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Syndemics, Citizenship, and the Politics of 
Deportation in the Dominican Republic 
Authors: 
Mark Padilla, Associate Professor (Principal Investigator, Syndemics Projects), Florida 
International University 
José F. Colón Burgos, Ethnographer (Syndemics Project), Universidad de Puerto Rico 
Nelson Varas-Díaz, Professor, Co-Investigador (Syndemics Project), Universidad de 
Puerto Rico 
Armando Matiz, Research Associate, Project Director (Syndemics Project), Florida 
International University 
Prepared for the American Anthropological Association annual meeting, 
Washington, D.C., December 3, 2014.
Global “deportation regime” 
¨ “Deportability” – The social, 
political, economic, and 
demographic processes that 
produce often racialized “others” as 
individuals who can be removed 
from national territories through the 
legal and bureaucratic procedures 
of nation-states. 
¨ Deportation Regime: A global 
industry of deportation characterized 
by heightened securitization and by 
states’ ideological and infrastructural 
investment in three distinct but 
interrelated global wars: the war on 
terror, the war on drugs, and the war 
on immigration.1 Protests against President Obama’s 
near-record number of deportations, 
predicted to exceed President Bush’s 
record by the end of 2014 1. Based on De Genova and Peutz, eds. (2010). The Deportation Regime: 
Sovereignty, Space, and the Freedom of Movement. Durham: Duke U. Press.
Escalation of Dominican deportations from 
US (1963-2003)1 
“Following the 
enactment of IIRAIRA in 
1996, the number of 
Dominicans deported 
for noncriminal 
offenses increased 
exponentially.” (Broth-erton 
and Barrios, 
2011) 
1996: Enactment of the U.S. Illegal 
Immigration Reform and Immigrant 
Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA) 
1. Graph adapted from David Brotherton and Luis Barrios. (2011). Banished to the Homeland: Dominican Deportees 
and their Stories of Exile. New York: Columbia University Press.
Brotherton and Barrios’ notion of 
“social bulimia” 
¨ “Social bulimia” used to 
describe the process of cultural 
inclusion while expelling entire 
populations en masse 
¨ B&B’s work on Dominican 
deportees illustrates how the 
deportation regime adapts, 
assimilates, and integrates 
immigrant cultures in a 
segmented fashion, but 
simultaneously dehumanizes, 
incarcerates, and removes 
immigrant bodies back to the 
global south.
Some critical gaps in research on deportees 
¨ The lived experiences, perceptions, social and health 
consequences of deportation for the growing number of 
people experiencing such “forced migration.” 
¤ One important exception: Yolanda Martin’s work “Wasting 
Away” 
¨ The need for research on processes of returning “home” 
post-deportation 
¤ How do individuals re-constitute identities post-deportation? 
¤ How do they cope with that trauma upon return “home”? 
¤ How and to what extent are the re-incorporated? 
¤ What are their strategies for economic survival? 
¤ What are the impacts on overall health and well-being?
Syndemics Project: 2013-2018 
¨ “Migration, Tourism, and the HIV/Drug Use Syndemic in 
the Dominican Republic” (1 R01 DA031581-01A1, PI: 
Mark Padilla) 
¨ Mixed-method research on the drug and HIV epidemics 
among male tourism employees in the Dominican 
Republic 
¨ Involves ethnographic an survey research with male 
tourism migrants in Boca Chica and Santo Domingo 
¨ Uses syndemic theory to theorize the social and 
structural factors that may result in an HIV/Drug use 
syndemic
Conceptual framework: A syndemic 
linked to the tourism industry?
Developing theories on the connection 
between deportation and tourism labor 
¨ Little attention in the existing research on deportation, 
especially on the connections between deportation and 
tourism labor in the Caribbean 
¨ Our research to date: Almost all current tourism laborers 
with international migratory experience are deportees 
¨ A global system of “geonarcotics” incorporates these men 
only as low-level laborers in illicit informal economies both 
in the “core” and the “periphery.” 
¨ Local economies and cultures shape informal economies 
and the strategies that deportees use to make a living 
(e.g., “sex work” as a market demand in the DR due to 
the sex tourism industry)
Structural factors generating syndemic conditions 
for Dominican deportees working in tourism labor 
¨ Have participated in illicit, socially stigmatized street 
economies on two sides of the transnational circuit 
¨ Discrimination in (formal) employment due to presumed 
criminality 
¨ Often separated or estranged from their families 
¨ Histories of selling and/or consuming illicit drugs 
¨ Extended periods of incarceration 
¨ Have struggled for years with addiction and treatment 
¨ Have little access to effective interventions, such as harm 
reduction approaches 
¨ Lack of access to clinical treatment for addiction, which is 
essentially non-existent in the DR
Official government statistics of 
deportation 
Place of 
deportation 
n % 
Puerto Rico 307 9.99 
USA 2,767 90.01 
Total 3,074 
Deportee 
Nationality 
n % 
Dominican 
Republic 
3,893 0.6 
Department of Migration of the 
Dominican Republic 2013-2014 
US Department of Homeland 
Security 2013
US Department of Homeland Security 
2013 
64.1% 
11.1% 9.7% 7.7% 
0.9% 0.6% 
70.0% 
60.0% 
50.0% 
40.0% 
30.0% 
20.0% 
10.0% 
0.0% 
Mexico Guatemala Honduras El Salvador Ecuador Dominican 
Republic
The social production of stigma against 
deportees in the Dominican Republic 
¨ Male deportees described 
as heavily involved in drug 
use and drug trade; 
“Dominicanyorks” are often 
blamed for local increases 
in crime. 
¨ “Deportado” (deportee) 
functionally synonymous 
with “drogadicto” (drug 
addict) or even 
“narcotraficante” (narco-trafficker) 
Bureaucratic procedures – such as the mug 
shots taken of all arriving deportees – are 
symbolic of their social labeling as criminals. 
Photo by Mark Padilla.
“War on drugs” and Dominican deportation 
Charges against Deportees (N=102) 
Homicide 2% 
Sexual Assault 2% 
Theft 4% 
Non-criminal 4% 
Assault 6% 
Illegal entry / Drugs 59% 
Migration 14% 
Multiple Criminal 
Charges 5% 
Child pornography 
1% 
Arms possession 2% Not specified 1% 
*Data from ethnographic observation of deportee registration event, Sept 17, 2014, Santo Domingo.
The case of “Fernando” 
¨ [Add images to this 
slide]
Conclusion: Theorizing the syndemic factors 
among deportees working in tourism 
Social Production of 
“deportability” 
Illicit Drug 
use 
Migration, 
deportation, 
and tourism 
HIV/Drug 
Abuse 
Syndemic 
VIH/ 
AIDS 
Expulsion and trauma 
Figure adapted from Singer, Merrill (2010) 
of deportation 
Stigmatization of new 
arrivals 
Reinsertion into 
informal labor 
Informal tourism labor 
(drugs, sex work) 
Worsening of 
addiction 
Mental health 
sequelae 
Lack of access to 
drug treatment
Thank you! 
¨ The National Institutes for Health is acknowledged for support of 
the research reported in this presentation [National Institute on 
Drug Abuse (NIDA) grant #1 R01 DA031581-01A1, PI: Padilla] 
¨ We thank the following individuals from the Universidad 
Autónoma de Santo Domingo: Adrián Puello Guerrero, Ana 
Estévez, Leda Herasme, Jorge Asjana. We also wish to thank the 
following individuals for their support: Alexis Martinez, Caroline 
Parker, Alexander Fernandez, Martin Tsang.

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Syndemics, Citizenship, and the Politics of Deportation in the Dominican Republic

  • 1. Syndemics, Citizenship, and the Politics of Deportation in the Dominican Republic Authors: Mark Padilla, Associate Professor (Principal Investigator, Syndemics Projects), Florida International University José F. Colón Burgos, Ethnographer (Syndemics Project), Universidad de Puerto Rico Nelson Varas-Díaz, Professor, Co-Investigador (Syndemics Project), Universidad de Puerto Rico Armando Matiz, Research Associate, Project Director (Syndemics Project), Florida International University Prepared for the American Anthropological Association annual meeting, Washington, D.C., December 3, 2014.
  • 2. Global “deportation regime” ¨ “Deportability” – The social, political, economic, and demographic processes that produce often racialized “others” as individuals who can be removed from national territories through the legal and bureaucratic procedures of nation-states. ¨ Deportation Regime: A global industry of deportation characterized by heightened securitization and by states’ ideological and infrastructural investment in three distinct but interrelated global wars: the war on terror, the war on drugs, and the war on immigration.1 Protests against President Obama’s near-record number of deportations, predicted to exceed President Bush’s record by the end of 2014 1. Based on De Genova and Peutz, eds. (2010). The Deportation Regime: Sovereignty, Space, and the Freedom of Movement. Durham: Duke U. Press.
  • 3. Escalation of Dominican deportations from US (1963-2003)1 “Following the enactment of IIRAIRA in 1996, the number of Dominicans deported for noncriminal offenses increased exponentially.” (Broth-erton and Barrios, 2011) 1996: Enactment of the U.S. Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA) 1. Graph adapted from David Brotherton and Luis Barrios. (2011). Banished to the Homeland: Dominican Deportees and their Stories of Exile. New York: Columbia University Press.
  • 4. Brotherton and Barrios’ notion of “social bulimia” ¨ “Social bulimia” used to describe the process of cultural inclusion while expelling entire populations en masse ¨ B&B’s work on Dominican deportees illustrates how the deportation regime adapts, assimilates, and integrates immigrant cultures in a segmented fashion, but simultaneously dehumanizes, incarcerates, and removes immigrant bodies back to the global south.
  • 5. Some critical gaps in research on deportees ¨ The lived experiences, perceptions, social and health consequences of deportation for the growing number of people experiencing such “forced migration.” ¤ One important exception: Yolanda Martin’s work “Wasting Away” ¨ The need for research on processes of returning “home” post-deportation ¤ How do individuals re-constitute identities post-deportation? ¤ How do they cope with that trauma upon return “home”? ¤ How and to what extent are the re-incorporated? ¤ What are their strategies for economic survival? ¤ What are the impacts on overall health and well-being?
  • 6. Syndemics Project: 2013-2018 ¨ “Migration, Tourism, and the HIV/Drug Use Syndemic in the Dominican Republic” (1 R01 DA031581-01A1, PI: Mark Padilla) ¨ Mixed-method research on the drug and HIV epidemics among male tourism employees in the Dominican Republic ¨ Involves ethnographic an survey research with male tourism migrants in Boca Chica and Santo Domingo ¨ Uses syndemic theory to theorize the social and structural factors that may result in an HIV/Drug use syndemic
  • 7. Conceptual framework: A syndemic linked to the tourism industry?
  • 8. Developing theories on the connection between deportation and tourism labor ¨ Little attention in the existing research on deportation, especially on the connections between deportation and tourism labor in the Caribbean ¨ Our research to date: Almost all current tourism laborers with international migratory experience are deportees ¨ A global system of “geonarcotics” incorporates these men only as low-level laborers in illicit informal economies both in the “core” and the “periphery.” ¨ Local economies and cultures shape informal economies and the strategies that deportees use to make a living (e.g., “sex work” as a market demand in the DR due to the sex tourism industry)
  • 9. Structural factors generating syndemic conditions for Dominican deportees working in tourism labor ¨ Have participated in illicit, socially stigmatized street economies on two sides of the transnational circuit ¨ Discrimination in (formal) employment due to presumed criminality ¨ Often separated or estranged from their families ¨ Histories of selling and/or consuming illicit drugs ¨ Extended periods of incarceration ¨ Have struggled for years with addiction and treatment ¨ Have little access to effective interventions, such as harm reduction approaches ¨ Lack of access to clinical treatment for addiction, which is essentially non-existent in the DR
  • 10. Official government statistics of deportation Place of deportation n % Puerto Rico 307 9.99 USA 2,767 90.01 Total 3,074 Deportee Nationality n % Dominican Republic 3,893 0.6 Department of Migration of the Dominican Republic 2013-2014 US Department of Homeland Security 2013
  • 11. US Department of Homeland Security 2013 64.1% 11.1% 9.7% 7.7% 0.9% 0.6% 70.0% 60.0% 50.0% 40.0% 30.0% 20.0% 10.0% 0.0% Mexico Guatemala Honduras El Salvador Ecuador Dominican Republic
  • 12. The social production of stigma against deportees in the Dominican Republic ¨ Male deportees described as heavily involved in drug use and drug trade; “Dominicanyorks” are often blamed for local increases in crime. ¨ “Deportado” (deportee) functionally synonymous with “drogadicto” (drug addict) or even “narcotraficante” (narco-trafficker) Bureaucratic procedures – such as the mug shots taken of all arriving deportees – are symbolic of their social labeling as criminals. Photo by Mark Padilla.
  • 13. “War on drugs” and Dominican deportation Charges against Deportees (N=102) Homicide 2% Sexual Assault 2% Theft 4% Non-criminal 4% Assault 6% Illegal entry / Drugs 59% Migration 14% Multiple Criminal Charges 5% Child pornography 1% Arms possession 2% Not specified 1% *Data from ethnographic observation of deportee registration event, Sept 17, 2014, Santo Domingo.
  • 14. The case of “Fernando” ¨ [Add images to this slide]
  • 15. Conclusion: Theorizing the syndemic factors among deportees working in tourism Social Production of “deportability” Illicit Drug use Migration, deportation, and tourism HIV/Drug Abuse Syndemic VIH/ AIDS Expulsion and trauma Figure adapted from Singer, Merrill (2010) of deportation Stigmatization of new arrivals Reinsertion into informal labor Informal tourism labor (drugs, sex work) Worsening of addiction Mental health sequelae Lack of access to drug treatment
  • 16. Thank you! ¨ The National Institutes for Health is acknowledged for support of the research reported in this presentation [National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) grant #1 R01 DA031581-01A1, PI: Padilla] ¨ We thank the following individuals from the Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo: Adrián Puello Guerrero, Ana Estévez, Leda Herasme, Jorge Asjana. We also wish to thank the following individuals for their support: Alexis Martinez, Caroline Parker, Alexander Fernandez, Martin Tsang.