Running head DISSERTATION CONTINUATION 1DISSERTATION CONTINUAT.docx

Running head: DISSERTATION CONTINUATION 1
DISSERTATION CONTINUATION 6
Tracey Joseph
Chapter One and Chapter 2
Assignment 1: Chapter One
1. Historical Background
While all women in the United States face similar
workplace challenges, other women groups have to face the
issue of diversity and inequalities. This is particularly true of
black Caribbean women, who are increasingly joining the
American workforce (Hall, Everett & Hamilton-Mason, 2012).
Like other black women, Caribbean women confront numerous
workplace challenges. They range from sexist and racism, to
low possibility of getting promotion or career progression.
Other challenges include having to defend one’s race and
shifting or code switching to overpower barriers to employment.
Consequently, they have to cope with unending racial
inequalities in the workplace as they try to make ends meet for
their families.
Black Caribbean women have always formed an important
part of the American workforce. Although not much has been
authored about the challenges that they encounter within the
mainstream American economy, their contribution to the
socioeconomic development of the United States can be traced
back to periods before the United States gained independence.
Berleant-Schiller (1999) provides some of the earliest insights

into the genesis of workplace challenges that black Caribbean
women face. According to Berleant-Schiller (1999), Caribbean
women played a role in the 16th century commodity plantation
system. During this period, Black Caribbean women used to
work as slaves in the tobacco and sugar plantations of
Americans. The slave labor control prefigures industrial control
of a rising proletariat in Europe. Thus, Berleant-Schiller (1999)
reinforces the idea that the problems that modern problems that
black Caribbean women face in the workplace have their
historical roots in slavery.
Considering the above, Caribbean black women have a
long-standing immigration history that can traced back to five
centuries ago. However, they still lag compared to their African
American counterparts in workplace-related inequalities (Wells-
Wilbon & Vakalahi, 2015). Caribbean women have a high level
of immigration into the country. Approximately 73 percent of
Caribbean population is participants in the American labor
force. However, they still face the problem of low wages and
long working hours. Furthermore, most Caribbean black women
in the workforce perform are founding informal job sectors,
with an insignificant fraction participating doing white-collar
jobs (Wells-Wilbon & Vakalahi, 2015). Unlike other women
groups from different racial and ethnic backgrounds, black
Caribbean women are less likely to be employed in departments
that require technical skills and qualifications, such as science,
technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).
2. Theory Relevant to the Research Questions
a. Theoretical Model that Informs The Research
The theoretical foundations of the study will be drawn from the
social categorization theory, which posits that people regularly
group themselves and others into in-groups and out-groups
based on the surface-level demographics such as gender, sex,
and race (Colella & King, 2018). In-groups refer to those
groups that are similar to themselves, while out-groups are
groups that are different from themselves. According to the
theory, the categorization process may take many forms. For

instance, functional categorization takes place when the groups
support others to get through their day as they brand a certain
stimulus into relevant or irrelevant, safe or harmful, familiar, or
foreign (Colella & King, 2018). According to the social
categorization theory, the process of categorizing people into
groups can result in stereotyping of other people who are
different from the self since self-esteem is partly drawn from a
person’s identity groups. Moreover, people generally desire to
have positive self-impressions. As such, positive characteristics
are often ascribed to the in-group while negative characteristics
are extended to the out-groups.
The second theory that will be utilized for the study is the
minority stress theory. This theory was initially conceptualized
to describe the experiences of gay people. However, its scope
has since been broadened to other disadvantaged and
underserved populations (Colella & King, 2018). According to
the minority stress theory, stress and other challenges are
derived from being a minority status. This stress is drawn from
multiple areas, such as internalized homophobia, gender-based
discrimination, and racism. Other forms of discrimination
include stigma, which is often extended to minority groups such
as women. Stigma increases stress when a woman develops an
expectation that there will be discrimination extended to them.
The final cause of stress is the actual experience of
discrimination or violence (Colella &* King, 2018).
Considering the above, the minority stress theory supposes that
minority groups such as LGBTQs have more mental disorders
than their heterosexual majority due to discrimination.
b. Comparing the Competing Theories
Although the two theories can be utilized for the study, the
social categorization theory is more relevant than the minority
stress theory. This is because the social categorization theory
can be applied across different groups of people, including both
the minority and majority, who are all part of the scope of this
study. On the other hand, the minority stress theory only
focuses on discrimination of gays and lesbian, although it has

been expanded to incorporate other minority groups. It also only
talks about stress, and no other types of problems that
Caribbean black women may encounter in the American
workplace. The scope of this study includes other problems such
as low wages, lack of technical skills, and career progression.
Consequently, utilizing the minority stress theory would limit
the scope of this study to only stress. On the other hand, the
social categorization theory is more relevant in the sense that it
explores different types of challenges that members of a given
social group (in-group) face in relation to their out-group
counterparts.
Critics of the minority stress theory argue that the theory is a
general one that notes. In that respect, there have been much
positive changes in the social environment of sexual minorities.
For instance, the gay, lesbian, and bisexuals are no longer
highly exposed to minority-related stress (Patterson &
D'Augelli, 2013). Due to such social changes over the last three
decades in the Western societies, with social attitudes getting
more acknowledging of same-sex relationships, these minority
groups no longer encounter the minority stressors as described
by the theory (Patterson & D'Augelli, 2013). According to
these critics, the minority stress theory is no longer viable in
explaining the emergence of other forms of discrimination
extended to minority groups.
c. How the Theoretical Foundation of the Dissertation Applies
to the Problem
Caribbean black women are members of minority and
disadvantaged groups in the American workforce. As such, the
social categorization theory can be relevant in grouping them
according to their skin color, country of origin, and the common
problems that are unique to them in comparison to other women
population in the country. In this study context, the starting
point of the social categorization theory is Caribbean women
asking who they are. This theory is founded on the presumption
that employees who group themselves at the individual level
have the propensity to behave in ways that maintain, if not

increase, their personal identities. Those who group themselves
mainly at social levels are more likely to champion for their
identity as a group member. When personal identity becomes
salient for an employee, the needs for self-actualization,
growth, and enrichment affect the person’s behavior. This
theory stresses on the idea that high levels of motivation in the
workplace may not be a function of the qualities distinct to an
individual. Instead, they revolve around a person’s sense of
identity and what an employee feels compelled to do to maintain
that identity.
Assignment 2: Chapter 2
Chapter 2: Current Empirical Literature Relevant to Research
Questions/ Hypotheses
1. Literature Relating to Individual Variables
The categorization of people as being an outside member of a
specific group can generate challenges such as discrimination
and stereotyping. A study conducted by McFarlane (2017)
indicated that black Caribbean women often feel that they do
not form part of the mainstream American women groups.
Consequently, other women groups such as whites, Latinos, and
black Americans easily spot them, resulting in discrimination
both in the workplace and at college. In an effort to determine
the degree to which the social categories of gender, class, race,
and nationality interplay in Caribbean immigrant women’s
experiences of being in American colleges and workplaces,
McFarlane (2017) utilized focus groups across 27 English-
speaking Caribbean-born women. The study suggested that
when Caribbean black women move to the United States, they
come from gendered cultural traditions that influence their
social role. According to McFarlane (2017), the complex
intersecting identities in women’s roles being challenged,
coupled with social identification within the workplace and
college contexts, breed some forms of discrimination. In view
of the widespread cross-cultural contact and globalization,
McFarlane offers an in-depth understanding of factors that
influence the psychological adjustment of Caribbean black

women in the United States as a way of improving their
adaptation across the constantly-changing social situations.
Dominguez et al. (2014) argue that the experiences of women
who belong to one ethnic and racial origin often make them
isolate themselves from other groups based on the challenges
that they faced. Indeed, the differential exposures to minority
status stressors can serve as a tool to explain the differences in
United States-born and foreign-born Black women. According
to Dominguez et al. (2014), Caribbean black women in the
United States often complain of the same level of racism than
their counterparts from Africa. In particular, the researchers’
state that when racism is evaluated in terms of immigrant sub-
groups, American-born black women are similar in their level of
self-reports associated to racism in the workplace and in social
gatherings to their Caribbean counterparts. Some of the most
common situational domains that were mentioned as spots for
racism include workplace, public places, and colleges.
2. Literature Relating to Specific Combination of Variables
There are various studies that identify variables such as race,
ethnicity, and cultural identities as factors that contribute to
workplace challenges of Caribbean black women in the United
States. For instance, Bridgewater and Buzzanel (2010) state that
cultural, racial, and moral factors serve as barriers to effective
communication for Caribbean women immigrants who operate
within the American workplace. Using the constant comparative
techniques, the researchers assessed interviews of 25 Caribbean
immigrants. The outcomes of the study identified two discursive
positioning. They included intergroup cultural-moral narratives
of the American Dream, as well as stories that regenerate and
resist certain specific intercultural workplace communication.
According to Bridgewater and Buzzanel (2010), individual
sense making stories served to break down the monolithic
cultural and moral narratives of the American Dream to indicate
participants’ perceptions regarding communicative strategies
for, and discursive self-positioning for dealing with their
distinct workplace experiences and problems.

Further, King Miller (2017) explores issues related to race,
culture, ethnicity, and identity in shaping Caribbean women’s
participation in technical carriers. In particular, King Miller
(2017) investigates how these factors influence
underrepresentation of Caribbean black women in Science,
Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) careers.
According to King Miller (2017) have successfully navigated
across race and gender barriers associated with education and
employment in STEM. The findings suggest that socio-cultural
values and strategies from their respective Caribbean
community offers the support required to establish a positive
self-identity. Moreover, middle-class values that include
educational attainment and hard work further support their
persistence via STEM educational and their participation in
STEM careers.
References
Berleant-Schiller, R. (1999). Women, work, and gender in the
Caribbean: recent research.
Journal of Latin American Studies, 34 (1), 201-210.
Bridgewater, M. J., & Buzzanell, P. M. (2010). Caribbean
immigrants’ discourses: Cultural,
moral, and personal stories about workplace communication in
the United States. The
Journal of Business Communication (1973), 47(3), 235-265.
Retrieved from
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0021943610369789
Colella, A., & King, E. B. (Eds.). (2018). The Oxford handbook
of workplace discrimination.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dominguez, T.P., Strong, F.E., Krieger, N., Gillman, W.M., &
Rich-Edwards, W.M. (2014).
Differences in the self-reported racism experiences of US-born
and foreign-born Black

pregnant women. Social Science Med, 69 (2), 258-265.
Hall, J. C., Everett, J. E., & Hamilton-Mason, J. (2012). Black
women talk about workplace
stress and how they cope. Journal of Black Studies, 43(2), 207-
226.
King Miller, B. A. (2017). Navigating STEM: Afro Caribbean
Women Overcoming Barriers of
Gender and Race. SAGE Open, 7(4), 2158244017742689.
Retrieved from
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/215824401774268
9
Patterson, C. J., & D'Augelli, A. R. (Eds.). (2013). Handbook of
psychology and sexual
orientation. New York: Oxford University Press.
Wells-Wilbon, R., & Vakalahi, H. F. (Eds.). (2015). Social work
practice with African
Americans in urban environments. New York: Springer
Publishing Company.
1.258925
1800.000000
24.559032
97000.000000
B 1 B 2 G 3

B 2 G 2 R 0
R 0 Y 0 S 0
W 0 V 0 O 0
#include <stdio.h>
#include <stdlib.h>
#include <math.h>
int col_to_num(char color, int choice) { //decodes color
if(color == 'B') { //this is according to question
if(choice == 1)
return 0;
if(choice == 2)
return 1;
if(choice == 3)
return 6;
}
if(color == 'G') { //this is according to question
if(choice == 1)
return 5;

if(choice == 2)
return 8;
if(choice == 3)
return 10;
}
if(color == 'R') //for remaining questions, only first character is
needed
return 2;
if(color == 'O')
return 3;
if(color == 'Y')
return 4;
if(color == 'V')
return 7;
if(color == 'W')
return 9;
if(color == 'S')
return 11;
}

int main() {
FILE *fp; //declare file pointers
FILE* outfp;
fp = fopen("resistorcolor.txt", "r"); //open input file
outfp = fopen("resistorvalue.txt", "w"); //open output file
if(fp == NULL || outfp == NULL) { //if cannot open file, abort
printf("Cannot open filen");
return 0;
}
int val1, val2, val3; //declare variables
char col1, col2, col3;
while(fscanf(fp, "%c %d %c %d %c %dn", &col1, &val1,
&col2, &val2,
&col3, &val3) != EOF) {
//fscanf returns number of variables read
//while we are able to read 6 characters in each line
int d1 = col_to_num(col1, val1); //get mapping for each color
and choice
int d2 = col_to_num(col2, val2);

float d3 = col_to_num(col3, val3);
//since d3 can also have gold and silver, we need to convert
them tocoressponding values
//since col_to_num cannot return double, we need to do it h re
if(d3 == 10) { //if color is gold
d3 = 0.1;
}
else if(d3 == 11) { //if color is silver
d3 = 0.01;
}
double ans = (d1*10 + d2)*pow(10, d3);
fprintf(outfp, "%lfn", ans);
}
return 0;
}
Running head: WORKPLACE BARRIERS 1
WORKPLACE BARRIERS 27

Workplace Barriers facing Black Caribbean Women in the
United States
Tracey Joseph
Abstract
This research investigates workplace barriers experienced by
Black Caribbean women in the US. Cases of workplace
discrimination are still rampant in the US despite changes in
economic policies that discourage gender and racial
discrimination. The research examines the different types of
discrimination experienced by this study population in different
work environments. The study also explores the effects of the
barriers to emotional, physical, psychological health of the
population, and the socioeconomic implications of the barriers.
A sample group of Black Caribbean women will be selected,
and semi-structured open-ended questions will be answered by
individual respondents. The expected results express the
existence of workplace barriers against Black Caribbean
women, and negative effects associated with the barriers. The
results will be used to draw a conclusion on the workplace

barriers, and appropriate recommendations will be proposed.
Keywords: workplace barriers, Black Caribbean women, race,
discrimination, inequality
Workplace Barriers facing Black Caribbean Women in the
United States
Introduction
Black Caribbean’s mostly reside in the Western and Southern
regions in the United States. There have been tremendous
improvements in employment practices, and economic
legislation in the US to encourage equality in the past century.
The changes have been aimed at making adjustments to the
disparities that exist in the labor market, and organizational
cultures, both in the private and public sectors, and gender and
ethnic equality at the workplace. However, despite the changes
in labor and economic policies, there has been a noticeable
disparity in labor, and organizational cultures that bar Black
Caribbean women from enjoying equal privileges like
employees from other races (Assari & Moghani Lankarani,
2018). This research seeks to reveal workplace inequalities in
the workplace against Back Caribbean women.
The workplace inequalities that will be investigated include:
educational levels, organizational culture, and privileges
offered in different organizations among various races.
Employees are accorded training and educational privileges in
order to improve their skills so that they can be able to handle
more demanding duties and to be best suited for promotions.
These privileges have been provided in biased ways in many
organizations in which Black Caribbean women are among the
least privileged (Black-Chen, 2013). This research will examine

the cultures of different organizations and show that there is a
discriminatory trend in educational privileges against Black
Caribbean women.
Another workplace culture that this research seeks to examine is
the trend in which employees in many organizations have been
placed in different socioeconomic levels. Research has shown
that the level of how important an employee is considered in
socioeconomically stratified organizations is measured by their
races, financial status, and gender (Bridgewater & Buzzanell,
2010). These attitudes have placed Black Caribbean women in
low-rank hierarchies irrespective of their integrity and
competence at the workplace. This research will explore
different ways through which Black Caribbean women have
been stereotyped in socioeconomically stratified organizations
and the resultant negative effects they experience.
Equality in job distribution encompasses equitable distribution
of positions depending on the diversity of the applicants and the
number of employees of the same race in the department of
concern. It also requires that employees should be competent in
all areas such as sciences, engineering, or other technical
departments irrespective of their race and gender, as long as
they are sufficiently skilled and competent in the professions
(Boumlik, Reem& Alberts, 2017). This research explores job
distribution and presents findings that indicate that there are
fewer Black Caribbean women in technical and managerial
positions as compared to perceived racially superior races such
as White women.
Interviews will be conducted to examine different disparities
that contribute to workplace barriers, which obstruct Black
Caribbean women from enjoying privileges given to other
perceived superior workplace colleagues. The feedback
expected from the questionnaires is that all Black Caribbean
women experience one or more difficulties in the workplace.
The difficulties are expected to be related to race, individual
respondent’s culture, organizational culture, and socioeconomic
classes consistent with previous researches (Stockman, Hayashi

& Campbell, 2015: Black-Chen, 2013). The expected results
should prove that the workplace barriers contribute to Black
Caribbean women’s: poor motivation in the workplace, sexual
harassment, contemptuous attitudes towards them, and health
complications such as stress and depression as a result of the
workplace issues.
Background
The widespread diversification of the American and global
economy has given rise to unprecedented market development
and economic opportunities. Consequently, minority groups
have made giant steps in the workplace since the removal of
segregationist and discriminatory laws in the United States
(Holder et al. 2015). The tremendous transformation of the
American workplace environment has been described as the
feminization of the workplace and the changing complexion of
the workforce. In spite of the increasing pace of diversification
of the working population, persons of color still continue to be
underrepresented both at the skills-based job positions and
leadership levels in the American corporate society (Holder et
al. 2015). This is especially true for the black women
professionals, who constitute only one percent of the country’s
corporate officials’ Black women form a significant component
of a growing source of talent for the corporate America and
have for a long time been considered in the middle-level
management (Holder et al. 2015). Nonetheless, as they undergo
career progression to the leadership status, they face numerous
challenges. These problems pose obstructions to their ascension
to corporate senior executive levels, and their eventual overall
career advancements. Holder et al. (2015). mention racism as a
crucial factor in explaining the underrepresentation of women
of color in the workplace and the stressful experiences that they
undergo as they try to improve their careers. A significant
fraction of business firms in the United States also express
hesitance to hire black women out of the widespread belief that
they lack skills, leadership capabilities, savvy, and able to
spearhead successful competition in the corporate society.

Numerous studies often focus their attention on the general
black women population. Consequently, there is still paucity in
research about the specific workplace challenges that black
Caribbean women face in the United States. The population of
black Caribbean women has been on the rise in the United
States. In the last 50 years, the United States has witnessed
approximately 1.5 million increases in the Caribbean immigrant
population (Wells-Wilbon & Vakalahi, 2015). Most people of
Caribbean descent living in the United States are from more
than 15 countries. Out of these nations, 90 percent identify
themselves as blacks from countries such as Cuba, Jamaica,
Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Trinidad. There is major group
diversity among the black Caribbean women as reflected in their
language variations. Although the most dominant language
among black Caribbean women is English, others speak
Spanish, French, and Dutch. Over 80 percent of Caribbean
blacks come to the United States due to the strong family
connections that they have with their American counterparts and
the proximity of the Florida coast to the Caribbean (Wells-
Wilbon & Vakalahi, 2015). A majority of Caribbean women
reside in Florida and New York. Nonetheless, there is an
increasing pattern of their migration and spread to other parts of
the country, such as New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Georgia.
By 2008, about 69 percent of Caribbean blacks were legally
authorized to live and work in the United States (Wells-Wilbon
& Vakalahi, 2015). Like their European immigrant counterparts
during the Progressive Era, modern black Caribbean groups
settle in concentrated urban communities or in close proximity
to urban centers where there are employment opportunities and
social amenities. Since 90 percent of Caribbean women are from
English-speaking nations, their rate of participation in the
American labor force is high, approximated at 75 percent
(Wells-Wilbon & Vakalahi, 2015). However, black Caribbean
women are less educated than their African and African
American women. More than half of black Caribbean population
have at least a high school level of education and are hired

mainly in service-related jobs, construction, extraction and
transportation. A few of this group find themselves in
administrative jobs.
There is a wide gender disparity among Caribbean women in the
American workforce. While the females have higher degree of
immigration and 73 percent are participants in the labor force,
they often lag in terms of earnings by 9 percent to 13 percent,
thereby resulting in economic problems (Wells-Wilbon &
Vakalahi, 2015).Although they have a strong and long-standing
immigration history to the United States, black Caribbean
women still remain a disadvantaged and underserved population
due to racism and anti-foreign attitudes. While such attitudes
have improved gradually over time, they continue to permeate
into almost all aspects of the American social system. For
instance, health problems, lower level of education, and
increased rates of single parent households, frustrate their
efforts to seek employment opportunities in the United States.
During their childhood, black Caribbean girls, experience
strenuous problems due to urban lifestyle (Wells-Wilbon &
Vakalahi, 2015). These include social isolation from America’s
mainstream culture, exposure to slum culture, and an attitude of
materialism as a result of the excessive consumption of media
contents. Those who reside in communities with insufficient
resources, inadequate schools, and high rates of domestic
violence often face the biggest obstacles to seeking a decent
employment opportunity. In the face of these adversities,
Caribbean black women, especially those who reside in urban
centers, often maintain that their Caribbean heritage and
identity is still significant to them in their effort to buffer the
challenges of residing in an urban neighborhood (Wells-Wilbon
& Vakalahi, 2015). Cultural barriers also frustrate their efforts
to operate within the mainstream American cultural workplace.
While Americans embrace the dominant culture of
individualism, most Caribbean women are collectivized in
nature. Conflicting values make it harder for them to be easily
integrated into the American workplace (Wells-Wilbon &

Vakalahi, 2015). Collectivism and maintained cultural identity
should be regarded as strength when organizations work with
Caribbean women in the workplace. Thus, conflicting cultural
traditions, values, and beliefs frustrate their efforts to adapt to
the American workforce.
Some of the challenges that Caribbean black women face
in the American workforce have deep historical origins. Blank
(2013) argues that the historical and the modern gender and
social class relationships among the British, French, and
Spanish in the Caribbean islands mainly emphasized on the
Afro-Caribbean people. This includes the negative gender
relations during slavery and the gender roles during the periods
after emancipation. According to Blank (2013), such relations
and experiences have been passed into the modern American
workforce. The complexities of gender and slavery in the
Caribbean were influenced by the region’s multicultural
diversity. Most of the region’s occupants currently descended
from the enslaved Africans. Traces of beliefs and customs,
coupled with European norms, and family values that were
present under slavery, have all resulted in the defining of
gender roles in the workplace. Such mixtures have been further
strengthened by the heritage of indigenous American Indian
populations and the impacts of immigrants from the Middle East
and Asia. During slavery, certain roles and job responsibilities
were available to either gender on plantations, whereas tasks
were sex-specific. Adults of both sexes worked hard in field
groups on sugar plantations, in their masters’ houses as
domestic slaves and petty traders. This practice disadvantaged
Caribbean women since only male slaves were allowed to hold
elite, and skilled-based job positions as field commanders and
artisans. On the other hand, slave women only served as
domestic workers, hucksters, petty traders, and unskilled
employees. Although slavery ended more than a century ago,
this practice of assigning Caribbean workers unskilled jobs still
persists in the American system.
Blank (2013) observes that white men in some cases often

sue female black Caribbean employees as their sexual
concubines, a practice that had its historical roots in slavery,
where white men used to sexually harass black women.
Although they married white women, they continued to engage
in extra-marital sexual harassments with their Caribbean
employees. In the same way, pregnancy in the workplace is still
discouraged by many companies since it reduces the time that
women take in the organization to work. According to Blank
(2013), this practice had slavery roots. During that time,
childbearing was discouraged since it minimized the length of
time that a woman would take in the fields. Some pregnant
slaves would attempt to abort their fetuses or commit
infanticide in order to avoid bringing up their children as
slaves. In the event that slave Caribbean women gave birth, they
were assigned older female slaves to provide care for the baby
as they worked in the fields.
The workforce participation of Caribbean black women is
still dependent on gender roles and power relations in the
United States. Despite the increasing trends of high female
involvement in family issues, Caribbean cultures and traditions
still remain male-dominated (Blank, 2013). In such patriarchal
societies, even some women continue to quote the Bible to
provide rationale that it is men rather than women, who should
hold prestigious position in the workplace. This cultural
practice has been extended to low representation of women in
powerful political and religious seats. However, there is a
gradual struggle that is gaining space among the genders as men
continue to slowly lose some of their privileged statuses in the
Caribbean culture (Blank, 2013). As a result, the overall
Caribbean women hold fewer positions at the highest levels of
political, economic, and religious decision-making in
comparison with their male counterparts. Thus, while many
women are employed, they hold less powerful ranks, especially
within the formal sector of the economy compared to Caribbean
black men. This pattern can be easily observed among Haiti
women who live in the United States. The Haiti black women

are often less educated than men. For instance, teenage boys of
Haiti descent are most likely to attend high school education
than girls their age. In the same vein, Haiti working class men
are often more educated than Haiti women of the same social
status. Consequently, Haiti black women are normally treated as
second class citizens with some legal codes that can be traced
back to the nineteenth century (Blank, 2013). This trend has
increased rates of domestic violence among Caribbean against
Caribbean black women, thereby adversely affecting their
performance in the workplace.
Reinforcing the findings of Blank (2013), McFarlane
(2017) asserts that discrimination of Caribbean black women in
the American education sector frustrates their quest for decent
income and excellent educational attainment. According to
McFarlane (2017), the experiences of women of color within the
United States education offers a distinct opportunity to explore
the sophisticated influences of interesting identities within the
context of changing social situations. To examine how social
categories of gender, class, race, and nationality interplay in the
Caribbean immigrant women’s experiences of being college
students affects their perception of themselves in the general
American society (McFarlane, 2017). For most Caribbean
women, when they move to the United States, they believe that
they come from gendered cultural traditions that determine their
social roles within the Caribbean. For most female students,
such rules continue to operate in the United States. Thus, the
gendered rules and traditions still influence how black
Caribbean women view the society in general. Caribbean
women’s decisions to migrate to the United States are not often
driven by their personal ambitions. Instead, they move to the
United States in pursuit of opportunities for their families
(McFarlane, 2017). While in America, they still struggle with
the uphill task of adapting to the American traditions and
cultures. This is particularly true for Caribbean women in the
corporate society and those enrolled in higher education. They
encounter a complex set of hindrances. A lot of attention has

often been placed on race and ethnicity issues more than social
class and sexuality for black Caribbean women’s cross-cultural
transitions. Therefore, social identity theory stresses on the
significance of group memberships for wellbeing.
In the American environment, cultural factors, race, social class
and gender are strong bases of affiliation for minorities such as
black Caribbean women. Moreover, the social contexts are
important for social identification (Flabbi, Piras & Abrahams,
2016). This is especially true when contexts change
significantly. In such situations, Caribbean women seek support
for identities that shift and individuals who make efforts to
maintain their significant identities (Flabbi, Piras & Abrahams,
2016). For instance, Caribbean black women who operate in
predominantly Anglo workplaces and have strong ethnic
identities, often maintain their attempts to preserve their ethnic
identities within new environments by joining cultural groups
and establishing friendships with their fellow Caribbean women.
Caribbean black women are an important resource in the
American labor market. They are increasingly taking time in
large numbers than any specific point in time in history (Flabbi,
Piras & Abrahams, 2016). This is owed to the new and
emerging pattern in which Caribbean black women acquire
education at higher rates than their male counterparts. This is a
widely recognized trend in developed economies. Since 1990s,
more and more Caribbean black women than men have been
enrolled in school both at the high school and college levels
(Flabbi, Piras & Abrahams, 2016). While the United States is
registering a high rate of gender parity in the general working
population, Caribbean black women still face the challenge of
underrepresentation in leadership positions in organizations.
Research Questions
1. Do black Caribbean women face the challenge of getting high
quality-work?
2. Are there low number of black Caribbean women in STEM
courses and jobs?
3. Do gender stereotypes reduce Caribbean women’s

participation in high-skilled employment?
4. Does gender-based violence at home and workplace affect
Afro-Caribbean women’s job performance?
5. Do cross-cultural communication problems affect Caribbean
black women’s coping skills in the American workforce?
2. Literature Review
The workplace environment of black Caribbean women, like
other parts of the world, has been influenced by racial and
cultural factors that influence the ways in which they operate in
the American corporate environment. For ordinary Caribbean
women, workplace survival in male-dominated societies cannot
be overlooked. In the United States, social patterns that
emerged among them seek to answer the exigencies of life under
global capitalism Gender roles of black Caribbean women
continue to be the same despite emancipation from slavery.
Numerous studies have been conducted to investigate workplace
barriers for Caribbean women in the US. One of the most
insightful studies can be traced back to 1999, whenBerleant-
Schiller (1999) attributed workplace challenges to marriage
systems and family roles of Caribbean. According toBerleant-
Schiller (1999), continued deviance to the American culture and
ways of the slave masters have made it harder for Caribbean
women to adapt to the United States work environments and
cultures. However, they observe that the rise of feminism
increased Caribbean women’s interests in white-collar jobs in
early 1970s.
Reddock (2007) attributes workplace barriers among Caribbean
women to gender-based inequality in a male-dominated world.
According to Reddock (2007) the interplay of gender inequality,
race, and ethnicity, has made it difficult for Caribbean women
to improve their status and promotions in the workplace.
Stereotyping of Caribbean women as lazy and less educated has
resulted in few women in the workplace. Gender-based
inequalities have also made it difficult for Caribbean women to
pursue technical workplace roles.

While Reddock (2007) faults gender inequality as the leading
cause of workplace barriers, on the other hand, Novta and Wong
(2017) states that Caribbean women have progressed in job
participation. According to Novta and Wong (2017), women
across the world continue to be underutilized in the workplace.
However, they observe that Caribbean women are increasingly
gaining in terms of more women participation in the labor force.
Still, Novta and Wong (2017) states that Caribbean women have
a long way to go in terms of closing the pay gap with their male
counterparts.
Paris (2016) discusses workplace injustices among Caribbean
black women, especially those who are deaf through historical
point of view.The author observes that deaf Caribbean black
women teachers constitute only about 0.7% of the total
population of teachers attending to K-12 classes in the Western
region of the US, which represents a small number compared to
other tribes.The small number of Caribbean black women
teachers attending to K-12 classes can be attributed to past
historical injustices that were perpetrated by colonist, who were
against the education of aboriginal Indian tribes (Paris, 2016).
Caribbean black women who teach in schools of the deaf are not
very much respected and are not given leadership positions due
to the perception that they do not receive proper education.
For Caribbean black women being deaf and speaking in sign
language is considered a tribe and a blessing, which other tribes
view as a disease thereby sidelining deaf Black Indians from
leadership positions.According to Paris (2016), 25.3% of
Caribbean black women above 18 years suffer from hearing
impairments that range from mild to severe. As such, the
community is not favored much about diverse workplace
leadership positions and eligibility for promotion. The author
explains discrimination against Caribbean black women at the
workplace in terms of intersectionality, which is the
combination of many aspects of identity in social community
systems (Paris, 2016).The author suggests that the deafness
among Black Indian women is a traditionally oppressed identity

from the colonial period.The perception that Caribbean black
women are likely to have hearing impairments contribute to
their not being potential candidates for leadership positions and
promotion at the workplace.
Kimerling, Alvarez, Pavao, Mack, Smith and Baumrind (2009)
conducted a research to find out the difficulties that Caribbean
black women go through at the workplace with regards to
intimate partner violence.Their findings show that Caribbean
black women experience low to severe intimate partner violence
from time to time.The violence can be physical, verbal, or
emotional abuse.Most Caribbean black women who have been
victims of Intimate partner violence have reported
psychological distress at the workplace, and employment
instability (Kimerling, Alvarez, Pavao, Mack, Smith and
Baumrind, 2009).The abused women become depressed and
stressed up at the workplace, a situation that causes them to be
viewed as incompetent by their colleagues at the workplace.The
women are thus disrespected and looked down upon by their
colleagues and bosses at the workplace. This is because they are
viewed as incompetent since most of them do not reveal
domestic problems that they experience to their workmates
(Kimerling, Alvarez, Pavao, Mack, Smith and Baumrind,
2009).The domestic violence experienced by Caribbean black
women brings them many employment-related problems. The
problems include suspensions from work and forced leaves or
even termination of employment due to the incompetence
caused by depression and stress from intimate partner violence
(Kimerling, Alvarez, Pavao, Mack, Smith and Baumrind,
2009).Caribbean black women who sometimes report or share
their negative experiences at home are ridiculed by their
workmates, which worsens their stress and depression. Others
are lured into sexual traps by men who pretend to console them
yet are up to taking advantage of the situation that the women
are going through.
Burnette (2017) discusses work-based challenges that Caribbean
black women face through a qualitative research using the great

recession as an example.The author observes that the great
recession increased unemployment rates of Caribbean black
women from 4.6% to 9% (Burnette, 2017).Data from the
author’s research show that there is a significantly big wage gap
between Black women and White women, showing that there is
racial discrimination in remunerating employees.Caribbean
black women’s salaries and wages are below that of White
women by up to 10% yet they do the same job, and are in the
same rank (Burnette, 2017). The discrimination against
Caribbean black women is as a result of the perception that they
are inferior to White women in terms of skills and efficiency,
although no research has been done to verify the claim.Burnette
(2017) notes that during the great recession, Caribbean black
women were among the most affected group of people in terms
of salary cuts and termination of employment. According to
Burnette (2017), Caribbean black women were among the
people who were faced by the challenges of tougher labor
market, with loss of jobs, forced leaves and suspension rate of
up to 8.4% higher than White women. This is an indication that
White women are favored more than Caribbean black women in
the United States.
Lookism is a form of preferential treatment in which people
who are considered attractive by others are treated well whereas
those who they consider less attractive or physically desirable
are discriminated (Sims, 2017).According to Sims (2017),
Caribbean black women are severely discriminated against by
light-skinned workmates not because they are less competent or
talented, but because of lookism.The lookism attitude affects
Caribbean black women across many sectors from transport to
hotelier industry.In many work environments, Caribbean black
women are discriminated against by workmates and bosses in
favor of light-skinned counterparts due to the perception that
they are not as physically attractive as White women (Sims,
2017). This discrimination on the basis of skin color and
physical appearance sometimes gets out of hand to the extent
where Caribbean black women are overworked and underpaid

and are sometimes physically and verbally abused by workmates
and bosses (Sims, 2017).
Violence by intimate partners has brought stress and depression
in the workplace. Labor market inequality and unfair wage
distribution affect Caribbean black women than their White
colleagues. Sexual and harassment is also a big barrier to
success and efficiency for Caribbean black women at the
workplace. Discrimination based on physical appearance is also
another issue of concern affecting Caribbean black women in
the workplace.
Caribbean black women often face cross-cultural
communication challenges in their American workplace.
Bridgewater and Patrice (2010) argue that Caribbean women
immigrants often struggle to position themselves in a way that
make sense of their workplace communication. They utilize
storytelling approaches to enhance communication with their
American colleagues. In their effort to investigate these
communication challenges, Bridgewater and Patrice (2010)
utilized constant comparative technique to analyze 25 Caribbean
immigrants. The study found two discursive positioning that
included cultural moral narratives of the American Dream and
stories that generate and resist specific intercultural workplace
communication. Thus, personal sense making stories broke
down the monolithic cultural and moral narratives of the
American Dream to reflect the participants’ perceptions
regarding communicative strategies, as well as discursive self-
positioning for dealing with their distinct workplace
experiences. Caribbean women tried to make sense of their
experiences through invocation of difference discourses, which
include class, gender, and immigrant status.
Gender-based violence is a rampant problem among
Caribbean black women. According to a study conducted by
Stockman, Hayashi and Campbell (2015), minority women are
adversely affected by gender-based violence both at home and
in the workplace. This results in underperformance and low
productivity in the workplace. The study further states that

marginalized Caribbean women such as those who are foreign
born are more likely to experience different forms of violence
than those who are born in the United States. According to
Stockman, Hayashi and Campbell (2015), Caribbean women are
more likely to experience sexual; -related gender-based violence
in the workplace and at home in comparison with their
counterparts who are born in the United States. The effects of
gender-based violence include trauma, HIV/ STI infections,
depression, and physical injuries that adversely affect their
overall performance, productivity, and job satisfaction in the
workplace.
Gender-based stereotyping is one of the most common
challenges that deter Caribbean black women from pursuing
high-skilled careers. A qualitative survey undertaken by Miller
(2017) sought to examine the issues associated with science,
technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). Using
grounded case study, Miller found that there is high level of
underrepresentation and low participation of Caribbean women
in STEM-related professions. However, Miller notes that
Caribbean black women from Panama are increasingly becoming
successful in their efforts to navigate across the difficult race
and gender barriers associated with education and employment
in STEM. After gathering data and triangulating information
through interviews, Miller (2017) found that socio-cultural
values and strategies from Caribbean communities offered the
support required to strengthen a positive sense of self-identity.
Moreover, Miller (2017) argues that inculcation of middle-class
values such as educational; realization and hard work is
supportive of their persistence through STEM education.
Afro- Caribbean women in the United States continue to grapple
with the challenge of underrepresentation in technical
workplaces. According to Boumilk, Reem and Ian (2017), fewer
Caribbean women major in STEM than in liberal arts and social
sciences, a problem that results in their low numbers in
technical courses. Using data from students’ responses and
surveys, Boumilk, Reem and Ian (2017) argue that the need to

recruit more diverse women in the workforce in the STEM
fields has been a challenge that could be traced back to the
Sputnik crisis and America’s responses to the perceived
technological disparity between the United States and rival
countries in the 1950s. This perception of gender inequalities is
partly associated with attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that the
Caribbean’s’ culture associate with individual’s biological sex.
Such gender inequality barriers hamper their development in
specific areas of technical careers.
Level of education significantly affects ability of women
to seek employment opportunities compared to their male
counterparts. According to Black-Chen (2013), Caribbean
women have been dragging behind in terms of basic and college
education enrollments compared to other minority groups.
However, Black-Chen (2013) observes that there is a
remarkable increase in the continuing education enrollments
among non-traditional-aged families in Jamaica and United
States. In an effort to investigate the academic experiences of
Jamaican women going back to college, Black-Chen placed
emphasis on support services within the higher education
institutions attended. Black-Chen asserts that policymakers
should focus their attention on support services within the
higher education institutions to address the challenges and
develop strategies for successful academic and social
integration into the higher education environment. Further, the
researcher suggests the need to amplify women’s voices as a
way to understand the efficacy of education in providing women
competitive job opportunities.
3. Methodology
The purpose of this study was to investigate the workplace
barriers facing Caribbean black women in the United States. To
achieve this objective, a descriptive qualitative design was
used. Descriptive design was selected because it is effective in
describing in an accurate and systematic way the facts and
characteristics of a specific population (Caribbean black
women). The design is also instrumental in offering an accurate

portrayal or account of characteristics of a specific group of
people, situations and their challenges.
The qualitative research selected offered depth of
understanding on the research topic. This was particularly true
when it came to examine the nuances in attitudes and behaviors
of Caribbean black women, and assessing social processes over
time. Consequently, the main strength of this method rests in
the depth of understanding that it permits. While some
quantitative research methodologies may be challenged as
superficial, this problem is rarely associated with qualitative
research (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). Further, the qualitative
method that was selected was flexible in nature. This is one of
the leading strengths of qualitative design, since it gives room
for the modification of the research design at any specific point
in time.
A total of 200 participants were selected for the study. The
participants were Caribbean black women who form part of the
American workforce, drawn from both the formal and informal
sectors. The participants were selected through random
stratified sampling. This method entailed dividing the
population into subgroups or strata and taking a random sample
from each stratum through simple random or systematic
sampling. This sampling procedure was selected since it
supports representation of all groups of participants within the
selected study population. These include Caribbean black
women who are young, old, and from different countries and
sectors.
The participants were administered with personal
interviews and questionnaires as the main data gathering
methods. Personal interviews were conducted to collect
qualitative data about their views, feelings, and attitudes about
working in the American job labor force. The interviews were
done in different places, including the interviewees’
workplaces, homes, and factory sites. Respondents were
contacted, and informed consent gained from them. The data
collected were analyzed using content analysis procedures.

.
4. Discussion and Conclusion
To investigate the research questions, participants were
administered with questionnaires and interviews. The leading
barriers that were identified by participants included: racial
stereotyping of Caribbean black women (80 percent), challenge
of getting formal employment and technical jobs (78 percent),
challenge of having career progression and leadership company
leadership positions (75 percent), and violence and harassments
against Caribbean women both at home and in the workplace
(69 percent). After further investigations, the study found that a
lower fraction of black Caribbean women in the United States
are often admitted to higher levels of employment or white-
collar jobs. In the last five years, there has been a significant
increase in Black Caribbean women participating in low-quality
jobs, both in the formal and the informal sectors of the
American economy. For instance, many Caribbean black women
often work in temporary contracts and casual labor.
Consequently, they do not have the prospect of climbing the
employment ladder to managerial and executive positions. This
problem has also led to high turnover rates in the proportion of
female laborers on temporary contracts. In low quality levels of
employment, black Caribbean women are often subject to high
turnover rates and increased unemployment, coupled with
reduced social benefits and stagnant wages. This results in
economic insecurity. Consequently, they suffer from minimal
prospects of being admitted to high-quality work.
Like their African American counterparts, very few black
Caribbean women are enrolled in science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics (STEM) courses. Consequently,
very few of them are often seen employed in technical careers.
This problem is partly attributed to racial stereotypes of black
women as people who are mainly talented in sports, social
sciences and art courses and careers (McGee & Bentlay, 2017).
In addition, challenges such as structural racism, sexism, and

race-gender biases are salient among black Caribbean women in
the STEM contexts. Such experiences are often sources of strain
and depression, which the women battle with in ways that show
both resilience and trauma (King Miller, 2017). Such negative
experiences often motivate organizations to provide support for
high-performing students who in some cases face the risks from
multiple sources. There has been widespread
underrepresentation of Afro-Caribbean women. For instance,
Panamanian and Jamaican Afro-Caribbean women often face
challenges associated with navigation of race and gender
barriers associated with education and employment in the STEM
(King Miller, 2017). Like other women in the white
communities, Afro-Caribbean women are often brandished as
individuals who are less intelligent to pursue STEM programs
and careers. This has perpetuated long-term underrepresentation
of black Caribbean women in STEM education and employment.
In a male dominated society, Caribbean women’s cultural roles
are restricted to the kitchen and household chores. Patriarchal
systems are often stronger among Caribbean black women
compared to the white society. As a result, a significant number
of Caribbean women still hold the cultural view that men are the
breadwinners (King Miller, 2017). As such, the role of women
is to settle household chores as men pursue white-collar
employment. This problem has resulted in the widening of
gender disparity in the employment of black Caribbean women
in formal employments. Irrespective of their class and levels of
income, black Caribbean women still believe that men should
direct them on the right career choices to make. They also
believe that men are their overall heads and what they tell them
to do should be the right decision to make. In such
environments, some men often seek to financially dominate
their wives, thus telling them to go for low-cadre jobs. In
response to this problem, there has been an upsurge in the
number of Caribbean women, who struggle to effect social and
political change in the general society. Since power is not only
held by men, but it also enforced through ideological,

economic, and social mechanisms, the women have launched
massive activism to empower fellow Caribbean women to free
themselves from male domination. This includes engaging in
activities aimed at bringing policy changes and creating
perspectives for the common good of women to minimize
inequalities and other social problems that deter women from
making it in the workplace.
Gender-based violence against black Caribbean women at
home and in the workplace adversely affects their physical and
mental wellbeing. This results in underperformance and low
productivity when they are at work. Caribbean black women
who undergo intimate partner violence normally show high
signs of depression and lack of concentration in their respective
workplaces (Stockman, Hayashi & Campbell, 2015). This can be
a potential barrier to their prospects of ever advancing in their
career lives. Marginalized groups such as black Caribbean
women who are foreign-born run the highest risks of
experiencing intimate partner violence than their counterparts
born within the United States. For instance, black Caribbean
women are more likely to experience sexual-related intimate
partner violence in comparison with women from other racial
groups (Stockman, Hayashi & Campbell, 2015). The impacts of
intimate partner violence on their professional and career
development are adverse. This is because intimate partner
violence is strongly related to many negative physical and
mental conditions and health risk behaviors among women of
Caribbean backgrounds. Chronic pains, severe depression, and
traumatic brain injuries may keep women from going to the
workplace.
Cultural differences influence how Caribbean black women
communicate with fellow employees from the mainstream
American culture. Although a significant number of black
Caribbean women speak in the English language, there is a
major difference in their dialects compared to their American
counterparts (Bridgewater & Buzzanell, 2010). This creates
major potentials for conflicts and disagreements in the

workplace.
There is little representation of Caribbean black women in
the corporate leadership. Flabbi, Claudia and Scott (2017)
attempted to estimate if the measures of female corporate
leadership at the firm are associated with the organizational
performance in America and the Caribbean region. The
researchers found that despite gender parity in the general
working population, the higher people look at the leadership in
terms of ranks within an organization, the lower the number of
women they will find. According to Flabbi, Claudia and Scott
(2017), this underrepresentation of women in higher positions is
more pronounced among black Caribbean women and Latin
Americans. Although the American continent is one of the most
important regions in the world, the researchers assert that
women are not fairly represented in company leadership despite
having comparatively the same levels of education as their male
counterparts. Moreover, they conclude that under-representation
is most common among Caribbean women.
Wage discrimination sis a problem that continues to affect
black Caribbean women in the United States. Although they are
qualified for the same jobs as their counterparts, most continue
to be paid lower wages for the same efforts that they deliver.
According to Elliot (2006), the earnings that Caribbean women
are still faced with socioeconomic problems despite having
superior human capital. Using Jamaica as a case study, Elliot
(2006) examined female lifestyles and found that they are
advances because discipline-specific theories have failed to
explain the occupational clustering and the resultant earnings
gap. Elliot (2006) argues that lifestyle constraints can be
associated with characteristics of black Caribbean women’s
social environments. Since such constraints affect different
groups of women in varying ways, then policies meant to
minimize occupational dissimilarities and female-male earnings
gaps should adapt a disaggregated analysis.
Caribbean black women are less likely to get decent jobs in the
United States compared to other minority groups. A study

conducted by Hamilton, Easley and Dixon (2018) found that
black Caribbean women still find themselves in certain types of
employment niches that are mainly informal in nature. Even
after upgrading their level of education, black Caribbean women
still face the challenge of getting white collar job opportunities
in the United States. Hamilton, Easley and Dixon (2018) note
that immigrant Caribbean women are found in occupational
niches that are not only informal, but also contribute to the low
wage gaps that they continue to face in the country. Using data
from the American Community Survey, Hamilton, Easley and
Dixon (2018) found that compared to US-born blacks, most
Caribbean women immigrants have similar or greater
representation in different occupational niches. However,
employment in a specific niche has a minimal but positive
association with earnings. They also note that not all Caribbean
women have this problem. For instance, black Caribbean
immigrants from English-speaking nations such as West Indies
have higher labor force participation rates, higher employment
rates, as well as higher earnings than their American-born
blacks.
Caribbean black women are some of the immigrants who
face racial discrimination in the American workplace.
According to Assari and Maryam (2018), this problem is partly
attributed to racial imbalances in the composition of workers in
the employment population. This problem is partly attributed to
socioeconomic status, which protect populations and people
from health challenges. Assari and Maryam (2018) remark that
while racial composition of the workplace may be a mechanism
through which high socioeconomic status increase
discriminatory experiences for blacks, males and females do not
differ in this respect.
There are various factors that pose obstruction to career
progression of black Caribbean women. A research undertaken
by Wyss (2015) revealed that there is no shortage of educated
Caribbean women in the workplace. However, very few make it
to top government positions and company leadership. This

problem is bought by gender stereotyping and limiting
traditions that limit the role of women to domestic chores.
Conclusion
The contemporary workplace environment in the US has
many challenges that negatively affect marginalized groups and
ethnic minorities such as Black Caribbean women. Evidences
from researches show that Black Caribbean women experience
many workplace barriers most of which result from ethnic
stereotypes and racial profiling rather than their incompetence.
No research has shown that there is a race that is superior to the
other, or that Black Caribbean women are less competent than
people from other racial backgrounds. As such, the workplace
culture in which Black Caribbean women are typified as inferior
or secondary to perceived superior races such as Whites results
from prejudice against rather than incompetence of the Black
Caribbean women. This is because even highly successful Black
Caribbean women are also despised and envied by Whites, in
equal measure as less fortunate Black Caribbean women in low
hierarchy positions. The biggest workplace barriers experienced
by Black Caribbean women include but not limited to racial
discrimination, rape, insults, battery, denial of freedoms and
opportunities to participate in work-related planning and
professional contribution, intimidation, being overburdened
with work, poor working conditions, and stress and burnouts.
These barriers often lead to health complications such as stress
and anxiety disorders, which ultimately cause poor motivation
and incompetence.
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