exhaustion, even while being
clothed and made up to fit
a much more disciplined stance.)
I have already suggested that a failure to present oneself to a
gathering in situational
harness is likely to be taken as a sign of some kind of disregard
for the setting and its
participants.
[ ... ]
An interesting expression of the kind of interaction tonus that
lies behind the proper
management of personal appearance is found in the constant
care exerted by men in our
society to see that their trousers are buttoned and that an
erection bulge is not showing. 6

25. Before entering a social situation, they often run through a
quick visual inspection of the
relevant parts of their personal front, and once in the situation
they may take the extra
precaution of employing a protective cover, by either crossing
the legs or covering the
crotch with a newspaper or book, especially if self-control is to
be relaxed through com-
fortable sitting. A parallel to this concern is found in the care
that women take to see that
their legs are not apart, exposing their upper thighs and
underclothing. The universality
in our society of this kind oflimb discipline can be deeply
appreciated on a chronic female
ward where, for whatever reason, women indulge in zestful
scratching of their private
parts and in sitting with legs quite spread, causing the student to
become conscious of the
vast amount of limb discipline that is ordinarily taken for
granted. A similar reminder of
one's expectations concerning limb discipline can be obtained
from the limb movements
required of elderly obese women in getting out of the front seat
of a car. Just as a Balinese
would seem ever to be concerned about the direction and height
of his seat, so the indi-
vidual in our society, while "in situation," is constantly oriented
to keeping "physical" signs
of sexual capacities concealed. And it is suggested here that
these parts of the body when
ex
ev

26. [ ..
tio
tio
exi
cor
var
[ ...
ing
gro
be,
sha1
also
ther
havt
is ol
Not
2
3
4
commu-
veryone

27. ,n,giving
of disci-
s for any
e situa-
~r "per-
surface
e male
en, his
ions. It
is not
twill
Ind, in
pons,
impo-
to fit
tional
ad its
oper
tour
ing.6
r the
xtra
the
)m-
that

28. lity
1ale
ate
the
of
its
ise
Ii-
ns
:n
EMBODIED INFORMATION IN FACE-TO-FACE
INTERACTION 85
exposed are not a symbol of sexuality merely, but of a laxity of
control over the self -
evidence of an insufficient harnessing of the self for the
gathering.
[".]
One of the most delicate components of personal appearance
seems to be the composi-
tion of the face. A very evident means by which the individual
shows himself to be situa-
tionally present is by appropriately controlling through facial
muscles the shape and
expression of the various parts of this instrument. Although this
control may not be
conscious to any extent, it is nonetheless exerted. We have
party faces, funeral faces, and
various kinds of institutional faces.
[".]

29. An interesting fact about proper composition of the face is that
the ease of maintain-
ing it in our society would seem to decline with age, so that,
especially in the social class
groupings whose women long retain an accent on sexual
attractiveness, there comes to
be an increasingly long period of time after awakening that is
required to get the face into
shape, during which the individual in her own eyes is not
"presentable." A point in age is
also reached when, given these youthful standards of what a
face in play should look like,
there will be viewing angles from which an otherwise properly
composed face looks to
have insufficient tonus.
The disciplined ordering of personal front is one way, then, in
which the individual
is obliged to express his aliveness to those about him.
Notes
2
3
4
Compare the usage byT. S. Szasz, The Myth ef Mental Jllness
(New York: Hoeber-Harper,
1961), p. 116 ff.
An asymmetrical communication relation of this kind, Polonius
notwithstanding, is of
course more practical when boosting devices, such as concealed
microphones, are
employed. In Shetland Isle pocket telescopes were commonly

30. used for the purpose of
observing one's neighbors without being observed in the act of
observing. In this way
it was possible to check constantly what phase of the annual
cycle of work one's neigh-
bors were engaged in, and who was visiting whom. This use of
the telescope was appar-
ently related to the physical distance between crofts, the
absence of trees and other
blocks to long-distance perception, and the strong maritime
tradition of the Islands. It
may be added that every community and even work place would
seem to have some
special communication arrangements of its own.
In the asymmetrical case, where a person is being spied upon by
direct or indirect
means, he may greatly modify his conduct if he suspects he is
being observed, even
though he does not know the identity of the particular audience
that might be observ-
ing him. This is one of the possibilities celebrated in Orwell's
1984, and its possibility
is one of the force operative is socially controlling persons who
are alone.
When two-way television is added to telephones, the unique
contingencies of direct
interaction will fmally be available for those who are widely
separated. In any case these
mediated 'point-to-point' forms of communication can be
characterized by the degree
to which they restrict or attenuate the communicative
possibilities discussed here.