SFAH: Rapport 1992

1. Leila Simonen
WOMEN AND THE WELFARE STATE -
A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE ON
FEMININE SOCIAL POLICY IN FINLAND
Paper presented at the 7th Nordic Conference of Labour
Historiens
Nyköping Falster, Denmark, May 6-9, 1991
*********
A draft, not to be quoted without author's permission
Comments welcome
Leila Simonen
U of Tampere
Research Institute for Social Sciences
Centre for Women's Studies and Gender Relations
Box 607, SF-33101 Tampere
tel +358 31 156 895
fax +358 31 156 502

2. Leila Simonen
WOMEN AND THE WELFARE STATE -
A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE ON
FEMININE SOCIAL POLICY IN FINLAND
The history of the Finnish welfare state has not been
written from a gender perspective. A gender-neutral
social policy research has
been, as a matter of fact,
done from a perspective of men: men as researchers have
written their standpoints (cc. Smith, 1987) into theories'
and narratives about the origin, struggles and interests
behind the welfare state formation in Finland.
Pioneering researchers and professors in the field of
social policy have been men. The Classical social
politicians are Bino Kuusi, Armas Nieminen, Heikki Waris
and Pekka Kuusi. Raija Julkunen has recently analysed the
major writings of these Classical social politicians
(Julkunen, 1989). She was asking whether their work has
left gendered structures and women's activities in the
welfare state formation invisible. According to her
analysis, these Classical leading social policy figures
have considered that the social structure and power
forces are in social relations where men are active.
Therefore, women do not appear as actors of social policy
at all. Whereas Waris and Nieminen are gender neutral in
their writings, Pekka Kuusi represents an openly sexist
ideology. His texts present women as carers and mothers
in a conservative family policy context. In general when
women are present in Classical writers' texts they are
considered as second; wives, housewives or as welfare
recipients due to sole mothering (Julkunen, 1989, 12-13).
Classical social policy texts maintain ideology of women
as family members, private caregivers and reproduce an
idea of women's marginality at the labour market.
However, women's labour force participation has been
historically exceptionally high in Finland, and today
women constitute 50 per cent of the labour force. The

3. welfare state has become women's most important employer,
and that is why researchers talk about the feminization
of the welfare state.
This paper addresses the Finnish experience about the
welfare state formation from a perspective of women. I
want to emphasise some recent theoretical work from this
field with respect to gender. Some features in the
formation of the Finnish welfare state in its cultural
and historical context are explored: municipal homemaking
is a form of social care analysed as an empirical case.
The emphasis is to make women visible as builders of the
welfare state as well as to make the "small world" of
women and families visible (cc. Hirdman, 1989). I
especially focus on the period of 19505 in this paper.
Feminist theorising about the welfare state
A recent feminist boom in the Finnish academic social
policy research has been an attempt to make women's voice
to be heard, to write a story about social policy which
would include women's experiences, and thus, to make a
better story about how the welfare state formation has
taken place in Finland after the Second World War and
earlier. Today a network of 22 scholars is doing research
on feminist social policy issues in Finland. The project
"The Gender system of the Welfare State" (1990-92) is
headed by prof. Liisa Rantalaiho and lecturer Raija
Julkunen (Julkunen & Rantalaiho, 1989). It is supported
financially by the Academy of Finland.
Feminist researchers have pointed'out that theoretical
research done by men has addressed welfare state as a
distributive state. The welfare state as a concept has
focused on wage labour related social security. The image
of a waged worker has been genderless, but as a matter of
fact, a man. A fictive gender neutrality has masked
actual male dominance. Feminist researchers have pointed
PJ

4. out the dual nature of social policy: another,
historically younger part of the welfare state can be
called as the service state or caring state (for example
Fraser, 1987; Anttonen, 1990)5 It includes public
services, day care of children, elderly care, home help
and other public social and health care arrangements of
handicapped and sick people. Thus, caring has become
women's salaried work, and mothering has been extended
from homes into the public sphere.
The conceptual distinction between the distributive and
caring state is not only an asymmetry but also a
hierarchy. “The hard core" of social policy is understood
by men to be in the distributive state, emphasising wage
labour related and work life aspects. The social service
state is considered as soft and feminine, and it has been
theoretically invisible and politically neglected due to
that emphasis. However, with the "caring crisis" of the
19905 and onwards, service state is becoming a burning
political and theoretical issue. The increasing amount of
elderly need public caring arrangements but young women
no longer enter into caring training. The state and
municipalities are no longer a "promised land" for women,
unlike at the turn of the century and even until the
19605 (Simonen, 1990a).
Service state is in many ways more important for women
than for men due to asymmetrical division of labour in
family when caring for children and elderly is concerned.
Women carry on the responsibility of "private" care even
though they work full-time outside home. This has been
named by political scientists as a
gender contract
(Pateman, 1988). Women have gained some influence and
power over their own lives by agreeing to this contract:
it has allowed women some space, access to low paid jobs,
and to some areas of the public sphere but this
emancipation has taken place within agreement of
continuing to take care of home and children. Therefore,

5. service state and its public forms of care have been a
women's partner. As a matter of fact, for women becoming
a citizen has taken place through the state (Anttonen,
1990).
When citizenship is considered in connection to welfare
state services, feminist researchers have emphasised the
double character embedded in the understanding of
gendered citizenship. Gender-divided citizenship as a
concept has taken women's historically changing position
into a discourse which makes their activities visible and
makes sense from the point of today. Women have been
considered as citizen-mothers whose aim has been to
advice, enlighten and educate the whole nation (Siim,
1988; in Finland Sulkunen, 1989; Simonen, 1990a). With
the creation of the welfare state, women have become
gradually welfare professionals, within the frame of
social citizenship. The professionalization of care work
has transformed citizen-mothers into the citizen social
servants (Siim, 1991).
Feminist empirical analysis of the welfare state has been
dominated by the Anglo-American experience. Recently
Nordic feminists have began to rethink theorising done
with respect to that (for example, Holter, 1984; Wærness,
1978; Siim, 1988). Nordic research has addressed the
importance to see the difference in dependencies of women
from the welfare state. In the Angle-American experience,
women have been dependent of the state as clients, i.g.
as single mothers on social welfare or as welfare
recipients. Feminization of poverty is a process common
to Angle-American experience but not that of
Scandinavian. In the Nordic countries women's deoendency
on the state has been that of social service consumers.
)
Dependency on the feminine social policy is of : totally
different nature: women are able to demand better
services and public care by using collective action and
political power. Dependency on feminine welfare State can

6. be a form of alliance between the state and women as
mothers.
Public arrangement of caring is a particularly typical
feature for the Nordic countries. The Nordic model of the
welfare state has grown to a sort of ideal model for
women from other Western countries with less advanced
welfare states. Also women in East-European and third
world countries are looking forward to the Nordic model
when the arrangement of social and health services is
concerned.
Two levels of analysing the emergence of municipal
homemaking
When studying welfare state even from a perspective of
women has been done, most often the analysis has
emphasised classes or the relation between economy and
the state. During last decade, the focus has been changed
to the relation between the state and family or to sexual
power relations (cc. Siim, 1988, 168). My empirical
analysis of municipal homemaking as a case among feminine
welfare state arrangements is addressing the relation
'between the state and family in the formation of public
care.
When studying a form of social mothering in its
historical context, my methodological starting point was
to get women's voice and intentions heard. At empirical
level, two extensive materials were analysed. First,
questions were raised concerning builders of the welfare
state and dynamics of making feminine social policy.
Historical data used to examine that experience consisted
of the annual reports of civic organizations who were
pioneers in homemaking. To analyse.the phase of getting
into the state and to describe the welfare state
formation, parliamentary documents from the recent past

7. of Finland were used to examine the role of gender and
class within this process.
The core of analysis was based on theme interviews of
homemakers. Textual materials, especially official
documents, commonly hide more than uncover women's voices
from the past. Therefore social carers themselves,
homemakers of different age, were thoroughly interviewed.
Feminist reading of texts based on interviews provides an
abundance of complex and sometimes contradictory
information concerning small world of these citizen
social servants.
Women are more dependent on the welfare state than men
are, as citizens, workers and clients. However, the
welfare state also maintains the ideology of motherhood
and regulates mothering more than fathering. The state is
important for women as employer, but also as organiser of
public care, when women are recipients or consumers of
social services. By contrast to the Anglo-American
feminist welfare state theorising, I also want to
emphasise that women have not been just objects or
victims of state power, but also builders of the feminine
welfare state. This is the first level of analysis in my
study on municipal homemaking in Finland 1
In my research on municipal homemaking another
methodological emphasis was at the level of the "small
world": I wanted to make the everyday life of women
problematic in its cultural and historical context. I
wanted to avoid considering the state as the great
oppressor, an instrument of capitalism or patriarchy or
both (see, Siim, 1988, 171). Therefore, I wanted to allow
space in the theoretical analysis for women's active
1. A detailed empirical evidence and analysis has been
documented in Simonen (1990a). In this paper, I want to
consider the transformations of municipal homemaking at a
more abstract and theoretical level.

8. subjectivity and political action when this public state
reform and women's role as
citizen social servants was
built in its historical process.
To avoid "reading the history backwards" I wanted to
respect the voice of women in
history as telling a story
coming out of their local andânational contexts and in a
particular historical time. In this respect, particularly
images and actual practices concerning women's position
as mothers and wives should be respected, and a modern
interpretation concerning women's position avoided ⁄2⁄.
The maternal emphasis on the role of women was called as
emancipatory mothering, close to the idea of "citizen
social servants", Siim (1991) has theoretically
developed.
'
In recent feminist theorising it has been addressed that
in Scandinavian there is a sexual power hierarchy
prevailing within the welfare state. That means that men
have been actors in political process and women
recipients of social reforms which are formed in these
political processes. (Hermes, 1987; Sinkkonen & Laitinen,
1989; Karento, 1989).
Interestingly enough, the analysis of municipal
homemaking provides evidence, somewhat contradicting this
argument. In the making of a public caring occupation,
women have been important gender subject . Women have,
indeed, campaigned for extension of motherliness outside
the home and established a permanent occupation. Women
have participated on
prescribing particularly on the
content and training of these welfare professionals.
In civic organizations (the Mannerheim League for Child
Welfare and the Population Federation), the gender
2. As a feminist social scientist without methodology
training of historians I feel uncertain about how well I
have succeed in this respect.

9. hierarchy has been typical: men at the top positions as
legitimators of a feminine policy, women in the grass-
roots level making it happen. Men's emphasis on
population growth and practical aspects have coincided
with women's campaigning for training and emancioatory
mothering.
Building a reform for poor country women within the
feminine welfare state
The emergence of the homemaker occupation was based on an
idea about emancipatory mothering, that is, extending a
-
model of high quality housekeeping and care into homes
with the help of trained visiting homemakers or
homesisters. Civic organizations as pioneers of the
activity, and later on also the state as organizers of
training have created a space for women's issues.
In the 19403 and 19505, particularly Social democrat
women (and those of the Swedish Peoples Party) in the
Parliament were working for passing an Act on municipal
homemaking. Roots of this public care were based on
visiting homemaking and homesister help as an arrangement
within the civic society. It was a system of voluntarily
run help, based on bourgeois ideologies and classist
assumptions about proper family life and good education
of children (more about that in English, Simonen, 1990b).
Women were active in taking municipal homemaking onto the
public agenda in the Parliament of Finland. Working-class
women in powerful political decision making positions
(often in double or multiple roles
-
as leading figures
in civic organisations and as MPs or ministers) were
working together, creating alliances over party-political
lines and working together with men, supporting this kind
of public caring reform (Simonen, 1990a). The first Act
on Municipal Homemaking in 1950 was, of course, a
compromise but based on a consensus about the necessity

10. iiiiv___________________________Tr_______-
to improve small-farmers living conditions. The purpose
section of the Municipal Homemaker Act is like follows:
The aim of the Municipal Homemaker Act is, primarily
in low-income families with many children to take
care of daily tasks of a country housewife or
homemaker or to assist her in performing them, in
case of sickness of hers, or other woman usually
keeping the house. Homemaker's assistance is
available if the mother or the housekeeper is
delivering a baby; if she is sick, overburdened, in
need of necessary holiday or in another comparable
situation and therefore temporarily unable to
perform her tasks at home. (L 272/50, 1 .)
The system of public home help is a political compromise
as a result of party political and gender struggle.
Philanthropical roots of the activity were firmly in the
bourgeoisie civil society, whereas the "state takeover"
was a result of leftist, reformist working-class policy.
However, this policy was not gender neutral or male: it
was coloured with women's everyday needs, when mediated
onto the agenda of national politics. Gender and class
were interconnected in a diversified and complex way when
the public homemaking was taken on the agenda of the
state.
The struggle for municipal homemaking could be considered
as a paradigm example of a social policy reform run by
Social democrats. The parliamentary documents show,
g
however, that under the surface, the situation was more
å complex. In Finland, the situation of Small-farmers was
becoming proletariazed, and to support them both
economically (much critiqued form of state organised
labour arrangement) within the distributive state, also
caring state became a figure, important in this matter
for women.
Visiting homemaking as an extension of mothering was
g developed as a form of social care to meet needs arising;
from an actual crisis in human reproduction. Women's work
and overburden in small-farms became a national concern

11. in the 1940s and it was not easily helped by solely
Charity arrangements. The stateëorganized help guarantied
support for those in underdog positions. Instead of
speaking about the "state takeOVer", one could argue that
the homemaker activity was managed to get inside the
state. Women in political decision making posts were
contributing to this change, important for women's
everyday life.
The boundary between the state and civil society was
changing: getting homemaking into the state signalled
both emancipatory and repressive elements for women. This
view of the contradictions in the relation between women
and the state formation is emphasized by recent feminist
theory (for example, Showstack Sassoon, 1987). Social
reform is to be understood from the everyday experience
of women. Women should not be considered as victims of
the male-dominated gender order, for women as agents also
create space for themselves and build collective
strategies.
Small revolutions took place at the level of the everyday
world. Homemakers began from where women with the lowest
resources in society actually were: from homes and
women's "natural" family responsibilities° Small
fragments of
consciousness-raising took place when a
homemaker and a mother of several children sat around the
kitchen table to have a chat over coffee. Pioneering
homemakers as mothers' professional friends unmystified
the private sphere and provided information about wife
battering, alcoholism and sexual abuse by men. Pioneering
homemakers were empowering women as consumers of the
feminine of social services within the welfare state.
Homemaking has been an occupation for rural working-class
and farm girls: it has provided an option for country
women to get a relative independence and income. Whereas
training has been demanded right from the beginning to
10

12. ä____1_1__
homemakers, calling and devotion to care has been
emphasized. In the 1950s, when the public occupation was
established, men and women politicians (from the party-
political right and left) underlined the importance of
personal suitability, empathy and feminine characters of
homemakers to make it an efficient social reform.
Ideologies behind the early homemaking activity were
elitist: the Mannerheim League for Child Welfare v
unifying the nation and the Population Federation -
population policy and pro-natalism (Simonen, 1990b).
Nevertheless, actual social reforms at the level of small
world became more woman-friendly. Homemaker's work was
manual, concrete domestic work
and the controlling aspect
was of secondary importance. Women's needs were met at
the level of their everyday worlds: the state reform was
measured to fit women's small worlds. This was due to the
fact that women's voices were heard through civic
organizations' grass-roots activities and especially by
leftist women in official politics. It has been argued
that unlike in Sweden, in Finland, working class has been
weak but women have been strong (Julkunen, 1990).
Transformation of public care: extension into home help
service for elderly
5
The parliamentary process formes the actual legislation
and re-frames the care work of homemakers. Passing the
state reform in 1950 was in the first place an
expression of agrarian social policy. But by the 19605,
the question of small-holders was basically solved. Until
the 19603, Finnish social policy was bourgeois, agrarian
and feminine (Julkunen, 1990). The early agrarian,
feminine social policy became_slowly transformed to wage
labour related state care.
The building of the service state intensified in the
1960s whereas in Sweden this happened already in the

13. 19305 (Hirdman, 1989). In the 19605, homemaking was
enlarged and extended to elderly care and to the whole
population in principal according to the idea of a social
service. Municipal homemaking as a system of social care
was transformed to a mobile, public care to meet needs of
urban working class and to provide for care of elderly.
The history of the homemaking'occupation reflects
establishing a basic form of citizen social servant into
the Finnish welfare state: the homemaker occupation has
become more wage labour related with a daily working
hours instead of a working period of even a fortnight.
Early forms of the agrarian feminine social policy were
transformed in the 19605 into urban wage-labour related
state care. The flexibility of this social care has been
remarkable. Public home help has changed from long-term
domestic work in rural households into mobile caring for
everybody in need. Care for the elderly has become a
problem to be solved with a collective form of caring:
today homemakers work
increasingly in elderly care. The
flexibility of social care from the viewpoint of carers
makes a different picture. Today, the bulk of homemakers
work is elderly care. Calling as a basis for the work has
became gradually out-dated, though the care work of the
homemakers remain near people's everyday lives.
In this transformation process, women have been active
particularly within the frame of "state feminism", that
is influencing into the content of the legislation from
above as politicians and bureaucrats. Unlike in other
Nordic countries, homemakers in Finland have a permanent
position as public employees. They work full-time,
earning seniority benefits with a training of two years
(after at least nine years comprehensive education).
Homemakers are stringly unionised and "professionalised"
in the sense of having their stöng occupational identity
and networks. This feminine occupation has an established
history of over 40 years.

14. Women have been important in the creation and
establishing of state organized care. Women as
gender-
oolitical activists in movements and at the top level of
politics have created new kinds of state supported caring
networks through welfare legislations. On the other hand,
women as
public carers have pioneered social care and
improved the daily life of women as well as provided new
options for women in society. Women were co-builders of
this social reform in extended emancipatory mothering:
the reform was based on women's own experiences. Women's
everyday needs and the state action have coincided in
this matter.
Conclusions and theoretical considerations
The emergence of the idea for the homemaker occupation in
Finland coincided with social movements for a gender
specific education to a new citizenship: women's social
mothering in an extended area outside homes. The welfare
state formation has not been an "automatic system" but a
field of class and gender struggle. Women as
agents of
reproductive interests have moved boundaries between the
private and the public. At another level, homemakers as
social carers overcome these boundaries by mediating
needs of care. Reproductive issues, that is caring and
running of daily necessities, have been transformed from
a private issue to a public matter.
Caring as work anchors the impersonal and objectified
forms of action and relations to particular individuals,
particular local places, to particular relationships.
Homemakers are a paradigm example of female carers
involved in personal, particular relations with the
cared-for. Homemakers mediate between the welfare state
and family. By their actual caring work they make
legislation, regulations and official rules come alive.
Women's expertise in social care transforms the textually
13

15. 14
mediated discourse of the state legislation, rules and
regulations into lived actuality (Smith, 1987), into the
small world of families and women.
An emancipatory line in creating a feminine occupation
was women's emphasis on crossing the boundaries of public
and the private: homemakers as state carers also mediate
people's needs to the welfare state. Women have
emphasized the training and establishing of an occupation
in social mothering, whereas the empirical evidence
suggests that men in political decision making positions
have emphasized homemakers solely as housekeepers and
cleaners. Women's perspective has been to develop their
sphere, to extend mothering outside private homes and to
enlighten women in their gendered citizenship. Social
mothering has been considered as enlightenment of homes
(and the whole society) and as an agent for
modernisation. Women politicians could cross ideological
and political barriers while demanding social legislation
for women as mothers and carers. In Finland, women have
had some voice inside the state structures and therefore,
they have been able to change it from inside.
Feminist researchers have begun to work in the kitchen,
that is, to ground conceptualizing and theory building on
women's daily experiences. Women's experiences of their
everyday worlds have been taken seriously into
consideration. The kitchen table (cc. Gullestad, 1987)
has become an important methodological slogan and an
organizer of the social context of feminist research on
women's domestic work and care. Also extensions of
women's work into the welfare state have been made
visible, and the complexity of the state organized caring
has been uncovered; and my own research is a part of this
recognition of complexities in unpacking the role of "the
state" in relation to women's lives.

16. Welfare policy of Finland have been more agrarian and
feminine than for example, that of Sweden: the Swedish
model of the welfare state has been based on consensus
and Social-democratic "folkhem" -ideology. The situation
of small-holders on the Finnish countryside has been a
cause for social policy project (Heinonen, 1990):
municipal homemaking is the feminine side of this
consensus policy. A concrete-historical analysis of the
welfare state formation concerning a form of social care,
municipal homemaking, from the standpoint of women has
introduced a new landscape to understand of the
complexity between the state and women's everyday lives.
In contrast to what feminist theory has commonly
emphasized, there was no particular gap between official
politics and women's demands due to women being part of
the public sphere and having some influence as MPs and
politicians. National structural features and crisis in
reproduction (the problem of
small-holders, and later on
the need of feminine wage labour force) have been a basis
for reforms, beneficial for women. I would argue that the
Finnish welfare state as far as the case of homemaking is
concerned, is more womanáfriendly (cc. Bergman, 1989)
than in most western societies, in terms of providing
women a new
permanent occupation and on the other hand, a
form of state organised caring.
*I
The early experience of municipal homemaking in Finland
shows that women (originating themselves from the
proletarian countryside) were working for improving the
small world of their counterparts. A recent critique
concerning "femocrats", that is, feminists in decision
making positions either in politics or in civil service
has been equipped with a pessimistic view: critiques has
focused on femocrats' alienation from grass-roots
feminism and their
inability to meet needs of women in
worst positions. This debate has taken place powerfully
particularly in Australia (for example, Sawer, 1990). The

17. case of public homemaking serves as an example of
women's struggle for a woman-friendly state within the
field of feminine social policy.
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