Facing the debate and above topology, we wish to present the reader an independent analysis, which not only contrasts widely with the views and classifications already mentioned, but which-in our view, reflects a more precise political and, especially, ideological reality in our country.

1. 1
Are there political "Center" in Chile?
By Alexis Lopez Tapia
Above: General States in France, May 1789
This text has been translated automatically; we apologize for any errors it may contain.
Five recent columns: "Rebuilding the political center," by Andrés Velasco, published in “El Mercurio”
newspaper1
; "Velasco is not center," by Diego Shalper2
; "What center are we talking?" by Lucas Blaset3
,
both published on “El Mostrador”; “Where is the political center”4
, and "Morphology of the Chilean
political space" by Jose Joaquin Brunner5
, both published in “El Líbero”, debate and attempt to define or
at least "maping" ideologically the current political scenario, and determine what ideas or at least those
who represent the alleged Chilean political "center".
The first three items are a debate that emerges from this statement that Velasco concludes his article:
"Chile has more of a tradition of center. Some of these traditions come from social democracy,
other social-Christianity, other progressive liberalism, and also about the world of the center-
moving toward the center. "
Shalper responds:

2. 2
"Velasco foreshadowed in the last paragraph that he would be a" liberal-progressive. " Indeed:
its sights on social matters rests in liberalism (moderate), and in moral matters is expressed in
the progressive (in honor of the truth in the most radical version of the same, as he has expressed
his commitment to abortion in general terms and the adoption of marriages between same sex).
So hard to see how these ideas congeal at home the political center in Chile. Rather we could say
that, socially, approaches Evopoli or Amplitude and, as and valoric terms, a “Democratic
Revolution” or PPD".
And, finally, Blaset says:
"In these opinion columns we see the weakening of the center" moderate "by the radicalization
of positions in today, especially that of the political left Chilean context is therefore not surprising
strengthening more ideological centers. In this battle for the conquest of the center it will not be
uncommon to see the Social Liberals accuse right-wing or progressive depending on the context,
and perhaps see some liberals doing the same with the Social Christians, accusing them as
conservative or as statist. This, until we realize that there is no single political or until one of the
political centers prevails in the minds of Chilean voter "center.
Last but not directly related to the above, Brunner makes in his article topology Chilean political parties
and movements, defining two initial classification schemes: the "left-center-right metaphor," and a
cross-shaped quadripartition, with the state and the market in the horizontal and Liberals and
Conservatives in the vertical.
From this latter scheme, modifies the vertical axis, replacing the Community / Contractualist, antinomy
takes Durkheim and Tönnies: "In the spirit of the latter speak of a contractualist orientation of
contemporary culture, which is opposed to the orientation Community, reinforcing trends toward
individuation." In this final scheme, Brunner ranks and then positioned at various Political Parties and
Movements6
:

3. 3
In qualifying, the "Center" in the horizontal curiously occupy the Coalition and the Radical Party, which
in turn intersect the vertical axis. The PDC, which also crosses the vertical, is in the upper horizon
(Community) and the "liberal progressive ones," which also intersect the vertical State / Markets, are in
the lower horizon (contractarian).
Notably, the ideological foundation of this scheme is purely materialistic: the dichotomy State / Markets
is primarily economic, and Contractualist / Community, is situated on the horizon of degeneration
theory (Durkheim) of Volunteerism and the Dialectic (Tönnies).
Finally, Bruner says in "Where is the political center":
"For this reason, it is concluded that the so-called struggle for the political center is a mere mirage,
triggered by the confusion in the political elite and a mechanistic interpretation of political space as
dimensional space (left-right)".
Facing the debate and above topology, we wish to present the reader an independent analysis, which
not only contrasts widely with the views and classifications already mentioned, but which-in our view,
reflects a more precise political and, especially, ideological reality, in our country.
1) The absent dimensions
In any taxonomic, systematic and topological order, it is essential to define quantitative, qualitative
and spatially what we ordered, ie, what we try to classify.
Hence, when we talk about politics a "Center" is defined in relation to the "left" and the traditional
"Right", as pointed out at the beginning of your article Jose Joaquin Brunner.
However, even before making that indication, it is absolutely important to define the "Universe" is
intended to classify. Indeed, Brunner analysis is limited only to political parties and movements
institutionalized, and therefore we shall see, quantitatively very minor, both in terms of representation
and participation.
To date, 13 political parties are established in the country according to SERVEL7
:
• Chilean Communist Party (PC)
• Christian Democratic Party (PDC)
• Green Ecologist Party (PEV)
• Humanist Party (PH)
• Equality Party (PI)
• Game Most-Region (PMR)
• Party for Democracy (PPD)
• Progressive Party (PRO)
• Social Democratic Radical Party (PRSD)
• Independent Regionalist Party (PRI)
• Chile's Socialist Party (PS)
• Independent Democratic Union (UDI) party
• National Renovation (RN)

4. 4
And the next 9 are political parties in training [F] and process [T], also according to SERVEL8
:
• Patagonian Regional Democracy (DRP) - [F]
• (DNA) National Democratic Alliance Party - [F]
• Party andha Chile (andha) - [F]
• Equality South (IDS) - [F]
• Chile Liberal Party (PL) - [T]
• Development Policy (EVOPOLI) Party - [T]
• Power Party (PP) - [T]
• Citizen Left Party of Chile (IC) - [T]
• Amplitude Party (RANGE) - [T]
Then we point out that to date, Chile has 22 institutionalized political parties, which are likely to
increase from modifying the requirements to constitute them.
The first question to define the "universe" we intend to classify, is how many people are members of
these parties further?, and how many citizens participate with their vote in the elections?
According to CIPER Chile9
, to 2009 there were a total of 794,023 members in the 14 existing political
parties at that time.
For its part, the SERVEL sent us the following information updated to 31/05/201510
:
REGION XV I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX XIV X XI XII XIII TOTAL
PRI 371 436 940 2 5 27 10 0 15 8 3 1 0 0 44 1.862
PRO 438 542 1.083 560 1.341 4.026 1.974 2.264 4.441 2.014 1.619 1.808 353 400 13.912 36.775
MAS-R 570 2.153 4.344 1.126 48 196 105 121 8.675 100 47 43 213 27 21.730 39.498
IGUAL 707 1.008 2.024 12 1.485 5.247 42 35 10.795 25 15 27 329 13 19.739 41.503
ECOLV 21 565 966 591 1.547 186 91 81 8.068 50 833 1.654 239 12 27.334 42.238
PC 783 1.108 1.734 639 1.827 4.375 2.543 2.309 4.851 1.991 638 1.616 206 455 20.072 45.147
UDI 1.039 1.054 2.141 936 3.316 7.824 3.431 3.811 7.709 4.191 1.224 4.432 620 757 31.607 74.092
PH 3.322 2.861 7.061 2.767 3.035 4.660 4.753 2.966 4.384 2.298 2.013 1.246 300 551 36.428 78.645
PRSD 3.583 1.790 2.316 2.211 3.836 12.052 6.143 5.740 6.678 6.202 2.054 3.989 682 1.207 26.178 84.661
RN 1.595 1.638 2.025 1.336 4.627 11.797 5.431 5.865 11.054 5.356 4.049 6.169 1.703 732 30.400 93.777
PPD 1.586 3.135 2.775 1.363 4.392 11.834 4.296 4.150 9.709 5.090 1.872 4.310 520 1.355 41.131 97.518
DC 1.360 1.880 3.726 1.992 4.550 15.745 6.440 6.995 11.770 6.449 2.833 6.186 1.283 1.669 42.217 115.095
PS 1.793 2.623 4.795 5.377 5.691 10.237 6.258 6.729 14.132 3.670 2.330 7.015 1.181 2.274 46.736 120.841
TOTAL 17.168 20.793 35.930 18.912 35.700 88.206 41.517 41.066 102.281 37.444 19.530 38.496 7.629 9.452 357.528 871.652
According to SERVEL11
, the amount registered in the Electoral Register for 2013 was 13,573,143 people.
Of that amount, in the second round of the presidential election of that year, he voted a total of
5,684,681 voters12
. It is worth remembering here that -actually-, voting is voluntary and Registration in
the Election Registration is automatic.
Plotted, the above figures can be expressed as follows:

5. 5
It is also interesting to see the percentage of registered political parties by region, relative to the total
population of each of them13
, in the following table and in the chart below.
Región Inscritos en PP Población Total de la Región % inscrito en PP
Metropolitana 357.528 7.228.581 4,9 %
Biobío 102.281 2.100.494 4,9 %
Valparaíso 88.206 1.808.300 4,9 %
Maule 41.066 1.035.593 4,0 %
La Araucanía 37.444 983.499 3,8 %
O'Higgins 41.517 910.577 4,6 %
Los Lagos 38.496 834.714 4,6 %
Coquimbo 35.700 759.228 4,7 %
Antofagasta 35.930 613.328 5,9 %
Los Ríos 19.530 401.548 4,9 %
Tarapacá 20.793 328.782 6,3 %
Atacama 18.912 308.247 6,1 %
Arica y Parinacota 17.168 235.081 7,3 %
Magallanes 9.452 163.748 5,8 %
Aysén 7.629 107.334 7,1 %
Total 871.652 17.819.054 4,9 %
6,4%
93,6%
Affiliate citizens in
Political parties of Chile
Afiliados No Afiliados
42%
58%
Voters in Second Round
Presidential Elections 2013
Votantes No Votantes
Inscritos PP
0
5
10
Millones
Total population and registered voters in political parties by Region
Inscritos PP
Población

6. 6
Stated in other words, in Chile, votes less than half of registered voters, and almost 95% of these
citizens, not belonging to any political party.
And in most of the regions, less than 5% of the population is enrolled in a political party.
It then necessarily ask: who represent political parties?
This purely quantitative dimension –absent in the previous analysis-, it is highly significant, because if it
is intended to establish the existence of a "center" political, specify clearly the "Universe" reference is
being considered.
In strictly terms, to exist a political "center", only taking into account the existing political parties, the
"center" would account for less than 5% of the national electorate, which in turn, less than half
participated with her vote in the last presidential election.
Similarly, it is necessary to quantify the number of votes obtained by each party in the last election, to
verify how many voters specifically represent the supposed "center" political.
For purposes of this analysis, we will use only the result of the Election of Deputies of 201314
, by
political party, for a total of 6,220,222 valid votes cast15
:
Party Acronym Votes %
Movimiento Amplio Social MAS 6.387 0,10 %
Partido Liberal de Chile PL 16.664 0,27 %
Partido Ecologista Verde ECOV 32.762 0,53 %
Izquierda Ciudadana IC 39.281 0,63 %
Partido Igualdad IGUAL 67.094 1,08 %
Partido Regionalista de los Independientes PRI 72.306 1,16 %
Independientes Lista H ILH 73.047 1,17 %
Independientes Lista I ILI 85.437 1,37 %
Independientes Lista C ILC 95.839 1,54 %
Independientes Lista J ILJ 146.402 2,35 %
Independientes fuera de pacto IND 206.634 3,32 %
Partido Humanista PH 208.879 3,36 %
Partido Radical Socialdemócrata PRSD 225.955 3,63 %
Partido Progresista PRO 235.722 3,79 %
Partido Comunista de Chile PC 255.914 4,11 %
Partido por la Democracia PPD 685.804 11,03 %
Partido Socialista de Chile PS 691.713 11,12 %
Renovación Nacional RN 928.037 14,92 %
Partido Demócrata Cristiano PDC 967.003 15,55 %
Unión Demócrata Independiente UDI 1.179.342 18,96 %
To visually simplify the above table, meet in a single percentage to all Parties and Independent scoring
less than 4% (statistical) of votes and grouping as "Other":

7. 7
If from this chart Simplified wanted, at the same time simplify the first classification using Brunner in his
article, that is, the "left-center-right metaphor as organizer of political space"16
(Figure 1 down), and
assuming commonplace, adjudicásemos the Christian Democrats and the parties grouped under "Other"
category of "Center", we could see that the political space would be roughly divided by the famous
"Three Thirds" that was historically framed Chilean politics, what it is indicated by the black lines on the
chart above.
However, as discussed below, both the "Universe" used, quantitative analysis based on the votes
obtained by party, and classification on the horizon "Left-Center-Right" are not only quite limited, but
also, politologicly (in “political science”) inappropriate and unrealistic.
The analysis must necessarily move from quantitative aspects such as those mentioned by way of
example, a basic qualitative elements, and effectively-to-consisting, allow us to develop a realistic
topology of Chilean politics.
And for that, we necessarily rule out all the above.
PRSD 4%
PRO 4%
PC 4%
PPD 11%
PS 11%
PDC 15% OTROS 17%
RN 15%
UDI 19%
Percent Votes by Political Parties, Election of Deputies 2013 - Simplified
Partido Radical Socialdemócrata
Partido Progresista
Partido Comunista de Chile
Partido por la Democracia
Partido Socialista de Chile
Partido Demócrata Cristiano
Otros
Renovación Nacional
Unión Demócrata Independiente
RigthLeft
Middle?

8. 8
2) Fundamental Ideopolitical Axes
In Chile historically have had expression seven ideopolitical axes, or fundamental principles, which led to
most of the political parties of the twentieth century. These are: Nihilism (NIH), Communism (COM)
Radicalism (RAD), the Social Christian (SC), Liberalism (LIB), conservatism (CON) and Nationalism (NAC).
Each of these axes through history, originated various political expressions: currents, movements and
parties, some of the main those indicated in the graph below, greatly simplified for purposes of this
article17
:
Let us begin with the "Left".
Nihilism, as a philosophical foundation, has had systemic political expression in Chile.
Communism has two fundamental political aspects, Anarchism (A) and Marxism (M). From this they
emerged a large number of parties including these grounds in its principles, and the Communist Party
(PC), the Socialist Party (PS) and the Party for Democracy (PPD), among others.
Radicalism was also expressed in two ways: the Radical Party (PR) and Social Democrats (PSD), which
currently converge in the PRSD.
Let's look at the supposed "center" political:
Social Christianity is expressed in the Christian Democrats (DC) and from it, on the pattern of the
"Christian Left" (IC, MAPU, MOC, etc.). We look at these principles later to verify whether they can be
labeled "Center".
Then review the "Right":
Historically, the Chilean right was represented by liberal and conservative ideas, which respectively gave
rise to the Liberal Party (PL), the Conservative Party (C) and (N) National Party. The current policy of the
expression "right" would consist of National Renovation (RN), the Independent Democratic Union (UDI)
and several training games discussed later.

9. 9
Finally, see the Nationalism:
This principle had three main currents in Chile, National Socialism (N), Fascism (F) and corporatism (C).
The first two were short-institutional political life through the National Socialist Movement (MNS 1932-
1938) and the National Fascist Party (1938-1940). Meanwhile, corporatism was projected as a principle
in the Agrarian Party Labor (PAL).
It should be mentioned that the unionism of Jaime Guzman, came precisely from its break with the
corporatist doctrine of his trainer, Father Osvaldo Lira, so their primary ideological foundations, the UDI
is completely devoid of nationalist history.
Nationalism often poorly categorized as "extreme right", which is politological improper, since both by
definition and by political practice, the nationalist parties and movements founded, went
anticommunism, anti-capitalist, anti-liberal and anti-bourgeois at same time. Hence, to be classified as
"extreme right" property, party or movement must be at least, "ultra-conservative", "ultra-capitalist" or
"ultra-liberal".
In short, Nationalism currently lacks institutional political representation and is outside the
continuous "left-right", so cannot be considered in this analysis.
3) The true extent of the "Left"
So far, we've done a cursory primary quantitative and qualitative analysis of systemic movements and
political parties. However, particularly in the "Left", the picture presented is highly incomplete and
understated, to ignore the existence of at least two additional levels of political expression.
In effect, political movements and parties of the "Left" institutionalized, can be divided into those with
Parliamentary representation, and those extra-parliamentary.
To this must be added the existence of a wide spectrum of currents, movements and institutionalized,
organic and inorganic "parties", so the "Left" is much broader than is commonly perceived, considering
only the parties institutionalized parliamentary representation, which can be seen in the following
diagram:
ParliamentaryExtra Parliamentary
Left InstitutionalizedLeft non Institutionalized

10. 10
The fundamental difference between the old “Concertación” coalition and the actual "New Majority" is
that the first only watched the parliamentary left -PS, PPD, PRD and the Christian Democrats, and the
second added to the PC (Communist Party), the “Citizen Left” (formerly the “Left Christian” Coalition)
and MAS-R (the union of the regionalist party MAS ad “Force of North”), which even before that were
extra-parliamentary parties, belonging to the "Together We Can Do More" coalition.
In simple terms, the "New Majority" has grown into the extra-parliamentary left, a sector that had
gradually abandoned the coalition for various reasons (among creators movements and parties of the
coalition were counted: the MAPU (United Popular Action Movement) MAPU of Workers and Peasants,
the Liberal- Socialist Party Chilean, the Popular Socialist Union, the PADENA, the Green Party, the
Humanist Party and the “Christian Left”).
From the above, the question naturally arises can still be considered "Center" the DC (Christian
Democrats)?
In this regard, we forgive make a minimum of history, because the "drift" towards ideological "left" of
the Christian Democrats has been permanently: from its remote origins in political today "National
Falange" –from fully fascist and corporatist character–, first supported the "Popular Front" which
included the PC (1938); then he rejected the "Cursed Law", which persecuted the Communist Party
(1948); then he joined the "Revolutionary Christianity" (Chonchol and Silva, 1951); in its sixth congress
he accepted an alliance with "Marxist sectors" (Jaime Castillo Velasco, 1953), and Eduardo Frei Montalva
said that "to communism we see that there is something worse: anticommunism" (1947); to finally
become the Christian Democrats (1957).
Therefore, as in the 1970 elections, the candidate Radomiro Tomic had assumed in all honesty that
the ideological position of the Christian Democrats had ceased to be in the "Center":
"Give me the thesis of the Popular Unity, give me a united party and give me a program clearly located
on the left and revolutionary, and I will give the party the victory on September 4".
He added: "The DC must be a driver of broad coalition of social forces and political, Marxist and non-
Marxist parties engaged in a defined process, limited term and goals of further development within the
ultimate goal of replacing minority and capitalists structures to bring Chile's underdevelopment and
finish forever with internal poverty and external dependency. This is for me the reason for the Popular
Unity ".
45 years after that speech, with the creation of the "New Majority", this true "political prophecy"
Tomic, it seems to have fully complied.
Noted above, it is quite evident that the Christian Democrats –in its permanently ideological drift–
long time is not part of, nor is the alleged Chilean political "center", but is an integral and
fundamental part of the "Left ago "as we have seen, it is much broader than the political parties
institutionalized the" New Majority ".

11. 11
In fact, in the investigation "Political identification in Chile: symptom of a paradox,"18
notes that the
policy alternatives identification in Chile are presented on three not exclusive alternatives:
1) Identification with ideological axis, 2) With Political Party 3) or with coalition of parties.
Noted above, it is quite evident that a large number of those who identify with the "left", it is with the
first alternative, ie the ideological axis as the framing, and not necessarily with the political parties
institutionalized, or with the coalition thereof, that is, the current "New Majority". Furthermore, in the
same research indicated, it is argued that:
"It appears that a high degree of institutionalization does not necessarily imply a high party
identification. Some institutionalized systems coexist with low levels of party identification and,
conversely, countries with low levels of institutionalization have high levels of party identification. 19
"
To which he adds: "In sum, the features described interacting as a result we have a party system"
institutionalized "that paradoxically coexists with low levels of political identification.20
"
And further, specifically he notes regarding the identification with the "center" political: "No wonder no
variables to explain identification with the center axis, as compared to those who identify with the ends,
the moderates are so identified with lower intensity"21
(emphasis added).
Regarding the "Left, the study says:" None of the independent variables [Socioeconomic Group, Religion,
Economic Perception] is significant in explaining cross-identification with the left parties. Not so, for
identification with the center party and right "22
.
And finally he concludes: "Chile has a paradoxical relationship because it presents one of the most
institutionalized party systems in Latin America but live with low levels of political identification."
For its part, the study "Cleavages supporters and distributional changes in preferences in Chile"23
,
presents an analysis of the relationship between party identification and / or policy, distributive
different beliefs between 1999 and 2009.
"The analyzes in this article are opposed to the idea of coherence between party identification and
distributive preferences" ... "However, in connection with the main objective of this article, we note that
such changes are weakly associated with an identification political party, with the exception of support
for higher taxes on the rich 1999. Unlike the case of the (left-right) political trend, we find significant
differences in distributional issues at the ends of the continuum.24
"
Holding concludes: "Despite the apparent consensus on distributional issues on the traditional party
system, citizens have recently expressed a series of demands on these issues through various social
movements. For example, the proposed tax reform, free education in higher education and tax cuts to
disadvantaged groups are topics that have become relevant in the national political agenda in the
second half of 2011. These lawsuits, which have been channeled mainly through new non-traditional
forms of participation, they could be indicating that the cleavages in distributional issues would not be
found framed in the traditional party system, but rather between formal and informal instances of
approach to politics ".

12. 12
This finding reinforces the idea that the institutionalized political parties represent only a very small part
of those who have political affinity with notions of "left", and thus tend to assign greater responsibility
in the distribution of wealth to the State (eg , tax increases).
Indeed, those who have pursued claims as "Free Education" or "Constituent Assembly", have not
fundamentally been institutionalized parties, but the "social movements" or so-called "civil society
organizations".
In short, the "Left" Chile is not only much broader than institutionalized parties pointing Brunner in
his analysis but also, most of those who identify with it, do not belong nor necessarily adhere to these
parties, nor the "New Majority" that groups. But what are these "new forms of non-traditional
participation"?
4) Systemic, Antisystemic and Asystemic
One of the most important factors is not mentioned in any of the analyzes with which we began this
article, is related to the existence of three different foundations of political participation: systemic, anti-
systemic and asystemic participation. Indeed, political parties institutionalized only realize systemic
political participation, nor is the only form of participation, much less the majority, as seen above. This is
the "traditional way of participation."
Meanwhile, groups or anti-systemic movements in Chile have a very broad term, ranging from sectors
anarchists, communists (excluding PC), indigenous, environmentalists and anti-capitalist generic, to so-
called "urban tribes", where there are even groups generically called "fascist", as so-called "neo-Nazi
Skinheads".
And although the term "anti" has no negative connotation in terms, often used in a pejorative sense by
Media, simplify its meaning, combining the concept with the alleged existence of a single organized
movement which is not - which would necessarily violent and radical character, which also realizes his
true nature.
This is essentially collective not formally institutionalized, which may or may not have a solid internal
structure, and whose way of expression range from the aforementioned "urban tribes" and "collective"
so-called "citizens' movements" and " social organizations ". What unites them, then, it is neither its
structure nor a particular ideological definition but dissent, disapproval or rejection regarding
institutionalized and systemic forms of politics.
However it should be noted that the anti-systemic ideological condition does not exclude its expression
in organized and structured forms of participation, such as streams, groups, movements and parties:
then it is not the organizational structure adopted, but its ideological foundations.
Finally, from the arguments arising from deconstructionism, and more recently, of deconstructionism
post as philosophical foundations, they have been developing currents, groups and movements

13. 13
Asystemic character, which by their nature, declared to be beyond the systemic / anti-systemic
dichotomy and are the ideological vanguard of an effectively radical transformation of the way of doing
and understanding politics that has so far prevailed.
Thus, trying to classify topologically ideological currents present in Chile today, we should also frame
them necessarily within these three foundations: the binomial Systemic / Anti-systemic and -front of
them both, currents, groups and movements A-systemic:
5) Metaphysical, anti-metaphysical and A-metaphysical
As we have seen, to try to correctly categorize the various political currents that exist in Chile, we must
pay close attention to their ideological foundations, rather than their specific political expressions, but
anyway the use to sort effects.
In this sense, a fundamental definition that allows us to differentiate ideologically different groups,
currents, movements and political parties, is your position on the metaphysical and anti-metaphysical-
recently conceptions, conceptions Ametafísicas arising from deconstructionism.
Metaphysical concepts hold all or part of the belief in the existence of non-material factors ("beyond
the physical"), Being and Transcendence, as part of reality.
The Anti-metaphysical conceptions deny all or part of the existence of non-material factors as part of
Reality (Materialism). By definition adhere to Becoming and immanence.
Finally, from the deconstructionist theory, the A-metaphysical conceptions deny Metaphysics / Anti-
metaphysical binomial, standing in the same position with respect to the binomial Systemic / Anti-
systemic. Conceptions is in the process of projection within the political system, whose enormous
impact and consequences are just beginning to be viewed in political terms.
Noted above, this system allows effectively differentiate ideologically the majority of political forces in
the country, and their results may seem curious at first glance:
A-systemic
Systemic
Anti-systemic

14. 14
METAPHYSICAL ANTI METAPHYSICAL A-METAPHYSICAL
UDI – PDC – PRI – ADN RN – PL – EVOPOLI – AMPLITUD
PC – PS – PPD – MAS – IC – PH
PRSD – PRO – PC – PP
Izquierda Extraparlamentaria
Izquierda No Institucionalizada
IGUALDAD
ECOLOGISTA VERDE
Why National Renewal (RN), the Liberal Party EVOPOLI and AMPLITUD appear as anti-metaphysical?
Because if their respective Declarations of Principles are revised, instead referring or considering any
ideological foundations of metaphysical order. It is, in all these cases, parties to fully materialistic and
(neo) liberal, as we shall see below- which have been strongly determined by the Deconstructionism
own categories.
Meanwhile, Equality and the Green Party, from its Statements of Principles, - provisionally- can be
classified as institutional referents of some of the Ametafísicas thesis: the party considered as a "tool",
"equality" and "diversity "(indifference - relativism) as axiological axes25
.
6) The Neo-Neo-Communism and Neo-Capitalism
To deal effectively with the political position of all the references that we have mentioned, it is essential
to devote a very brief summary of the impact of deconstructionist theory in ideopolíticos axes that we
have been discussing. In both philosophical principle, since the 60's on, the Deconstructionism began to
impact directly on two fundamental and apparently antagonistic ideological principles: Communism and
Capitalism.
Thus, Communism was resignified systematically, first by the neo-Kantian and neo-Hegelianism -the
modern revision of the theory of Kant and Hegel, and subsequently by structuralism, through the
"Institute for New Marxism", better known as the "Frankfurt School" and finally, the impact of
deconstructionist theory, which determined the emergence of Neo-Marxism and Neo-Anarchism.
The ideological and political significance of this re, expressions I expressed in the theses of the
"Libertarian Communism" Neo-Anarchism emerged; and "Communism Critical", emerged from the Neo-
Marxism. To them the "Radical Communism" that arises directly from deconstructionism adds.
All these proposals (and others) make up the current "Neo-Communism," some of whose foundations
are irrationalism (the critical overcoming of Descartes and Hegel); primitivism, which considers issues
such as Indians demands, cultural relativism and radical environmentalism; and neo-Malthusianism with
catastrophic planetary level (ecological, economic and social) predictions.
The same process occurred in Capitalism, which, from the originally Liberalism gave way to Neo-
Liberalism, the total market primacy to society, and whose valoric proposals also referred to a strong
cultural relativism, full individualism and sociobiological selfishness.

15. 15
The thesis of neo-liberalism, not as many believe refers solely to the economic sphere, they permeated
both the "left" and the traditional "right". In fact, the same concept with some differences in approach,
was used by the American "left" to describe his ideology, two of the most prominent representatives of
" left neo-liberalism" are Bill Clinton and Al Gore.
So did the neo-Marxists that involved the emergence of the "new left" as current, ie a valoric left (neo)
liberal thesis.
From there then, that many positions "liberal" in valoric, are in full agreement with some supporting the
"Left" and that helps explain holding positions such as, for example, the AMPLITUD party, which is favor
of decriminalizing abortion, or EVOPOLI, he favors the so-called homosexual "marriage."
Finely both the Neo-Communism, and for the Neo-Capitalism, a problem is not the capital, but who
owns and controls the State, in the case of the former, or Private, in the case of seconds.
In short, the Neo-Marxism and Neo-Liberalism, it is categorically modified by the influence of
deconstructionism, gave rise to the current Neo-Neo-Communists and Capitalists, positions that also
distinguish between "Left" and "Right" whose similarities may turn out to be truly amazing in "value-
based" issues, and differ in the control of Capital.
7) The Chilean political spectrum in the "left-right continuum."
Mentioned above, back to the beginning to try to then make an enlarged topology of Chilean political
reality.
Let's start by noting that the "left-center-right metaphor," has a particular interpretation, depending
precisely on the position in the ideological horizon from which you look.
Indeed, to a certain "Right Objectivist" or "Radical Capitalist" American heiress theses Ayn Rand - self-
defined by the principles of "Reason, Selfishness and Capitalism" - the scheme should be presented the
following essential way26
:
LEFT MIDDLE RIGTH
Ideologies and systems that
violate rights
Ideologies and systems that
attack Rights
Ideologies and systems
respectful Rights
Using Extreme Strength Using Strength Grades No use of force
Communism, Socialism, Fascism,
Anarchism, Theocracy,
Monarchy
Modern Liberalism (Neo),
Progressivism, Conservatism
Capitalism, Classical Liberalism,
Constitutional Republicanism

16. 16
We quote here this conceptual variant, to be noted that the supposed "center" depending on the
interpretation of the extremes, may include seemingly dichotomous currents, such as "progressive" next
to the "Conservatism".
And it is that-in effect-can be done consistent criticism this inconsistency, as Crispin Sartwell pointing in
"The Left-Right political spectrum is Bogus"27
.
"The arrangement of positions along the left-right, progressive-reactionary axis, liberal-conservative,
communist-fascist, socialist, capitalist, or Democrat-Republican, is conceptually confused, ideologically
biased, and historically contingent. And any position, at any point where you are, is infected with
contradictions. "
In this regard, it is clear that the "Centrists" positions are always defined in relation to the other
positions, and so, so in a certain context can appear as a position of "center" in a different context can
be a position "Extreme".
That is why we speak of a "continuous left-right", which due to its own continuity, lacks a "center"
defined. Then there is sole speak of "center-left" and "center-right", ie, the ends of the extremes that
touch (in the "nonexistent Center") the political spectrum.
This finding also explains why it is so difficult to determine the specific principles underpinning the
political "center" has nothing to do with the radical / moderate, which wants to raise Blaset with his
statement about the weakening of a "moderate center" dichotomy versus "ideological centers".
"Moderation" can have as radical ideological foundations as the "immoderation" to clarify the alleged
dialectical antithesis.

17. 17
8) Is there the political "center"?
Considering the above, the question of the existence or nonexistence of a Political "Centro" then takes
on its full meaning.
If we take two criteria analysis: State Capitalism versus private capitalism, and liberalism versus valoric
economic liberalism, we could present the following chart for analysis purposes only:
Perhaps it may seem surprising that we include Amplitude and Evopoli and National Renewal (RN) in the
"Left", and part of the UDI in the "Left Centre", but it is not when you consider that these sectors, in
valoric terms have been arguing proposals equal or very close to those proposed by the "Left"
decriminalization of abortion, homosexual "marriage", legalizing marijuana, etc.
The same picture changes then, if we emphasize economic liberalism:
However, the above tables regardless of where you want to place the "Center" and how is shifted to one
side or another - are not considered incomplete if the above dimensions: first, the "Left" and
extraparliamentary "No institutionalized ", and then the anti-systemic and nonsystemic sectors.

18. 18
Let us see the whole picture:
It is very likely that we are wrong in the relative proportions of the "extra-parliamentary left" and "non-
institutionalized" (should be assigned to the same area each stream, group, movement and party would
be considered), and it is possible that the division between systemic, anti-systemic and nonsystemic is
much less marked and in a different position, however, we basically emphasize the existence of a very
broad sector and probably the majority in terms of participation and identification, which is not found
in any of the matches Institutionalized politicians.
From our perspective, the debate we committed at the beginning of this analysis, several
representatives called "Political Center" is an attempt to position itself in this large sector "not shown"
which just assume as "Center".
The brief quantitative, qualitative and topological analysis enables us to point out that this is a debate
overtaken by events. The real political representation is not institutionalized parties.
In Chile there is no "Political Center", hence the absence of criteria that allow us to effectively identify,
for the remarkable "imbalance" between the extremes of "left-right continuum."
Bias "towards the ends" that has been settled in Chilean politics, is really the expression of strength and
power transfer to sectors of the "extra-parliamentary left" and "non-institutionalized" and also to the
Anti-systemic and A-systemic sectors.
Meanwhile, the "Right" has been shifted their ideological coordinates, not to a supposed "center", but
directly own categories of Neo-Communism, by way of Neo-Liberalism in valoric terms.
From this analysis, it is possible to predict a growing polarization and increased use of force in the
political and social demands, arising from non-institutionalized, horizontal, to the detriment of
institutionalized, vertical, solutions.
In that scenario, the alleged "center" political, not only not exists, but has a no place.

19. 19
Notes
1
Velasco, Andrés, “Reconstruir el centro político”, 13-06-2015. Ex ministro de Hacienda del primer gobierno de Michelle Bachelet, actual
dirigente del movimiento Fuerza Pública.
2
Shalper, Diego, “Velasco no es de centro”, 19-06-2015. Ex director ejecutivo de Idea País, actual dirigente de un movimiento socialcristiano en
formación.
3
Blaset, Lucas; “¿De qué Centro estamos hablando?”, 24-06-2015. Miembro del Comité Político del movimiento Amplitud.
4
Brunner, José Joaquín, “Dónde está el centro político”, 17-06-2015. . Ex ministro Secretario General de Gobierno durante la presidencia de
Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, ex militante del PPD y fundador del movimiento Fuerza Pública.
5
Brunner, José Joaquín, “Morfología del espacio político chileno”, 24-06-2015
6
Brunner; op. Cit.
7
Ver: Partidos Constituidos, SERVEL
8
Ver: Partidos Políticos en Formación, SERVEL
9
Ver: Estadística de cantidad de afiliados a partidos políticos al 14/08/2009, CIPER Chile
10
SERVEL: Respuesta vía correo electrónico, a consulta N° 76128 – 300620151411
11
Ver: Padrón electoral definitivo 2013 por circunscripción electoral y tipo de mesa, SERVEL
12
Ver: Cantidades de votantes elecciones presidenciales (segunda votación) 15-12-2013, SERVEL
13
Ver: Regiones de Chile por Población, año 2014, Wikipedia
14
Ver: Elecciones parlamentarias de Chile 2013, Wikipedia
15
Estimamos que para efectos de este análisis, los resultados en esa elección constituyen suficiente ejemplo.
16
Brunner; op. Cit.
17
Simplificado de “Ejes Ideolpolíticos”, Luis Heinecke Scott.
18
Torres, Javier; “Identificación política en Chile: síntoma de una paradoja”, Working papers ICSO UDP – Nº 1 - 2009
19
Torres; op. Cit.
20
Ibíd. Pp. 15
21
Ibíd. Pp. 24
22
Ibíd. Pp. 25
23
Castillo, Juan Carlos; Madero-Cabib, Ignacio; Salamovich, Alan; “Clivajes partidarios y cambios en preferencias distributivas en Chile”, Rev.
cienc. polít. (Santiago) vol.33 no.2 Santiago, 2013.
24
Ibíd.
25
Cabe señalar no obstante que el Partido Ecologista Verde quiere garantizar “a cada persona las oportunidades para su mayor desarrollo
material y espiritual posibles” (Ver: Declaración de Principios) considerando así ciertos criterios Metafísicos
26
Biddle, Craig; “Political “Left” and “Rigth” Properly Defined”, en “The Objective Standar”, revista política por internet de corte “Objetivista”,
basada en los postulados de la filósofa de origen ruso, Ayn Rand (Alisa Zinov’yevna Rosenbaum), conocida por sus obras “El Manantial” y “La
rebelión de Atlas”.
27
Sartwell, Crispin; “The Left-Rigth Political Spectrum is Bogus”, en The Atlantic Magazine en Internet.