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Land and agricultural commercialisation intro
- 1. Ruth Hall, Ian Scoones and Dzodzi Tsikata 2017 Conference on Land Policy in Africa Addis Ababa, 14-17 November 2017 Ruth Hall Land and Agricultural Commercialisation in Africa What difference does the model make?
- 2. • Debates continue about the relative merits of large and small farms, their implications for labour absorption, rural livelihoods and growth in Africa’s farm sector • (Lipton 2009, World Bank 2008 vs Collier & Dercon 2014; cf. Deininger & Bylerlee 2011, Baglioni & Gibbon 2013) • Recent resurgence of plantations, mimicking (or even reviving) large colonial estates and state farms from post-colonial developmentalism • (Hall et al 2015, Anseeuw et al 2012, Ferguson 2006) • Contract farming as alternative to ‘land grab’, an ‘inclusive business model’ (IFPRI 2009, Cotula et al 2009; cf. Little & Watts 1994, Oya 2013). • Growth of ‘middle farmers’ driving land concentration in Africa • (Jayne et al 2014, Ariyo & Mortimore 2015, Scoones et al. 2015). What is the best pathway to commercialisation?
- 3. Land & Agricultural Commercialisation in Africa Three models of commercialisation: 1. Large plantations or estates 2. Contract farming or outgrower schemes 3. Commercial farming areas Comparative three-country study: 1. Ghana 2. Kenya 3. Zambia
- 4. Three models of agricultural commercialisation in Africa Plantations • large, self-contained agribusiness farms • vertically-integrated processing chains, • associated with one major crop • permanent or seasonal hired labour. • not much interaction with local economy • medium-to-large farms relative to surrounds • more or less contiguous, and dominate an area • associated with mixed farming operations • owned by individuals or small companies • may be planned or not • a processing firm, sometimes with a nucleus estate • outgrowers are contracted to supply their produce • outgrowers farm on their own land • use their own family labour • may also work on the nucleus estate Commercial farm area Contract farming
- 5. From ‘efficiency’ to ‘agrarian change’ • Assumptions about efficiency and scale changes beg a lot of questions: who benefits, how do agrarian transitions happen, what processes of accumulation and dispossession happen over time, and where potentially do livelihoods get secured and for whom? • What are the outcomes of these different models of agricultural commercialisation for: 1. Land 2. Labour 3. Livelihoods 4. Local economic linkages
- 6. Research methods Detailed local case studies: 1. Qualitative: in-depth interviews with farmers, manager and workers; primary and secondary document analysis. 2. Quantitative: random household survey in each site including those involved in our case studies (as workers, outgrowers, independent farmers) as well as those not. 3. Qualitative: in-depth life histories; mapping of local economic linkages
Editor's Notes
- Middle farmers: via investment from other sectors or countries, or through accumulation through farming and reinvestment
- These are ideal types, as characterised in the literature We have chosen case studies that conform to the definitional characteristics – of relative scale and institutional arrangements In reality, there are some overlap between models
- Efficiency analyses have focused on land and labour productivity These perspectives have their place, but we focus on implications for agrarian change Land: access vs landlessness, sizes of holdings, tenure relations Labour: scale and quality of employment Livelihoods: livelihood sources, the degree to which these are diversified, and measures of self-reported food security Local economic linkages: in terms of up- and down-stream linkages Livelihoods: xxxxxxx including indicators for food security Local economic linkages: character and scale of backward and forward linkages via inputs of goods and services and output markets
- We therefore have conducted detailed local cases, animated by particular protagonists, often family farmers and investors. These case studies are embedded within specific localities, themselves shaped by sectoral, class, gender, race and ethnic dynamics, and shows the roles played by various, interest groups, facilitators, intermediaries: local chiefs, district commissioners. In turn, the local can only be understood within the context of national and even regional political economies, shaped by nationalist and geostrategic interests, and pursued by agricultural ministries, national investment authorities and even presidents in bilateral and multilateral fora. Our research teams typically comprised three core members, with diverse disciplinary backgrounds, from agricultural economics, anthropology, gender studies, geography, political economy
- Case studies selected for the definitional characteristics of these 3 ideal types in the literature. To test outcomes for land, labour, livelihoods and local economic linkages.