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Background of Bangladesh
Daffodil International University
1. The Language Movement (1952)
The Language Movement is a unique event in the history of the political
Movement of Bangladesh. Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56
percent of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, Urdu was the
mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of Pakistan. Although
56 percent of the people of Pakistan were Bengalis, the West Pakistani
didn’t want Bengali to become the state language. On the other hand,
Bengalis wanted to make their language the state language along with
Urdu and had no objections against that language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198).
The question of Bengali as a state language came up immediately after the
creation of Pakistan. On 6 and 7 September 1947 the youth workers of East
Pakistan held a Conference in Dhaka which was presided over by Tasadduk
Hossain. This Conference, for the first time took a resolution demanding
Bengali as the language of the offices and the courts and also as the
medium of instruction in East Pakistan.
Various Phases of Language Movement
On 15 September 1947 the Tamuddun Majlis published the first booklet on the
Language Movement entitled 'Pakistaner Rastrabhasha Bangla Na Urdu'.
Professor Abul Kashem, Dr. Qazi Motahar Hossain and Abul Mansur Ahmed were
the authors of this booklet.
 I. First Stage of the Language Movement:
In October 1947, Tamuddun Majlis formed a Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad to
give the Language Movement an organisational structure. Nurul Huq Bhuyan was
appointed convener of this Sangram Parishad. At this time several discussion
meetings were held on behalf of the Tamaddun Majlis to explain the rationale of
Bengali as a state language.
In December 1947 an Educational Conference was held in Karachi sponsored by
the Government of Pakistan. In this Conference the decision was taken to make
Urdu the state language of Pakistan. On 6 December, to protest against this
decision, the students held a meeting at the Dhaka University campus under the
president ship of Professor Abul Kashem.
In January 1948 the 'Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad' was reconstituted with
a view to making Bengali a state language. The Sangram Parishad raised the
following demands regarding the question of language:
1. Bengali shall be the medium of instruction and the language of the offices
and law Courts of East Bengal (East Pakistan);
2. There will be two state languages of Pakistan Bengali and Urdu.
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In February 1948 when the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan started to
record its proceedings in Urdu side by side with English, Dhirendra Nath Dutta
of Comilla, a member of the Constituent Assembly from East Bengal, protested
against it and demanded that Bengali be accorded official recognition as one of
the languages of the Constituent Assembly. As a mark of protest, a strike was
observed on 26 February in Dhaka.
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
On 2 March 1948 the various organizations of East Bengal held a meeting at the
Fazlul Huq Hall of Dhaka University to realize the demand for the state lan-
guage. The meeting chaired by Kamruddin Ahmad resolved to form an All-Party
Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. The Samgram Parishad called a general strike
on 11 March 1948 to resist the conspiracy of the Government in the language
issue.
On that day, many students were injured and many leaders including Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Huq and Oli Ahad were arrested. It was decided that
11 March would be declared ‘Bengali Language Demand Day’. We also decided
to spring into action in all the districts on that day’ (Rahman 2012. P. 92).
In protest against this incident and to make Bengali a state language, another
strike was observed at Dhaka University and other educational institutions on 13
March. This strike was extended up to 15 March. A general strike was also
observed in all the districts of the province.
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In such a situation, the Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin met the Sangram
Parishad on 15 March and signed an agreement with them. By this agreement,
he agreed to release the arrested students, to investigate police excesses, to
move a Bill in the Assembly for making Bengali a state language and to lift
section 144 and the restrictions imposed on the news papers.
In March 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and on 21 March,
addressed a public meeting at the then Race Course Maidan. In that meeting he
declared, "Urdu and only Urdu shall be the state language of Pakistan". When
he repeated these words at the Dhaka University Convocation Ceremony held on
24 March at the Curzon Hall, the students present protested vehemently by
shouting 'No, No'. On that very day, Rastrabhasha Parishad submitted a
memorandum to Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanding for Bengali the status of a
state language of Pakistan. From this time (March’1948) on till he died Jinnah
never again said that he wanted Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan
(Rahman 2012. P. 99). Those who wanted Urdu as the only state language had
just one argument to back them: it was, they said, an ‘Islamic language’. But we
could not figure out how Urdu had ended up becoming as Islamic language’
(Rahman 2012. P. 98).
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In 1948, the All Pakistan Education Conference held in Karachi, proposed the
introduction of Arabic script, or in other words, Urdu letters for writing Bengali in
the name of honoring the Islamic ideal. Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah was
proposed to be appointed for the purpose of introducing Arabic script for writing
Bengali. But he rejected the proposal.
In April 1949 the students of the Bengali Department of the University of Dhaka
submitted a memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board and the
Alphabet Expert Committee strongly protesting against this objectionable move
to introduce Arabic script to write Bengali. In the memorandum the demand was
also made not to change the Bengali alphabets.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 9 March 1949 the Government of East Bengal formed the Purbo Bangla
Bhasha Committee for reforming Bengali language. Maulana Akram Khan was the
President of this Committee.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
The Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan visited Dhaka towards the end of
1949. In a memorandum submitted to him, the students of Dhaka University
reiterated the demand for Bengali language. But Liaquat Ali Khan did not make
any comment on this subject. In 1949, at the Purbo Pakistan Shahitya Sammelan,
Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah also raised the question of language
In September 1950 The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan declared in the
Constituent Assembly that only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan.
But in the face of strong protest from the people of East Bengal, the Constituent
Assembly postponed the discussion on the question of the state language.
In 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin' succeeded
him as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. When Jinnah was the Governor General he
made very good use of power vested in him. But Khawaja Saheb was too
amiable and weak to be effective. He didn’t have much of a personality
(Rahman 2012. P. 119).
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 26 January 1952 at a public meeting in Dhaka he declared that Urdu would
be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration of Khwaja Nazimuddin
created a strong resentment among the people of East Bengal and as a mark of
protest a call for hartal throughout the province was given.
All Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Committee decided to call a student's strike
on 4 February and observe 21 February as the State Language Day and to
observe hartal throughout the country. February 21 had already been chosen as
the State Language Day since the East Pakistan Provincial assembly was
scheduled to sit in session on that day’(Rahman 2012. P. 197).
On 16 February 1952 Sheikh Mujib and student leader Mohiuddin Ahmed,
while detained in the Dhaka Central Jail as political prisoners, started the fast up
to death Movement on the question of 'Bengali as a state language and the
release of the political prisoners'. On 20 February the Government of Nurul
Amin, being scared of the student Movement imposed section 144 at 3 p.m.,
and banned the processions and the meetings. On 21 February, the students of
Dhaka University in an organized way defied section 144 and leading a
procession from the Dhaka University campus proceeded towards the Provincial
Assembly which was in session, chanting the slogan "Rashtrabhasha Bangla
Chai".
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
In a very tense situation the students assembled in the campus of the present
day Dhaka Medical College. When the police used tear gas to disperse the
students and the people that had assembled there, clashes occurred between
the police and the students and the people. At one stage, the police opened fire.
A number of people and students including Jabbar, Rafiq, Barkat and Salam
were martyred and many students and people were injured by this police firing.
On 22 February, a big rally, came out on the streets as a mark of protest. Police
opened fire on this rally too. As a result, Safiur Rahman was killed. On the same
day, in a meeting of the students held at the Dhaka Medical College hostel, it was
decided to build a Shaheed Minar to preserve the memory of the martyrs.
Accordingly, the Students erected a 12-feet high Shaheed Minar in front of Dhaka
Medical College.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 23 February, the father of Shaheed Safiur Rahman formally inaugurated the
Shaheed Minar. But in the evening of 24 February, police demolished this
Shaheed Minar. In memory of that, another Shaheed Minar was built later on the
same site and that is the present Central Shaheed Minar.
Bangla as State Language:
At last, the Government of Nurul Amin adopted a resolution in the Provincial
Assembly to the effect that a proposal would be raised at the Constituent
Assembly containing the demand to accord Bengali the status of one of the state
language of Pakistan. In the face of continuous student's and people's
Movements the Pakistan Government was compelled to give Bengali the status of
one of the state languages. Finally, Bengali was given the status of one of the
state languages in the Constitution of Pakistan of 1956.
Achievements of Language Movement
The Language Movement of 1952 was the first organized expression of the
consciousness of the exploited and deprived masses of Bangladesh. This
consciousness born out of the Language Movement inspired all the subsequent
Movements and helped achieving the political, the cultural and the economic
freedom leading to independence.
 Landslide victory in the provincial election in 1954 (out of 309 seats of the East
Bengal Legislative Assembly the United Front got 236, the Muslim League 9)
 Reorganization of the Bangla Language (1956)
 Reflection in educational conference (1962)
 Six-points (1966)
 Mass-uprising (1969)
 Landslide victory in the general election (1970) and
 Great victory in 1971
 Observed 21st February as an International Mother Language day
 Observed 2008 as ‘Year of Language’ by UN
 International Status of Bangla Language (Sierra Leone)
2. The Six-Point Movement (1966)
The Six Point Programme was a bold protest against the endless discrimination
in economic, political and military sectors pursued against the people of
Bengal by the Pakistani rulers. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, the Awami League played a historic role for redressing this
discrimination and establishing the rights of the people of East Pakistan. On 5
February 1966 opposition political parties met in a Conference in Lahore, in
this Conference, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed a Charter of Demands relating
to political, economic and military rights of East Pakistan. This is known in
history as the Six-Point Programme. These Six Points were formally presented
by him at a press conference in Lahore.
Six Points were-
1. A true federal type of constitution shall have to be framed for Pakistan
on the basis of the historic Lahore Resolution and the form of this
Government will be Parliamentary. All elections should be held on the
basis of universal adult franchise and direct voting and the sovereignty
of the Legislatures shall be recognized.
2. The Central Government shall have only two things, defense and
foreign affairs; all other residuary powers shall rest with the
provinces.
3. There shall be two separate but freely convertible currencies in the
two regions of the country; or, one single currency for the whole
country with the provision of two reserve banks in two provinces under
a federal reserve bank.
4. The regional governments shall have the authority to levy all taxes
and, to collect them. There shall be a provision for paying the Central
Government a portion of the revenues collected.
5. There should be separate accounts for the foreign exchange of the two
regions. If necessary, the requirement of the Centre will be met by
the two regions on the basis of equal rate or a rate as specified in the
Constitution.
6. The federal states should have the authority to form regional armed
forces or militia or Para-militia forces to protect the territories.
Outcomes of Six-Point
I. For the People of East Pakistan
The oppressed and exploited people of East Pakistan welcomed this Six-
Point Programme as their Magna Carta or the Charter of Freedom. As a
result, the popularity of the Six-Point Programme increased day by day.
Because-
a) It ensured Political Development (point-1)
b) Administrative Development (point-2)
c) Financial Development (point-3,4, & 5)
d) Enlargement of Military Power (point-6)
II. For the Government of Pakistan
The government became frightened at the popularity of the Six-Point demand and
falsely termed the Six-Point demand as an anti-state Movement. After this, the
Government took recourse to repressive policy to check the Six-Point movement
and arrested Sheikh Mujib along with many other leaders and workers of the
Awami League on 8 May 1966. There was widespread resentment in Dhaka and
throughout the province against these arrests. The Awami League, at first observed
a day of protest. Thereafter, on 7 June 1966 a general hartal was called throughout
the province for the release of the political prisoners. The government imposed
section 144 to prevent this hartal. But the people observed the hartal
spontaneously, ignoring the government ban and brought out a procession. The
police fired upon the processionists. Eleven people including young Manu Miah
were killed and hundreds of people were injured as a result of this firing. This act of
atrocity was strongly condemned in the Provincial Assembly.
3. Discrimination against East Pakistan
Introduction:
Form the very beginning, Pakistan had been following a policy of partition against East
Bengal. Political, military, administrative and economic discrimination had been
increasing gradually. Bengalis were beginning to perceive that they were being
discriminated against in business, government service and all spheres of trade and
commerce. Because Karachi was the capital of Pakistan, Bengalis were being deprived
of all sorts of advantages’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198). As a result, a wide gap was in the
relation between East and West Pakistan. Meanwhile, a group of West Pakistani
leaders who saw themselves as representing the country at the center and some
senior bureaucrats were conniving to snatch away the resources of East Bengal and
transfer them to other wing of the country. They seemed to have convinced
themselves that East Pakistan would not stay with them for long. Therefore, they
were trying to build up their part as fast as they could! On the other hand, the foreign
exchange earned from East Pakistan’s economy was now being used to build
factories and industries in West Pakistan (Rahman 2012. P.240 & 241).
‘…, food scarcity was recorded in many places. In particular, people of Faridpur,
Comilla and Dhaka districts were facing a calamity due to acute shortage of food
grain. On that time, government introduced the ‘Cordon System’. This meant
that there was to be no movement of food from one district to another’
(Rahman 2012. P. 103).
This time another arbitrary measure was imposed, making everyone suffer as in
a plague. The government opened what it called the Jinnah fund’. The
government let it be known that everyone should contribute to it according to
his or her capacity. In the name of Jinnah Fund, ‘some overzealous government
officials tried to forces others to donate money to make government happy.
Those who had guns would have to pay an additional amount. Businessmen of
course would have to pay much more. … those who failed to pay would be
punished. Everywhere people were coerced. Local watchmen were employed for
this purpose. They seized cows, cooking utensils, indeed anything of any value. It
all amounted to a reign of terror’ (Rahman 2012. P. 273).
I. Socio-Cultural Disparity
Bengali was the mother tongue of about 54 percent of the people of Pakistan.
On the other hand, Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the
whole of Pakistan (Census-1951). Thus Bengali, in spite of being the language of
the majority of the people of Pakistan, was ignored by the Pakistani ruling clique
as a state language which was a substantial discrimination against the people of
East Pakistan. On the other hand, East Pakistan also deprived from getting
reasonable facilities in various social sectors.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Total Population 5.50 Crore 7.50 Crore
2 Number of Doctor 12,400 7,600
3 Rural Health Complex 325 88
4 Urban Social Development Centre 81 52
II. Political Disparity
East Bengal became subjected to political discrimination immediately after the birth of
the state of Pakistan. Both of the two important posts of Pakistan were occupied by
West Pakistan. From 1947 to 1958, among all the presidents of Pakistan, one was from
East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu and among four Governors within 1955; one was
from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu. Moreover, attempts were made to keep
politically inactive all the popular leaders of this region including East Bengal's popular
leader Abul Kashem Fazlul Huq. In reality, East Pakistan was politically neglected by
Pakistan from the very beginning. For example, United Front got 236 seats out of 309
in the provincial election in 1954 but this government could not continue more then
two years.
SL. No Head of the State Regime
1 M.A. Jinnah 1947-48
2 K. Nazimuddin 1948-51
3 M.G. Muhammad 1951-55
4 Iskander Mirza 1955-56
II. Political Disparity
During the regime of Mr. Liaquat Ali & Mr. Nurul Amin, ‘the kind of torture and
harassment of political prisoners that was going on had no precedence in any
civilized country at any stage of history. Political prisoners appealed time and
again for their rights and privileges people in their position enjoyed in British
period. Unfortunately, their petitions were ignored’ (Rahman 2012. P. 172).
In the general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League acquired
an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National
Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial
Assembly. But Awami League did not form the government. In protest against
these discriminatory policies of West Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan raised
the demands for their rights of self-determination and autonomy. At this, the
West Pakistani ruling clique forgot the principles of democracy and perused a
policy of suppressing the just demands of the people of East Pakistan. They did
not even hesitate to term Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other patriotic leaders of
this region as traitors.
III. Employment/Military Disparity
While the security of East Pakistan was uncertain, the province was also subjected
to serious discrimination in military matters. The headquarters of the three
Defense Services were established in West Pakistan. Ordinance Factories were also
established in West Pakistan. No Bengali could be found in the high posts in the
Defense Services as those posts were monopolized by the West Pakistanis.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 479]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Central Civil Jobs 84% 16%
2 Foreign Jobs 85% 15%
3 Army 95% 5%
4 Navy (Technical) 81% 19%
5 Navy (Non-Technical) 91% 9%
6 Air Force (Pilot) 91% 9%
III. Employment/Military Disparity
In the army, 95 percent posts were held by the West Pakistanis and East
Pakistan had a share of only 5 percent. There was discrimination in other
branches as well. Highest expenditure in Pakistan was in the Defense
Sector. Initially, the allocation in this sector was 25 percent; subsequently
it was raised to 60 percent. East Pakistan never enjoyed any such benefit
from it. Militarily, East Pakistan was much neglected and remained
unprotected. During the Indo-Pak War of 1965 everyone clearly realized
this truth.
In administrative arena, within 1966, 77% 1st class jobs belonged to the
west Pakistani whereas only 23% filled up by the East Pakistani, On the
other hand, 74% for 2nd Class, 73% for 3rd Class and 70% for 4th Class jobs
went to west Pakistan while remaining were for East Pakistan.
IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
During the Pakistani rule, East Pakistan was subjected to severe economic
disparity. As a result, East Pakistan could never be self- sufficient economically.
The provincial government did not have any control over its currency and
economy. As everything was controlled by the Centre, all the income of East
Pakistan flew away to West Pakistan. Head offices of the State Bank and other
banks, insurance companies, trading concerns and foreign missions were
established in West Pakistan. This facilitated the unabated transfer of money to
West Pakistan. Resource allocation necessary for this region was at the mercy of
West Pakistan. On the other hand, there could not be any capital formation in
East Pakistan as surplus earnings were kept in West Pakistan.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Foreign Currency for Development 80% 20%
2 Foreign Aid without USA 96% 04%
3 USA Aid 56% 34%
4 Pakistan Industrial Corporation 53% 42%
5 House Building 88% 12%
6 Industrial Bank 76% 24%
IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
About two thirds of the foreign exchange of Pakistan was earned by
selling the jute of East Pakistan. But the jute farmers could never get
the fair price for their products. On various pretexts the foreign
exchange was also spent in West Pakistan. Most of the foreign loans
and economic assistance were spent for the Development of West
Pakistan, Even in industry, East Pakistan was backward. The small
number of industrial units, including the jute mills located in East
Pakistan, was mostly owned by the West Pakistani capitalists. In the
field of textile industry also, East Pakistan was dependent on West
Pakistan.
26
4. Liberation War of Bangladesh (1971)
The Liberation war began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of
Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a
series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively
deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land
reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities,
provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other
consequential questions had been straining the relations between the two
wings of Pakistan ever since independence of the country from Britain in 1947.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
Historical Background of Liberation War
 In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League acquired an
absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National
Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial
Assembly.
 On 3rd January, Mujib conducted the oath of the peoples’ representatives’ at a
meeting at the race Course ground. Awami League members took an oath to
frame a constitution on the basis of the six-point demand and pledged to remain
loyal to the people who had elected them.
 On 5th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto, the leader of the People’s Party, the majority
party in West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government
at the centre with Awami League’s Parliamentary Party at a meeting of the
members of the National Assembly of his party.
 On 27th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Mujib. The
talks failed after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13
February, President Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to sit in
Dhaka on 3rd March.
 On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and
demanded that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan
and West Pakistan. In 16 February, Mujib was critical of Bhutto for putting
forward such a demand and declared, “The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally
illogical. Power is to be handed over to the majority party, the Awami League.
The power now lies with the People of East Bengal.”
 On 1st March, Yahya Khan abruptly postphoned the National assembly session
which prompted a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Mujib presided over
a meeting of the Awami League working committee and called a countrywide
general strike on 3rd March. After the success of the general Strike, Mujib
demanded that the President immediately transfer power to his party.
 During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a
mammoth gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in
the history of the Bengali nation. In his address Mujib made specific
charges against the Martial Law authorities which failed to transfer
power to the elected representatives. At the end of his speech, he made
a clarion call, saying: "Build forts in each homestead. You must resist
the Pakistani enemy with whatever you have in hand…Remember, we
have given a lot of blood, a lot more blood we shall give if need be,
but we shall liberate the people of this country, Insha Allah [i.e., if
Allah blessed]..The struggle this time is the struggle for our
emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for
independence."
 Mujib advised the people to prepare themselves for resistance
movement against the enemy. He asked the people to start a non-
cooperation movement against the government of Yahya Khan. The
entire nation carried out his instructions. Every organization including
government offices, courts, banks, insurance companies, mills and
factories obeyed his order. In reality, he ruled an independent
Bangladesh from 7 March to 25 March.
 Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan
came to Dhaka on 15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and
his party. The dialogue began on the following day and continued
intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the period, non-
cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of
various political parties had been declaring independence from March 2
and the spree continued down to 25 March.
While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops
to Bangladesh and at the same time killing innocent civilians all over the
country. This clearly showed that they were totally insincere about
handing over power to the elected representatives of Bangladesh. No
sooner the talks failed, the genocide began at mid-night of 25 March 1971,
and the Pakistan army launched its brutal crackdown in Dhaka with
operation Search Light.
Moments after the crackdown began, Mujib declared independence at
12:30 a.m., 26 March. His declaration was transmitted through wireless
to every place in the country. He said, ‘This may be my last message;
from this day onward Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the
people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you
have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your struggle must
go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled
from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours.’
On 26 March, M.A. Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read
out Mujib’s declaration of independence over Chittagong radio and
General Yehya Khan, in his speech, banned the Awami League and
declared Mujib a traitor.
Sheikh Mujib was arrested from his Dhanmondi residence at 1:30 a.m.,
and kept confined at Dhaka Cantonment until he was lifted to West
Pakistan for facing trial for sedition (between August and September of
1971 inside Faisalabad jail in Pakistan) and inciting insurrection and
before that time. He was sentenced to death.
At about the same time, Major Ziaur Rahman announced Bangladesh's
independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at
Chittagong on 27th March’1971. That was the historical background of the
liberation war of Bangladesh.
33
According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were
established. Major General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under
Brigedier Arbab was responsible for operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs
while Major General Khadim Raja was given the responsibility of the rest
of the province. Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall
charge of the operation. The students and the nationalist political activists
put up resistance outside the cantonment. Road blocks were raised to
obstruct the march of the Pakistani column to the city areas. The wireless
set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the streets of
Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March. Several hundred people chanted the
slogan Joi Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns
silenced them. The army moved into the city before scheduled time and
started the genocide.
34
The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed
everything on their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka
blasting indiscriminately at the people and official and residential
buildings. They gunned down clusters of settlements and set fire on them.
Scores of artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the
city roaring the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka
University were raided and numerous students residing there were
brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many teachers of Dhaka
University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly
targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their
valuables and raped their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on
the unarmed people was flashed in the world press.
35
Chapter Related Questions
 What was the background of Language Movement?
 Discuss the various phases of Language Movement.
 What was the first/second/last phase of Language Movement?
 What were outcomes or achievements of Language Movement?
 Discuss the core achievements of Language Movement.
 Discuss various discriminations against East Pakistan.
 What was the historical background of Six Point Movement?
 What was Six Point Programme and what were they?
 Explain the outcomes/significance of Six Point Programme.
 ‘Six point Programme was a Charter of Freedom’-explain this statement.
 What was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh?
 Discuss the various phases of liberation war of Bangladesh.
 Discuss the role of various forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh.
 Write short note on followings: a) Operation Search Light
b) Mujibnagar Government
c) Victory Day.

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background of bangladesh

  • 1. Background of Bangladesh Daffodil International University
  • 2. 1. The Language Movement (1952) The Language Movement is a unique event in the history of the political Movement of Bangladesh. Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56 percent of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of Pakistan. Although 56 percent of the people of Pakistan were Bengalis, the West Pakistani didn’t want Bengali to become the state language. On the other hand, Bengalis wanted to make their language the state language along with Urdu and had no objections against that language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198). The question of Bengali as a state language came up immediately after the creation of Pakistan. On 6 and 7 September 1947 the youth workers of East Pakistan held a Conference in Dhaka which was presided over by Tasadduk Hossain. This Conference, for the first time took a resolution demanding Bengali as the language of the offices and the courts and also as the medium of instruction in East Pakistan.
  • 3. Various Phases of Language Movement On 15 September 1947 the Tamuddun Majlis published the first booklet on the Language Movement entitled 'Pakistaner Rastrabhasha Bangla Na Urdu'. Professor Abul Kashem, Dr. Qazi Motahar Hossain and Abul Mansur Ahmed were the authors of this booklet.  I. First Stage of the Language Movement: In October 1947, Tamuddun Majlis formed a Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad to give the Language Movement an organisational structure. Nurul Huq Bhuyan was appointed convener of this Sangram Parishad. At this time several discussion meetings were held on behalf of the Tamaddun Majlis to explain the rationale of Bengali as a state language. In December 1947 an Educational Conference was held in Karachi sponsored by the Government of Pakistan. In this Conference the decision was taken to make Urdu the state language of Pakistan. On 6 December, to protest against this decision, the students held a meeting at the Dhaka University campus under the president ship of Professor Abul Kashem.
  • 4. In January 1948 the 'Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad' was reconstituted with a view to making Bengali a state language. The Sangram Parishad raised the following demands regarding the question of language: 1. Bengali shall be the medium of instruction and the language of the offices and law Courts of East Bengal (East Pakistan); 2. There will be two state languages of Pakistan Bengali and Urdu. II. Second stage of the Language Movement: In February 1948 when the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan started to record its proceedings in Urdu side by side with English, Dhirendra Nath Dutta of Comilla, a member of the Constituent Assembly from East Bengal, protested against it and demanded that Bengali be accorded official recognition as one of the languages of the Constituent Assembly. As a mark of protest, a strike was observed on 26 February in Dhaka.
  • 5. II. Second stage of the Language Movement: On 2 March 1948 the various organizations of East Bengal held a meeting at the Fazlul Huq Hall of Dhaka University to realize the demand for the state lan- guage. The meeting chaired by Kamruddin Ahmad resolved to form an All-Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. The Samgram Parishad called a general strike on 11 March 1948 to resist the conspiracy of the Government in the language issue. On that day, many students were injured and many leaders including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Huq and Oli Ahad were arrested. It was decided that 11 March would be declared ‘Bengali Language Demand Day’. We also decided to spring into action in all the districts on that day’ (Rahman 2012. P. 92). In protest against this incident and to make Bengali a state language, another strike was observed at Dhaka University and other educational institutions on 13 March. This strike was extended up to 15 March. A general strike was also observed in all the districts of the province.
  • 6. II. Second stage of the Language Movement: In such a situation, the Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin met the Sangram Parishad on 15 March and signed an agreement with them. By this agreement, he agreed to release the arrested students, to investigate police excesses, to move a Bill in the Assembly for making Bengali a state language and to lift section 144 and the restrictions imposed on the news papers. In March 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and on 21 March, addressed a public meeting at the then Race Course Maidan. In that meeting he declared, "Urdu and only Urdu shall be the state language of Pakistan". When he repeated these words at the Dhaka University Convocation Ceremony held on 24 March at the Curzon Hall, the students present protested vehemently by shouting 'No, No'. On that very day, Rastrabhasha Parishad submitted a memorandum to Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanding for Bengali the status of a state language of Pakistan. From this time (March’1948) on till he died Jinnah never again said that he wanted Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan (Rahman 2012. P. 99). Those who wanted Urdu as the only state language had just one argument to back them: it was, they said, an ‘Islamic language’. But we could not figure out how Urdu had ended up becoming as Islamic language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 98).
  • 7. II. Second stage of the Language Movement: In 1948, the All Pakistan Education Conference held in Karachi, proposed the introduction of Arabic script, or in other words, Urdu letters for writing Bengali in the name of honoring the Islamic ideal. Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah was proposed to be appointed for the purpose of introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali. But he rejected the proposal. In April 1949 the students of the Bengali Department of the University of Dhaka submitted a memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board and the Alphabet Expert Committee strongly protesting against this objectionable move to introduce Arabic script to write Bengali. In the memorandum the demand was also made not to change the Bengali alphabets. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement: On 9 March 1949 the Government of East Bengal formed the Purbo Bangla Bhasha Committee for reforming Bengali language. Maulana Akram Khan was the President of this Committee.
  • 8. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement: The Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan visited Dhaka towards the end of 1949. In a memorandum submitted to him, the students of Dhaka University reiterated the demand for Bengali language. But Liaquat Ali Khan did not make any comment on this subject. In 1949, at the Purbo Pakistan Shahitya Sammelan, Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah also raised the question of language In September 1950 The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan declared in the Constituent Assembly that only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. But in the face of strong protest from the people of East Bengal, the Constituent Assembly postponed the discussion on the question of the state language. In 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin' succeeded him as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. When Jinnah was the Governor General he made very good use of power vested in him. But Khawaja Saheb was too amiable and weak to be effective. He didn’t have much of a personality (Rahman 2012. P. 119).
  • 9. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement: On 26 January 1952 at a public meeting in Dhaka he declared that Urdu would be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration of Khwaja Nazimuddin created a strong resentment among the people of East Bengal and as a mark of protest a call for hartal throughout the province was given. All Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Committee decided to call a student's strike on 4 February and observe 21 February as the State Language Day and to observe hartal throughout the country. February 21 had already been chosen as the State Language Day since the East Pakistan Provincial assembly was scheduled to sit in session on that day’(Rahman 2012. P. 197). On 16 February 1952 Sheikh Mujib and student leader Mohiuddin Ahmed, while detained in the Dhaka Central Jail as political prisoners, started the fast up to death Movement on the question of 'Bengali as a state language and the release of the political prisoners'. On 20 February the Government of Nurul Amin, being scared of the student Movement imposed section 144 at 3 p.m., and banned the processions and the meetings. On 21 February, the students of Dhaka University in an organized way defied section 144 and leading a procession from the Dhaka University campus proceeded towards the Provincial Assembly which was in session, chanting the slogan "Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai".
  • 10. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement: In a very tense situation the students assembled in the campus of the present day Dhaka Medical College. When the police used tear gas to disperse the students and the people that had assembled there, clashes occurred between the police and the students and the people. At one stage, the police opened fire. A number of people and students including Jabbar, Rafiq, Barkat and Salam were martyred and many students and people were injured by this police firing. On 22 February, a big rally, came out on the streets as a mark of protest. Police opened fire on this rally too. As a result, Safiur Rahman was killed. On the same day, in a meeting of the students held at the Dhaka Medical College hostel, it was decided to build a Shaheed Minar to preserve the memory of the martyrs. Accordingly, the Students erected a 12-feet high Shaheed Minar in front of Dhaka Medical College.
  • 11. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement: On 23 February, the father of Shaheed Safiur Rahman formally inaugurated the Shaheed Minar. But in the evening of 24 February, police demolished this Shaheed Minar. In memory of that, another Shaheed Minar was built later on the same site and that is the present Central Shaheed Minar. Bangla as State Language: At last, the Government of Nurul Amin adopted a resolution in the Provincial Assembly to the effect that a proposal would be raised at the Constituent Assembly containing the demand to accord Bengali the status of one of the state language of Pakistan. In the face of continuous student's and people's Movements the Pakistan Government was compelled to give Bengali the status of one of the state languages. Finally, Bengali was given the status of one of the state languages in the Constitution of Pakistan of 1956.
  • 12. Achievements of Language Movement The Language Movement of 1952 was the first organized expression of the consciousness of the exploited and deprived masses of Bangladesh. This consciousness born out of the Language Movement inspired all the subsequent Movements and helped achieving the political, the cultural and the economic freedom leading to independence.  Landslide victory in the provincial election in 1954 (out of 309 seats of the East Bengal Legislative Assembly the United Front got 236, the Muslim League 9)  Reorganization of the Bangla Language (1956)  Reflection in educational conference (1962)  Six-points (1966)  Mass-uprising (1969)  Landslide victory in the general election (1970) and  Great victory in 1971  Observed 21st February as an International Mother Language day  Observed 2008 as ‘Year of Language’ by UN  International Status of Bangla Language (Sierra Leone)
  • 13. 2. The Six-Point Movement (1966) The Six Point Programme was a bold protest against the endless discrimination in economic, political and military sectors pursued against the people of Bengal by the Pakistani rulers. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League played a historic role for redressing this discrimination and establishing the rights of the people of East Pakistan. On 5 February 1966 opposition political parties met in a Conference in Lahore, in this Conference, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed a Charter of Demands relating to political, economic and military rights of East Pakistan. This is known in history as the Six-Point Programme. These Six Points were formally presented by him at a press conference in Lahore.
  • 14. Six Points were- 1. A true federal type of constitution shall have to be framed for Pakistan on the basis of the historic Lahore Resolution and the form of this Government will be Parliamentary. All elections should be held on the basis of universal adult franchise and direct voting and the sovereignty of the Legislatures shall be recognized. 2. The Central Government shall have only two things, defense and foreign affairs; all other residuary powers shall rest with the provinces. 3. There shall be two separate but freely convertible currencies in the two regions of the country; or, one single currency for the whole country with the provision of two reserve banks in two provinces under a federal reserve bank.
  • 15. 4. The regional governments shall have the authority to levy all taxes and, to collect them. There shall be a provision for paying the Central Government a portion of the revenues collected. 5. There should be separate accounts for the foreign exchange of the two regions. If necessary, the requirement of the Centre will be met by the two regions on the basis of equal rate or a rate as specified in the Constitution. 6. The federal states should have the authority to form regional armed forces or militia or Para-militia forces to protect the territories.
  • 16. Outcomes of Six-Point I. For the People of East Pakistan The oppressed and exploited people of East Pakistan welcomed this Six- Point Programme as their Magna Carta or the Charter of Freedom. As a result, the popularity of the Six-Point Programme increased day by day. Because- a) It ensured Political Development (point-1) b) Administrative Development (point-2) c) Financial Development (point-3,4, & 5) d) Enlargement of Military Power (point-6)
  • 17. II. For the Government of Pakistan The government became frightened at the popularity of the Six-Point demand and falsely termed the Six-Point demand as an anti-state Movement. After this, the Government took recourse to repressive policy to check the Six-Point movement and arrested Sheikh Mujib along with many other leaders and workers of the Awami League on 8 May 1966. There was widespread resentment in Dhaka and throughout the province against these arrests. The Awami League, at first observed a day of protest. Thereafter, on 7 June 1966 a general hartal was called throughout the province for the release of the political prisoners. The government imposed section 144 to prevent this hartal. But the people observed the hartal spontaneously, ignoring the government ban and brought out a procession. The police fired upon the processionists. Eleven people including young Manu Miah were killed and hundreds of people were injured as a result of this firing. This act of atrocity was strongly condemned in the Provincial Assembly.
  • 18. 3. Discrimination against East Pakistan Introduction: Form the very beginning, Pakistan had been following a policy of partition against East Bengal. Political, military, administrative and economic discrimination had been increasing gradually. Bengalis were beginning to perceive that they were being discriminated against in business, government service and all spheres of trade and commerce. Because Karachi was the capital of Pakistan, Bengalis were being deprived of all sorts of advantages’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198). As a result, a wide gap was in the relation between East and West Pakistan. Meanwhile, a group of West Pakistani leaders who saw themselves as representing the country at the center and some senior bureaucrats were conniving to snatch away the resources of East Bengal and transfer them to other wing of the country. They seemed to have convinced themselves that East Pakistan would not stay with them for long. Therefore, they were trying to build up their part as fast as they could! On the other hand, the foreign exchange earned from East Pakistan’s economy was now being used to build factories and industries in West Pakistan (Rahman 2012. P.240 & 241).
  • 19. ‘…, food scarcity was recorded in many places. In particular, people of Faridpur, Comilla and Dhaka districts were facing a calamity due to acute shortage of food grain. On that time, government introduced the ‘Cordon System’. This meant that there was to be no movement of food from one district to another’ (Rahman 2012. P. 103). This time another arbitrary measure was imposed, making everyone suffer as in a plague. The government opened what it called the Jinnah fund’. The government let it be known that everyone should contribute to it according to his or her capacity. In the name of Jinnah Fund, ‘some overzealous government officials tried to forces others to donate money to make government happy. Those who had guns would have to pay an additional amount. Businessmen of course would have to pay much more. … those who failed to pay would be punished. Everywhere people were coerced. Local watchmen were employed for this purpose. They seized cows, cooking utensils, indeed anything of any value. It all amounted to a reign of terror’ (Rahman 2012. P. 273).
  • 20. I. Socio-Cultural Disparity Bengali was the mother tongue of about 54 percent of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of Pakistan (Census-1951). Thus Bengali, in spite of being the language of the majority of the people of Pakistan, was ignored by the Pakistani ruling clique as a state language which was a substantial discrimination against the people of East Pakistan. On the other hand, East Pakistan also deprived from getting reasonable facilities in various social sectors. [Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480] SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan 1 Total Population 5.50 Crore 7.50 Crore 2 Number of Doctor 12,400 7,600 3 Rural Health Complex 325 88 4 Urban Social Development Centre 81 52
  • 21. II. Political Disparity East Bengal became subjected to political discrimination immediately after the birth of the state of Pakistan. Both of the two important posts of Pakistan were occupied by West Pakistan. From 1947 to 1958, among all the presidents of Pakistan, one was from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu and among four Governors within 1955; one was from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu. Moreover, attempts were made to keep politically inactive all the popular leaders of this region including East Bengal's popular leader Abul Kashem Fazlul Huq. In reality, East Pakistan was politically neglected by Pakistan from the very beginning. For example, United Front got 236 seats out of 309 in the provincial election in 1954 but this government could not continue more then two years. SL. No Head of the State Regime 1 M.A. Jinnah 1947-48 2 K. Nazimuddin 1948-51 3 M.G. Muhammad 1951-55 4 Iskander Mirza 1955-56
  • 22. II. Political Disparity During the regime of Mr. Liaquat Ali & Mr. Nurul Amin, ‘the kind of torture and harassment of political prisoners that was going on had no precedence in any civilized country at any stage of history. Political prisoners appealed time and again for their rights and privileges people in their position enjoyed in British period. Unfortunately, their petitions were ignored’ (Rahman 2012. P. 172). In the general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League acquired an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly. But Awami League did not form the government. In protest against these discriminatory policies of West Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan raised the demands for their rights of self-determination and autonomy. At this, the West Pakistani ruling clique forgot the principles of democracy and perused a policy of suppressing the just demands of the people of East Pakistan. They did not even hesitate to term Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other patriotic leaders of this region as traitors.
  • 23. III. Employment/Military Disparity While the security of East Pakistan was uncertain, the province was also subjected to serious discrimination in military matters. The headquarters of the three Defense Services were established in West Pakistan. Ordinance Factories were also established in West Pakistan. No Bengali could be found in the high posts in the Defense Services as those posts were monopolized by the West Pakistanis. [Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 479] SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan 1 Central Civil Jobs 84% 16% 2 Foreign Jobs 85% 15% 3 Army 95% 5% 4 Navy (Technical) 81% 19% 5 Navy (Non-Technical) 91% 9% 6 Air Force (Pilot) 91% 9%
  • 24. III. Employment/Military Disparity In the army, 95 percent posts were held by the West Pakistanis and East Pakistan had a share of only 5 percent. There was discrimination in other branches as well. Highest expenditure in Pakistan was in the Defense Sector. Initially, the allocation in this sector was 25 percent; subsequently it was raised to 60 percent. East Pakistan never enjoyed any such benefit from it. Militarily, East Pakistan was much neglected and remained unprotected. During the Indo-Pak War of 1965 everyone clearly realized this truth. In administrative arena, within 1966, 77% 1st class jobs belonged to the west Pakistani whereas only 23% filled up by the East Pakistani, On the other hand, 74% for 2nd Class, 73% for 3rd Class and 70% for 4th Class jobs went to west Pakistan while remaining were for East Pakistan.
  • 25. IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity During the Pakistani rule, East Pakistan was subjected to severe economic disparity. As a result, East Pakistan could never be self- sufficient economically. The provincial government did not have any control over its currency and economy. As everything was controlled by the Centre, all the income of East Pakistan flew away to West Pakistan. Head offices of the State Bank and other banks, insurance companies, trading concerns and foreign missions were established in West Pakistan. This facilitated the unabated transfer of money to West Pakistan. Resource allocation necessary for this region was at the mercy of West Pakistan. On the other hand, there could not be any capital formation in East Pakistan as surplus earnings were kept in West Pakistan. [Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480] SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan 1 Foreign Currency for Development 80% 20% 2 Foreign Aid without USA 96% 04% 3 USA Aid 56% 34% 4 Pakistan Industrial Corporation 53% 42% 5 House Building 88% 12% 6 Industrial Bank 76% 24%
  • 26. IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity About two thirds of the foreign exchange of Pakistan was earned by selling the jute of East Pakistan. But the jute farmers could never get the fair price for their products. On various pretexts the foreign exchange was also spent in West Pakistan. Most of the foreign loans and economic assistance were spent for the Development of West Pakistan, Even in industry, East Pakistan was backward. The small number of industrial units, including the jute mills located in East Pakistan, was mostly owned by the West Pakistani capitalists. In the field of textile industry also, East Pakistan was dependent on West Pakistan. 26
  • 27. 4. Liberation War of Bangladesh (1971) The Liberation war began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities, provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other consequential questions had been straining the relations between the two wings of Pakistan ever since independence of the country from Britain in 1947. [Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
  • 28. Historical Background of Liberation War  In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League acquired an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly.  On 3rd January, Mujib conducted the oath of the peoples’ representatives’ at a meeting at the race Course ground. Awami League members took an oath to frame a constitution on the basis of the six-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the people who had elected them.  On 5th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto, the leader of the People’s Party, the majority party in West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre with Awami League’s Parliamentary Party at a meeting of the members of the National Assembly of his party.
  • 29.  On 27th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Mujib. The talks failed after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13 February, President Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to sit in Dhaka on 3rd March.  On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In 16 February, Mujib was critical of Bhutto for putting forward such a demand and declared, “The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power is to be handed over to the majority party, the Awami League. The power now lies with the People of East Bengal.”  On 1st March, Yahya Khan abruptly postphoned the National assembly session which prompted a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Mujib presided over a meeting of the Awami League working committee and called a countrywide general strike on 3rd March. After the success of the general Strike, Mujib demanded that the President immediately transfer power to his party.
  • 30.  During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a mammoth gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in the history of the Bengali nation. In his address Mujib made specific charges against the Martial Law authorities which failed to transfer power to the elected representatives. At the end of his speech, he made a clarion call, saying: "Build forts in each homestead. You must resist the Pakistani enemy with whatever you have in hand…Remember, we have given a lot of blood, a lot more blood we shall give if need be, but we shall liberate the people of this country, Insha Allah [i.e., if Allah blessed]..The struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for independence."
  • 31.  Mujib advised the people to prepare themselves for resistance movement against the enemy. He asked the people to start a non- cooperation movement against the government of Yahya Khan. The entire nation carried out his instructions. Every organization including government offices, courts, banks, insurance companies, mills and factories obeyed his order. In reality, he ruled an independent Bangladesh from 7 March to 25 March.  Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan came to Dhaka on 15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and his party. The dialogue began on the following day and continued intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the period, non- cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of various political parties had been declaring independence from March 2 and the spree continued down to 25 March.
  • 32. While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to Bangladesh and at the same time killing innocent civilians all over the country. This clearly showed that they were totally insincere about handing over power to the elected representatives of Bangladesh. No sooner the talks failed, the genocide began at mid-night of 25 March 1971, and the Pakistan army launched its brutal crackdown in Dhaka with operation Search Light. Moments after the crackdown began, Mujib declared independence at 12:30 a.m., 26 March. His declaration was transmitted through wireless to every place in the country. He said, ‘This may be my last message; from this day onward Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your struggle must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours.’
  • 33. On 26 March, M.A. Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Mujib’s declaration of independence over Chittagong radio and General Yehya Khan, in his speech, banned the Awami League and declared Mujib a traitor. Sheikh Mujib was arrested from his Dhanmondi residence at 1:30 a.m., and kept confined at Dhaka Cantonment until he was lifted to West Pakistan for facing trial for sedition (between August and September of 1971 inside Faisalabad jail in Pakistan) and inciting insurrection and before that time. He was sentenced to death. At about the same time, Major Ziaur Rahman announced Bangladesh's independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at Chittagong on 27th March’1971. That was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh. 33
  • 34. According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were established. Major General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier Arbab was responsible for operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim Raja was given the responsibility of the rest of the province. Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall charge of the operation. The students and the nationalist political activists put up resistance outside the cantonment. Road blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani column to the city areas. The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the streets of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March. Several hundred people chanted the slogan Joi Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The army moved into the city before scheduled time and started the genocide. 34
  • 35. The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed everything on their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka blasting indiscriminately at the people and official and residential buildings. They gunned down clusters of settlements and set fire on them. Scores of artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city roaring the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka University were raided and numerous students residing there were brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many teachers of Dhaka University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables and raped their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed people was flashed in the world press. 35
  • 36. Chapter Related Questions  What was the background of Language Movement?  Discuss the various phases of Language Movement.  What was the first/second/last phase of Language Movement?  What were outcomes or achievements of Language Movement?  Discuss the core achievements of Language Movement.  Discuss various discriminations against East Pakistan.  What was the historical background of Six Point Movement?  What was Six Point Programme and what were they?  Explain the outcomes/significance of Six Point Programme.  ‘Six point Programme was a Charter of Freedom’-explain this statement.  What was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh?  Discuss the various phases of liberation war of Bangladesh.  Discuss the role of various forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh.  Write short note on followings: a) Operation Search Light b) Mujibnagar Government c) Victory Day.