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Professionals and professions
Stan Lester
January 2016
This short essay explores whether it is possible to define, in a widely-applicable way, what is involved in
being a professional and in being a profession. Both terms are used widely in everyday speech, in
technical literature, by professional bodies and by governments, in education, and in academic fields such
as sociology and organisation studies. However, there is no commonly-agreed definition of either in the
English language, and large amounts of print have been devoted to explaining and arguing what is meant
by both terms, either by way of generalisation or in relation to specific instances and applications. This
paper adds to this discussion from a pragmatic and realist perspective.
My approach here starts from first principles and attempts to follow a logical flow, rather than beginning
with some of the multitude of definitions that have been proposed elsewhere. I am as much influenced by
what might be called phenomenological usage – i.e. by people using the words in an informed operational
manner – as by academic discussions. While I have included a few sources this isn’t by any means a
literature review, and I have taken the view that too many references would extend and maybe cloud
what aims to be a brief and fairly straightforward discussion.
Professionals
I start with the idea of a professional, as without having an understanding of what it is to be a professional
it seems to me extremely difficult to develop any sort of grounded understanding of what a profession
might be. Colloquially, the term is used in at least two senses, one contrasted with amateur to mean
someone who does something for a living, and the other having more a sense of seriousness and purpose,
as in the phrase ‘a true professional’ with its overtones of competence, judgement and probity. The first
of these doesn’t actually enhance understanding greatly, but has become a legitimate use of the word in
the absence of a suitable synonym – ‘worker’ has a different connotation (and doesn’t necessarily imply
remuneration), and the perhaps more apposite ‘occupational’ has not become used as a noun. An
alternative, more specific use has connotations of income, status, and having a career rather than a job, as
well as possibly being a member of a recognisable profession – the last leading to something of a circular
discussion that logically requires ‘profession’ to be defined first.
The root of the word ‘professional’ is the Latin verb profiteri, which means to profess, as in making a
public declaration such as a monastic vow. Profiteri has a sense of both staking a claim and making a
commitment; ‘professor’ derives from the same root. This points to competence and commitment rather
than career or status, and also requires there to be something that is committed to. Extrapolating, a
modern interpretation of profiteri might be to commit to a particular ethos, field of knowledge and way of
working. Again this has the potential to lead into a circular discussion, but it does not need to if what is
professed to can be defined individually rather than as a common field called ‘a profession’ (or, for a
professor, an academic discipline). A key distinction thus starts to emerge between ‘a professional’ and a
worker, job-holder, or member of an occupation: the former makes a commitment to his or her field in a
way that the latter does not need to. This leads to three further observations. The first is that a
professional does not need to work in ‘a profession’ as commonly considered, but can work professionally
in a field not normally accorded ‘professional’ status, or one that is emerging, the preserve of only a few
2
scattered practitioners, or even unique. The second is that, of two people with essentially the same job,
one can approach their field in this professional manner, while another may simply treat it as a means of
trading time for money. The third is that the second observation applies equally in occupations normally
considered ‘professional’, even in the face of formal requirements for qualifications, continuing
development and so forth.
At this point I will introduce one reference, on professions rather than professionals, though particularly
apposite to the latter. This is Hoyle and John’s 1995 book on teaching as a profession, which among other
things attempts to define what it is that makes teaching – in the absence of a formal means of association
and self-governance, and increasing micro-management by the state – a profession. To provide a brief
summary, the authors conclude that professions are characterised by their expert knowledge; an ethos
that ultimately serves the public good; and independence of thought and judgement that transcends any
employment or contractual relationship. These characteristics can be applied just as easily to
professionals, and they remain close to what is implied by profiteri. While it is possible to be a member of
a profession without embodying them, they suggest that being a professional in this way is principally a
matter of being professional, or what might be called (though the term has been borrowed and given other
meanings) [individual] professionalism.
Finally for professionals, a note on level. Operational definitions of professions often state that they are
‘higher-level’ occupations, or require training that is of university level, or something similar. A parallel
definition could be applied to professionals, but phrasing it in terms of higher education or of a particular
qualification level appears somewhat arbitrary, as it depends on what is accepted as relevant to the
particular level in a given national system or tradition. A less context-dependent feel for level might be
gained by considering what ‘expert knowledge’, as mentioned above, means. An interpretation that
seems to work across contexts is that it involves understanding underlying principles and concepts that
inform practice, how these relate to one another, and how they relate to specific facts and theories and to
practice itself. It also requires some understanding of kind of knowledge is valid and useful in relation to
practice, and how it can be acquired, tested and challenged (I am borrowing here from another source,
Christopher Winch’s 2014 chapter on professional knowledge). This is different from simply
accumulating a large body of knowledge that can be drawn on at will (necessary though that is in some
professional fields), and it is also more subtle than the ideas of objectivity and working from an
appropriate evidence-base.
Problems in conceptualising professions
A problem in trying to define ‘a profession’ as something more specific than ‘an occupation’ (from
occupare, implying no more than an activity which takes up one’s time) is that there are no easy
definitions that actually work. At one time it was common to posit various characteristics or ‘traits’ that a
profession needed to have, such as a distinctive body of knowledge, a code of practice, an educational
requirement or entry-gate (by the late twentieth century often with the addition that this should be at
university level), a governing body of some kind, and possibly some form of state recognition. While this
has been out of favour in sociological studies of professions for three decades or more, it still appears
regularly in more practice-oriented literature (and in other academic fields such as organisation studies
and education, as well as those of professions themselves). The problem with this approach is that almost
every characteristic that is proposed fails to fit with at least one group that is commonly considered ‘a
profession’, some are shared with groups not widely thought of as professions, and some are at least
3
partly dependent on the legal, political or educational systems in which the proposed profession operates.
As a variation on this, it might be argued that from a pool of such characteristics, a majority are needed to
be considered ‘a profession’; but again this will rule out some obviously professional occupations while
admitting various organised trades and technical occupations. Some recent authors such as Thomas
Brante have argued that the only common feature connecting professions is the presence of expert,
scientifically-based knowledge, though apart from appearing somewhat one-dimensional this begs the
question of where arts-based professions fit (I am also reminded of Hugh England’s discussion of social
work as a profession, which provides a compelling argument against the purely ‘scientific’ view). Hoyle
and John’s three characteristics mentioned previously perhaps have slightly more traction, though the
presence of a public-minded ethos, and even independent thought and judgement, are not the strongest
features of every occupation that might be considered a profession; they may be better regarded as ideals
or facets of professionalism (used in the sense of being professional) rather than as defining traits of
professions.
An ostensible alternative to the ‘trait’ approach is the use of ideal types, commonly medicine or law,
occasionally one or two others. Two problems with this are that it immediately prioritises one type of
profession over another, and begs the question of why the particular profession(s) are chosen as ideals
(why not for instance one of the other ancient professions such as the priesthood or university teaching?).
In answering this question it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that ideal types provide a proxy for the
trait approach: medicine or law are selected because they embody the characteristics that the author
deems desirable, or because they are seen as having been successful and therefore their characteristics
are held up as the ones to aspire to. A limitation here is that the chosen archetypes thrive, or thrived,
under a particular set of conditions that are not mirrored for all or even most professional groups. To
take medicine as an example, at least in most European and Anglophone countries it is atypical in how it
is organised and to an extent in its training pattern; in Britain, the complex system of regulatory oversight
body, professional regulator, representative association, Royal Colleges and health service deaneries is an
extreme outlier when compared with the more common arrangement of a single, self-governing
professional association.
A third possibility is provided by the ‘social construct’ approach, which considers how occupations are
construed as professions (and, in its pragmatic application, which occupations this applies to). An
overlapping but different set of criteria tend to emerge from studies based on this perspective, including
things such as having authority and being sought out for expert opinions, and it can produce slightly
different and sometimes surprising results (e.g. business managers and military officers) compared with
the two approaches above. While for the purposes of research this is at least mildly compelling, there are
some obvious weaknesses for using it for definitional purposes: when applied as a sorting tool it either
reverts to a form of trait approach, or it can capture inaccurate and biased or out-of-date perceptions of
different occupational groups.
To conclude this section, it is relevant to mention the many studies and expositions, most from the final
decades of the twentieth century (though some drawing on earlier foundations), that consider how
professions interact with each other, with other occupations, with markets, with governments, and with
society in general. Authors such as Abbott, Bledstein, Freidson, Johnson, Larson and others were not
primarily concerned with defining professions, but by discussing how they ‘work’ from different
perspectives their writing provides additional insights into aspects of professions that are largely missing
from trait-based accounts. From a strict definitional viewpoint, these studies effectively only contribute
4
additional characteristics that apply in different degrees to professions: so for instance according to
Larson, professions act to create market or employment monopolies (but this doesn’t apply to all, and so
do many organised occupations and trades that are rarely regarded as professions). If however it is
desired to weigh various pieces of evidence for and against an occupation being considered as a
profession, they offer more dynamic facets to consider than the static ones of the trait approach. At least,
it is now more common for considered discussions of the evolution of occupations as or into professions
to bring in some of these aspects rather than simply plotting progress against a list of characteristics.
From professionals to professions
If it is possible to have a reasonably clear notion of what a professional is, this suggests a more
constructive starting-point for thinking about professions than the somewhat stale perspectives offered
by traits, ideal types and social constructs. As mentioned earlier it is not always necessary to be part of an
identifiable profession in order to be ‘a professional’, and although a few professionals will be operating
in individually-defined fields most will be part of what can be considered a professional community or
community of practice. Such a community could be said to exist when a group of professionals are
working in broadly the same field and identify, by means that may be formal and highly organised or
informal and loosely-bounded, as having common interests relating to their practice or to the principles
underpinning it (as opposed to being restricted for instance to employment- or business-related matters):
effectively, they are professing to a field of work in common. There are of course matters of degree in
deciding when such a community has actually formed as well as in some cases the extent to which it is
composed of professionals, but as a conceptual unit it is somewhat easier to define than ‘a profession’.
The next obvious question is how a ‘professional community’ relates to ‘a profession’. Some professional
communities are quite clearly professions by whatever criteria are used, or at least specialist groups
within professions. There are however examples whose status as ‘professions’ can be debated. Two that
I have worked with and written about are vocational rehabilitation and family mediation, both of which
might be regarded as nascent professions that are emerging from the intersections between more
established groups as attitudes and ways of working are changing. Others appear as new technology
creates the possibility of new applications and thence demand for new specialists; many such
communities have appeared in recent years in the information and communications field, without on the
whole becoming formalised in the same way as the traditional engineering professions. Yet others may
have a longer history, but struggle for various reasons to gain acceptance as professions, sometimes in the
face of advancing technology; indexers are an example here. Further examples are provided by fields that
for some are primary professions and for others are occasional or supplementary activities; mediation is
one instance of this, but training and development provides an example of a much larger such community
(and one that, despite its size, can be partly absorbed by the better-defined communities of teaching or
personnel management).
If the question is asked ‘is vocational rehabilitation a profession?’ (or mediation, or multimedia design, or
training and development), the answer is bound to be inconclusive: it depends on the criteria that are
used. For some people who practise them, they are very definitely professions; for others who are trying
to classify occupations as professions or otherwise, they may fail to meet critical criteria. In some
respects professions have a ‘know it when you see it’ quality that involves tacit weighing up of many
different sources of evidence, but the criteria used to make the final judgement (and the emphasis given
to each) will depend on the perspective and bias of the person doing the judging. ‘Profession’ as a
5
category is therefore perennially problematic. The implication of this is not that it should be avoided
(after all it has a long history of being useful), but it does mean that the word must either be used casually
in the knowledge that it will subject to differing interpretations, or given an operational definition for the
purpose of the particular discussion.
Bibliography
Abbott, A. 1988. The System of Professions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Bledstein, B. 1976. The culture of professionalism. New York: Norton.
Brante, T. 2011. Professions as science-based occupations. Professions and Professionalism 1 (1), 4-20.
England, H. 1986. Social work as art: making sense for good practice. London: Allen and Unwin.
Freidson, E. 1970. Professional dominance. Chicago: Aldine.
Freidson, E. 2001. Professionalism: the third logic. Cambridge: Polity.
Gibbs, P. 2015. Transdisciplinary professional learning and practice. Dordrecht: Springer.
Glazer, N. 1974. The schools of the minor professions. Minerva 12 (3), 346-364.
Hoyle, E. and John, P. 1995. Professional knowledge and professional practice. London: Cassell.
Johnson, T. 1972. Professions and Power. London: Macmillan.
Larson, M. S. 1977. The rise of professionalism: a sociological analysis. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
Lester, S. 2016. The development of self-regulation in four UK professional communities. Professions and
Professionalism 6 (1), 1-14.
Millerson, G. 1964. The qualifying associations: a study in professionalization. London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul.
Nicolescu, B. 2002. Manifesto of transdisciplinarity. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Wenger, E. 1998. Communities of practice: learning, meaning and identity. Cambridge University Press.
Wilensky, H. 1964. The professionalization of everyone? American Journal of Sociology 70 (2), 137-158.
Winch, C. 2014. Know-how and knowledge in the professional curriculum. In M. Young and J. Muller
(eds.), Knowledge, expertise and the professions. Abingdon: Routledge.
The author can be contacted via devmts.org.uk.

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Professionals and professions explored

  • 1. 1 Professionals and professions Stan Lester January 2016 This short essay explores whether it is possible to define, in a widely-applicable way, what is involved in being a professional and in being a profession. Both terms are used widely in everyday speech, in technical literature, by professional bodies and by governments, in education, and in academic fields such as sociology and organisation studies. However, there is no commonly-agreed definition of either in the English language, and large amounts of print have been devoted to explaining and arguing what is meant by both terms, either by way of generalisation or in relation to specific instances and applications. This paper adds to this discussion from a pragmatic and realist perspective. My approach here starts from first principles and attempts to follow a logical flow, rather than beginning with some of the multitude of definitions that have been proposed elsewhere. I am as much influenced by what might be called phenomenological usage – i.e. by people using the words in an informed operational manner – as by academic discussions. While I have included a few sources this isn’t by any means a literature review, and I have taken the view that too many references would extend and maybe cloud what aims to be a brief and fairly straightforward discussion. Professionals I start with the idea of a professional, as without having an understanding of what it is to be a professional it seems to me extremely difficult to develop any sort of grounded understanding of what a profession might be. Colloquially, the term is used in at least two senses, one contrasted with amateur to mean someone who does something for a living, and the other having more a sense of seriousness and purpose, as in the phrase ‘a true professional’ with its overtones of competence, judgement and probity. The first of these doesn’t actually enhance understanding greatly, but has become a legitimate use of the word in the absence of a suitable synonym – ‘worker’ has a different connotation (and doesn’t necessarily imply remuneration), and the perhaps more apposite ‘occupational’ has not become used as a noun. An alternative, more specific use has connotations of income, status, and having a career rather than a job, as well as possibly being a member of a recognisable profession – the last leading to something of a circular discussion that logically requires ‘profession’ to be defined first. The root of the word ‘professional’ is the Latin verb profiteri, which means to profess, as in making a public declaration such as a monastic vow. Profiteri has a sense of both staking a claim and making a commitment; ‘professor’ derives from the same root. This points to competence and commitment rather than career or status, and also requires there to be something that is committed to. Extrapolating, a modern interpretation of profiteri might be to commit to a particular ethos, field of knowledge and way of working. Again this has the potential to lead into a circular discussion, but it does not need to if what is professed to can be defined individually rather than as a common field called ‘a profession’ (or, for a professor, an academic discipline). A key distinction thus starts to emerge between ‘a professional’ and a worker, job-holder, or member of an occupation: the former makes a commitment to his or her field in a way that the latter does not need to. This leads to three further observations. The first is that a professional does not need to work in ‘a profession’ as commonly considered, but can work professionally in a field not normally accorded ‘professional’ status, or one that is emerging, the preserve of only a few
  • 2. 2 scattered practitioners, or even unique. The second is that, of two people with essentially the same job, one can approach their field in this professional manner, while another may simply treat it as a means of trading time for money. The third is that the second observation applies equally in occupations normally considered ‘professional’, even in the face of formal requirements for qualifications, continuing development and so forth. At this point I will introduce one reference, on professions rather than professionals, though particularly apposite to the latter. This is Hoyle and John’s 1995 book on teaching as a profession, which among other things attempts to define what it is that makes teaching – in the absence of a formal means of association and self-governance, and increasing micro-management by the state – a profession. To provide a brief summary, the authors conclude that professions are characterised by their expert knowledge; an ethos that ultimately serves the public good; and independence of thought and judgement that transcends any employment or contractual relationship. These characteristics can be applied just as easily to professionals, and they remain close to what is implied by profiteri. While it is possible to be a member of a profession without embodying them, they suggest that being a professional in this way is principally a matter of being professional, or what might be called (though the term has been borrowed and given other meanings) [individual] professionalism. Finally for professionals, a note on level. Operational definitions of professions often state that they are ‘higher-level’ occupations, or require training that is of university level, or something similar. A parallel definition could be applied to professionals, but phrasing it in terms of higher education or of a particular qualification level appears somewhat arbitrary, as it depends on what is accepted as relevant to the particular level in a given national system or tradition. A less context-dependent feel for level might be gained by considering what ‘expert knowledge’, as mentioned above, means. An interpretation that seems to work across contexts is that it involves understanding underlying principles and concepts that inform practice, how these relate to one another, and how they relate to specific facts and theories and to practice itself. It also requires some understanding of kind of knowledge is valid and useful in relation to practice, and how it can be acquired, tested and challenged (I am borrowing here from another source, Christopher Winch’s 2014 chapter on professional knowledge). This is different from simply accumulating a large body of knowledge that can be drawn on at will (necessary though that is in some professional fields), and it is also more subtle than the ideas of objectivity and working from an appropriate evidence-base. Problems in conceptualising professions A problem in trying to define ‘a profession’ as something more specific than ‘an occupation’ (from occupare, implying no more than an activity which takes up one’s time) is that there are no easy definitions that actually work. At one time it was common to posit various characteristics or ‘traits’ that a profession needed to have, such as a distinctive body of knowledge, a code of practice, an educational requirement or entry-gate (by the late twentieth century often with the addition that this should be at university level), a governing body of some kind, and possibly some form of state recognition. While this has been out of favour in sociological studies of professions for three decades or more, it still appears regularly in more practice-oriented literature (and in other academic fields such as organisation studies and education, as well as those of professions themselves). The problem with this approach is that almost every characteristic that is proposed fails to fit with at least one group that is commonly considered ‘a profession’, some are shared with groups not widely thought of as professions, and some are at least
  • 3. 3 partly dependent on the legal, political or educational systems in which the proposed profession operates. As a variation on this, it might be argued that from a pool of such characteristics, a majority are needed to be considered ‘a profession’; but again this will rule out some obviously professional occupations while admitting various organised trades and technical occupations. Some recent authors such as Thomas Brante have argued that the only common feature connecting professions is the presence of expert, scientifically-based knowledge, though apart from appearing somewhat one-dimensional this begs the question of where arts-based professions fit (I am also reminded of Hugh England’s discussion of social work as a profession, which provides a compelling argument against the purely ‘scientific’ view). Hoyle and John’s three characteristics mentioned previously perhaps have slightly more traction, though the presence of a public-minded ethos, and even independent thought and judgement, are not the strongest features of every occupation that might be considered a profession; they may be better regarded as ideals or facets of professionalism (used in the sense of being professional) rather than as defining traits of professions. An ostensible alternative to the ‘trait’ approach is the use of ideal types, commonly medicine or law, occasionally one or two others. Two problems with this are that it immediately prioritises one type of profession over another, and begs the question of why the particular profession(s) are chosen as ideals (why not for instance one of the other ancient professions such as the priesthood or university teaching?). In answering this question it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that ideal types provide a proxy for the trait approach: medicine or law are selected because they embody the characteristics that the author deems desirable, or because they are seen as having been successful and therefore their characteristics are held up as the ones to aspire to. A limitation here is that the chosen archetypes thrive, or thrived, under a particular set of conditions that are not mirrored for all or even most professional groups. To take medicine as an example, at least in most European and Anglophone countries it is atypical in how it is organised and to an extent in its training pattern; in Britain, the complex system of regulatory oversight body, professional regulator, representative association, Royal Colleges and health service deaneries is an extreme outlier when compared with the more common arrangement of a single, self-governing professional association. A third possibility is provided by the ‘social construct’ approach, which considers how occupations are construed as professions (and, in its pragmatic application, which occupations this applies to). An overlapping but different set of criteria tend to emerge from studies based on this perspective, including things such as having authority and being sought out for expert opinions, and it can produce slightly different and sometimes surprising results (e.g. business managers and military officers) compared with the two approaches above. While for the purposes of research this is at least mildly compelling, there are some obvious weaknesses for using it for definitional purposes: when applied as a sorting tool it either reverts to a form of trait approach, or it can capture inaccurate and biased or out-of-date perceptions of different occupational groups. To conclude this section, it is relevant to mention the many studies and expositions, most from the final decades of the twentieth century (though some drawing on earlier foundations), that consider how professions interact with each other, with other occupations, with markets, with governments, and with society in general. Authors such as Abbott, Bledstein, Freidson, Johnson, Larson and others were not primarily concerned with defining professions, but by discussing how they ‘work’ from different perspectives their writing provides additional insights into aspects of professions that are largely missing from trait-based accounts. From a strict definitional viewpoint, these studies effectively only contribute
  • 4. 4 additional characteristics that apply in different degrees to professions: so for instance according to Larson, professions act to create market or employment monopolies (but this doesn’t apply to all, and so do many organised occupations and trades that are rarely regarded as professions). If however it is desired to weigh various pieces of evidence for and against an occupation being considered as a profession, they offer more dynamic facets to consider than the static ones of the trait approach. At least, it is now more common for considered discussions of the evolution of occupations as or into professions to bring in some of these aspects rather than simply plotting progress against a list of characteristics. From professionals to professions If it is possible to have a reasonably clear notion of what a professional is, this suggests a more constructive starting-point for thinking about professions than the somewhat stale perspectives offered by traits, ideal types and social constructs. As mentioned earlier it is not always necessary to be part of an identifiable profession in order to be ‘a professional’, and although a few professionals will be operating in individually-defined fields most will be part of what can be considered a professional community or community of practice. Such a community could be said to exist when a group of professionals are working in broadly the same field and identify, by means that may be formal and highly organised or informal and loosely-bounded, as having common interests relating to their practice or to the principles underpinning it (as opposed to being restricted for instance to employment- or business-related matters): effectively, they are professing to a field of work in common. There are of course matters of degree in deciding when such a community has actually formed as well as in some cases the extent to which it is composed of professionals, but as a conceptual unit it is somewhat easier to define than ‘a profession’. The next obvious question is how a ‘professional community’ relates to ‘a profession’. Some professional communities are quite clearly professions by whatever criteria are used, or at least specialist groups within professions. There are however examples whose status as ‘professions’ can be debated. Two that I have worked with and written about are vocational rehabilitation and family mediation, both of which might be regarded as nascent professions that are emerging from the intersections between more established groups as attitudes and ways of working are changing. Others appear as new technology creates the possibility of new applications and thence demand for new specialists; many such communities have appeared in recent years in the information and communications field, without on the whole becoming formalised in the same way as the traditional engineering professions. Yet others may have a longer history, but struggle for various reasons to gain acceptance as professions, sometimes in the face of advancing technology; indexers are an example here. Further examples are provided by fields that for some are primary professions and for others are occasional or supplementary activities; mediation is one instance of this, but training and development provides an example of a much larger such community (and one that, despite its size, can be partly absorbed by the better-defined communities of teaching or personnel management). If the question is asked ‘is vocational rehabilitation a profession?’ (or mediation, or multimedia design, or training and development), the answer is bound to be inconclusive: it depends on the criteria that are used. For some people who practise them, they are very definitely professions; for others who are trying to classify occupations as professions or otherwise, they may fail to meet critical criteria. In some respects professions have a ‘know it when you see it’ quality that involves tacit weighing up of many different sources of evidence, but the criteria used to make the final judgement (and the emphasis given to each) will depend on the perspective and bias of the person doing the judging. ‘Profession’ as a
  • 5. 5 category is therefore perennially problematic. The implication of this is not that it should be avoided (after all it has a long history of being useful), but it does mean that the word must either be used casually in the knowledge that it will subject to differing interpretations, or given an operational definition for the purpose of the particular discussion. Bibliography Abbott, A. 1988. The System of Professions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bledstein, B. 1976. The culture of professionalism. New York: Norton. Brante, T. 2011. Professions as science-based occupations. Professions and Professionalism 1 (1), 4-20. England, H. 1986. Social work as art: making sense for good practice. London: Allen and Unwin. Freidson, E. 1970. Professional dominance. Chicago: Aldine. Freidson, E. 2001. Professionalism: the third logic. Cambridge: Polity. Gibbs, P. 2015. Transdisciplinary professional learning and practice. Dordrecht: Springer. Glazer, N. 1974. The schools of the minor professions. Minerva 12 (3), 346-364. Hoyle, E. and John, P. 1995. Professional knowledge and professional practice. London: Cassell. Johnson, T. 1972. Professions and Power. London: Macmillan. Larson, M. S. 1977. The rise of professionalism: a sociological analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lester, S. 2016. The development of self-regulation in four UK professional communities. Professions and Professionalism 6 (1), 1-14. Millerson, G. 1964. The qualifying associations: a study in professionalization. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Nicolescu, B. 2002. Manifesto of transdisciplinarity. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Wenger, E. 1998. Communities of practice: learning, meaning and identity. Cambridge University Press. Wilensky, H. 1964. The professionalization of everyone? American Journal of Sociology 70 (2), 137-158. Winch, C. 2014. Know-how and knowledge in the professional curriculum. In M. Young and J. Muller (eds.), Knowledge, expertise and the professions. Abingdon: Routledge. The author can be contacted via devmts.org.uk.