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Write a two-page double spaced, 12 pt font paper on critical
contractual concerns. That is what are the basics of any contract
that should be included to protect, you, your business and the
other party.
You will enter into many contracts over the course of your
personal and professional life. What are the important concerns
that will keep you and your assets safe?
Why are contracts important?
Name three (3) possible contracts that a restaurant company
may enter into with another organization. Name two issues
important for each contract. (Not the same issues)
Self-Doubt During Emerging Adulthood:
The Conditional Mediating Influence
of Mindfulness
Justin W. Peer
1
and Pamela McAuslan
1
Abstract
Emerging adulthood (EA) is a critical time for identity
exploration and making decisions regarding the future.
Although most
thrive, some emerging adults struggle with the prominent
developmental features of this time. Little is known about
factors that

may positively influence development during EA. This study
examined the mediating impact of mindfulness on the
relationship
between normative emerging adult processes (identity
exploration, experimentation/possibilities,
negativity/instability, self-focus,
and feeling in-between) and self-doubt, while simultaneously
considering the moderating effect of age and gender. Using data
from
the EA Measured at Multiple Institutions project, reports from
1,293 participants were utilized. Mindfulness mediated the
relationship between various aspects of development
(negativity/instability, self-focus, and feeling in-between) and
self-doubt with
age and gender moderating aspects of these relationships. The
findings highlight the importance of mindfulness during this
important developmental period.
Keywords
emerging adulthood, self-doubt, mindfulness, mental health,
well-being
Emerging adulthood (EA) is a critical time for exploring vari-
ous life directions (Arnett, 2000; Reifman & Grahe, 2015) and
forming a coherent sense of identity (Schwartz et al., 2010).
During this time, the ability to consider life’s possibilities is
greater than it will be at any other point (Arnett, 2000), making
this a unique and important point in life span development. EA
is a time that has been reflected upon by adults ‘‘as the most

impactful and impressionable of their lives’’ (Gottlieb, Still, &
Newby-Clark, 2007, p. 132). Arnett (2007) stresses that EA is
a distinct period of development and not merely a transitional
period in life.
Various features related to the developmental challenges
associated with EA exist (Arnett, 2004). These features, includ-
ing identity exploration and possessing feelings of instability,
distinguish this period of life from others. Although these fea-
tures are prominent during EA, Arnett (2004, 2006) suggests
that they are not necessarily universal due to the heterogeneity
of individuals within this group. However, he believes that
these features are what makes EA a distinct period within
the life span and are critical components of this time period
(Arnett, 2006, 2007). Empirical evidence derived through the
use of a measurement instrument that validly and reliably mea-
sures these developmental processes supports this theoretical
model (Reifman, Arnett, & Colwell, 2007).
Individuals vary in their ability to successfully engage these

EA processes. Most thrive during this time of life (Arnett,
2007); however, many may experience ambivalence and anxiety
as they contend with identity issues and explore possibilities for
their future (Arnett, 2004). Perhaps the sheer number of possibi-
lities available for emerging adults triggers a sense of apprehen-
sion and/or skepticism about one’s identity and one’s future.
This may lead to self-doubt among some emerging adults, and
in turn disrupt their ability to effectively navigate the develop-
mental dimensions associated with this time of life. Oleson,
Poehlmann, Yost, Lynch, and Arkin (2000) describe self-doubt
as a sense of uncertainty about one’s abilities and competence.
Individuals who experience self-doubt may overly focus on
perceived imperfections and their fear of failure. Experiencing
self-doubt could lead emerging adults to question their ability
to successfully negotiate the normative features of development.
This, in turn, could impede emerging adults’ development while
raising doubt and other concerns. Carroll, Arkin, and Shade
(2011) found self-doubt to be related to low self-confidence
asso-

ciated with identity development among college students. Fur-
ther, Oleson et al. (2000) suggest that self-doubt is associated
with
negative affectivity, impaired well-being, and low self-esteem.
1
Department of Psychology, University of Michigan–Dearborn,
Dearborn,
MI, USA
Corresponding Author:
Justin W. Peer, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of
Michigan–
Dearborn, 4012 CASL, 4901 Evergreen Rd., Dearborn, MI
48128, USA.
Email: [email protected]
Emerging Adulthood
1-10
ª 2015 Society for the
Study of Emerging Adulthood
and SAGE Publications
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Despite EA being a period of the life span where many
flourish, an increased prevalence of mental health disorders
like major depression and substance abuse is also noted dur-
ing this time (Arnett, 2006; Nelson & Padilla-Walker, 2013;
Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006). Given the relationship of self-
doubt to negative emotion and impaired self-esteem, it may
play a contributing role in the development and maintenance
of mental health disorders (Hermann, Leonardelli, & Arkin,
2002).
Mindfulness and Emerging Adult Developmental
Processes
Mindfulness is a factor that may alleviate struggles with the
tran-
sition to adulthood, as well as negative health consequences
related to self-doubt. Born from Buddhist tradition, mindful-
ness is a component of human consciousness (Brown & Ryan,
2003; Brown, Ryan, & Creswell, 2007) in which individuals

‘‘pay attention, without judgment, to one’s present-moment
experience’’ (Greeson, Juberg, Maytan, James, & Rogers, 2014,
p. 222). Brown and Ryan (2004) state that mindfulness is an
‘‘inherent, natural capacity of the human organism’’ (p. 246)
and people differ in their ability to be mindful. Further, Brown
and Ryan (2003) argue that mindfulness manifests itself with
or without associated training; however, mindfulness training
may enhance dispositional mindfulness, leading to positive
outcomes for people (Brown et al., 2007).
As a construct, mindfulness encompasses both awareness
and attention. Awareness is the conscious ability to monitor
both the internal and the external environment, while attention
is the process of focusing awareness within a limited range of
experience (Brown & Ryan, 2003). A nonjudgmental attitude
whereby individuals experience the present moment without
evaluation and judgment is also necessary. It is suggested that
one’s ability to maintain awareness of, and attention to, the
present moment without judgment promotes clarity of thought

and limits irrational decisions based on faulty cognitive models
and/or bad mental habits. This allows for more psychological
flexibility and effective responses. Further, present awareness
and attention prevent stress and anxiety associated with rumi-
nation about past mistakes and worries about an unknown
future (Siegel, 2010).
A person’s ability to cultivate and sustain mindful aware-
ness in their lives is related to positive health and well-being
(see Brown et al., 2007, for a comprehensive review). Increased
mindful awareness and attention have been found to positively
impact a multitude of mental and physical health problems
including depression, anxiety, chronic pain, and other stress-
influenced medical disorders (Siegel, 2010). Mindfulness is
also associated with wide-reaching benefits for emerging
adults. Previous research has found mindfulness to benefit
many emerging adult-related issues including stress (Oman,
Shapiro, Thoresen, Plante, & Flinders, 2008; Weinstein, Brown,
&
Ryan, 2009), mood (Shapiro, Oman, Thoresen, Plante, &

Flinders,
2008), and academic performance (Mrazek, Franklin, Phillips,
Baird, & Schooler, 2013). Also, Greeson, Juberg, Maytan,
James, and Rogers (2014) found that a brief form of mindful-
ness training utilized with emerging adult college students led
to enhanced psychological well-being.
The Relationship Between Mindfulness, Self-Doubt, and
EA Processes
Although research has examined mindfulness and various
aspects of mental and physical health, there are no known stud-
ies that have examined the relationship between mindfulness,
the various dimensions of EA, and self-doubt. This is an impor-
tant area for inquiry because mindfulness could impact how
emerging adults navigate the various developmental features
through the cultivation of increased focus, experiential aware-
ness, and nonjudgment. Moving mindfulness research into this
novel area of exploration is important for better understanding
adjustment during this critical developmental period.
The Potential Moderating Effects of Age and Gender

There is a modest literature base that reveals both gender and
age differences in levels of various EA features, mindfulness,
and self-doubt. For example, Arnett (2015), as part of his
2012 Clark University Poll of Emerging Adults, found that the
sense of ‘‘feeling in-between’’ differed greatly based upon the
participant’s age, with younger emerging adults (18- to 25-year-
olds) also reporting greater identity exploration, instability, and
self-focus in comparison to older emerging adults (26- to
29-year-olds). The Clark Poll, however, found little evidence
of gender differences (Arnett, 2015).
In terms of dispositional mindfulness, research suggests few
age or gender differences. For example, some studies have
found no age differences in total mindfulness among emerging
adults (Bowlin & Baer, 2012; Lavender, Jardin, & Anderson,
2009), while others report a positive relationship between age
and trait mindfulness (Weinstein et al., 2009) and studies of a
wider age range of adults assessing various aspects of mindful-
ness provide support for a tendency for mindfulness to develop

with age (Baer et al., 2008; Josefsson, Larsman, Broberg, &
Lundh, 2011). Similarly, some research finds no gender differ-
ences in dispositional mindfulness (Bowlin & Baer, 2012;
Weinstein et al., 2009), yet Fogarty and colleagues (2015) sug-
gest that gender differences related to various aspects of mind-
fulness could potentially alter how men and women experience
distress. Finally, past research suggests that women tend to
express more self-doubt than men (Braslow, Guerrettaz, Arkin,
& Oleson 2012; McCrea, Hirt, & Milner, 2008). No known
studies have found age differences in self-doubt. Furthermore,
we are aware of no research that has investigated age and gen-
der differences associated with the relationship between the
developmental features of EA, mindfulness, and self-doubt.
Aim for the Present Study
The aim of the present study was to explore the influence that
mindfulness has on the relationship between the developmental
dimensions of EA and self-doubt. Specifically, this study
2 Emerging Adulthood

sought to analyze the potential mediating influence of mindful-
ness on these variables while taking into account the moderat-
ing influence of both age and gender; this is sometimes known
as moderated mediation. We anticipate that individuals who are
progressing through the dimensions of EA will be developing
more mature levels of mindfulness which in turn will relate
to lower levels of self-doubt. Furthermore, we anticipate that
the mediating effect of mindfulness may be influenced by other
factors including age and gender. However, given the limited
nature of past research, we view the hypotheses related to mod-
eration to be more exploratory in nature. More specifically, we
hypothesized as follows:
Hypothesis 1: Mindfulness will mediate the relationship
between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt (i.e., lower
levels of instability and feeling in-between and higher levels

of identity exploration, possibilities, and self-focus will
relate to higher levels of mindfulness that will relate to lower
levels of self-doubt).
Hypothesis 2: Age may moderate the relationships between
the dimensions of EA, mindfulness, and self-doubt, such that
the relationships between (a) the dimensions of EA and
mindfulness, (b) the dimensions of EA and self-doubt, and
(c) mindfulness and self-doubt may be stronger for older
emerging adults.
Hypothesis 3: Gender may moderate the relationships
between the dimensions of EA, mindfulness, and self-doubt,
such that the relationships between (a) the dimensions of
EA and mindfulness, (b) the dimensions of EA and self-
doubt, and (c) mindfulness and self-doubt may be stronger for
women than for men.
Hypothesis 4: We expect to find evidence of moderated
mediation with age (Hypothesis 2) and gender (Hypothesis
3) moderating the mediation relationship described in

Hypothesis 1.
Method
Participants and Measures
The present study is a secondary analysis of data that was orig-
inally collected as part of a collaborative, multi-institution proj-
ect investigating psychosocial variables and political attitudes
during the 2004 presidential election. A total of 1,353 parti-
cipants at 11 different universities/colleges from across the
United States took part in the original study. Readers are
referred to the Open Science Framework EA Measured at
Multiple Institutions (EAMMI) webpage for a listing of parti-
cipating academic institutions, sample demographics, and data
collection procedures (Grahe, Walker, Reifman, & Oleson,
2015). Each participating researcher obtained internal review
board approval prior to data collection.
For the analyses presented in this article, we used a sample
of 1,293 emerging adults (aged 18–29, M ¼ 20.95, SD ¼ 2.14)
who completed the Inventory of the Dimensions of EA (IDEA;
Reifman et al., 2007), the Mindful Attention Awareness Scale

(Brown & Ryan, 2003), and the Subjective Overachievement
Scale (Oleson, Poehlmann, Yost, Lynch, & Arkin, 2000).
1
Descriptions and psychometric properties of the materials used
are located on the EAMMI webpage (Grahe, Walker, et al.,
2015). The ‘‘other focus’’ subscale of the IDEA was not used
in this analysis, as it is not an EA developmental process iden-
tified by Arnett (2000). The participants in the final sample
were 62.1% female (n ¼ 806) and predominantly Caucasian
(n ¼ 1,091, 84.4%).
Data Analysis
Although it is possible for moderated mediation to occur in the
absence of simple mediation and simple moderation (Hayes,
2013), we proceeded with the analyses for this article by build-
ing the model from simple to more complex, beginning with an
examination of the possible mediating effect of mindfulness on
the relationship between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt
(Hypothesis 1). We next examined whether age and gender
moderated the relationships between the dimensions of EA,

mindfulness, and self-doubt. It is possible for moderation to
occur at several points in the model. For example, age and/or
gender could moderate the relationship between EA and mind-
fulness, the relationship between EA and self-doubt, or the rela-
tionship between mindfulness and self-doubt. Based on past
research, we hypothesized that both age and gender could
impact any of these three paths (Hypotheses 2 and 3). Once
obtained, the results of these preliminary analyses (i.e., evi-
dence of mindfulness as a mediator, evidence of age and gender
as moderators of the three potential paths) were then used to
determine the final moderated mediation model (Hypothesis 4).
Hayes (2013) recommends the estimation of conditional
direct and indirect effects, as well as testing using bootstrapped
confidence intervals (CIs), to determine whether these effects
differ from zero at different levels of the moderators. These
analyses were completed using the PROCESS macro with
10,000 bootstrap estimates of 95% CIs to assess the conditional
direct and indirect effects. Mean centering was used to create

the interaction terms for all continuous variables. Finally, in
order to account for the related nature of the EA scales, the
models were assessed for the effects of each dimension of
EA relative to the effects of the remaining dimensions.
Results
Bivariate Correlations and Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics including zero-order correlations are
presented separately for males and females in Table 1. Table
1 also reports the results of tests of gender differences on the
key variables. Males were older than females, t(872.54) ¼ 4.71,
p < .001; therefore, age was included as a covariate for the anal-
yses comparing males and females on the remaining variables.
Females reported significantly higher levels of each dimension
of EA, as well as higher levels of self-doubt. There were no
gender differences in mindfulness. As can be seen in the table,
Peer and McAuslan 3

the five dimensions of EA were related for both males and
females with intercorrelations ranging from r ¼ .17 to r ¼ .62
for males (Mr ¼ .37, SDr ¼ .15) and from r ¼ .31 to r ¼ .68 for
females (Mr ¼ .48, SDr ¼ .13), suggesting that while the scales
are related, they are measuring unique aspects of EA. Age
related to four of the five dimensions of EA for males such that
older males reported less identity exploration, possibilities,
negativity, and feeling in-between; for females, older age
was associated with lower levels of possibilities and feeling
in-between. Age was positively related to mindfulness for
males but was unrelated to mindfulness for females. Finally,
age was unrelated to self-doubt for both genders.
For each gender, three of the five dimensions of EA were
related to self-doubt, that is, for females, higher levels of
instability and feeling in-between and lower levels of self-
focus predicted higher levels of self-doubt and for males,
higher levels of identity exploration, instability, and feeling
in-between predicted higher levels of self-doubt. Mindfulness
also demonstrated relationships with the dimensions of EA
such that for both males and females, lower levels of instability

and feeling in-between and higher levels of self-focus predicted
higher levels of mindfulness; for females only, higher levels
of possibilities also predicted higher levels of mindfulness.
Finally, higher levels of mindfulness were related to lower lev-
els of self-doubt for both males and females. These findings
strongly suggest that age and gender should be included as
moderators in the analyses that follow.
Does Mindfulness Mediate the Relationship Between the
Developmental Features of EA and Self-Doubt?
As described previously, the initial step was to examine the
possible mediating effect of mindfulness on the relationship
between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt (Hypothesis 1).
In order to account for the related nature of the EA scales, the
initial model estimated the effects of each dimension of
EA relative to the effects of the remaining dimensions. This
required running a series of analyses with each EA subscale
as the primary predictor with the remaining subscales included
as covariates (Hayes, 2013). This allowed for a determination

of the unique effect of each EA dimension, as well as the over-
all effect of EA with mindfulness as a mediator.
Specifically, Hayes’ Model 4 was used within the PROCESS
macro to assess whether mindfulness mediated the relationship
between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt. Table 2 shows
estimates and 95% CIs (based on bootstrapping of 10,000 sam-
ples) for the predicted mediated effects of the five dimensions
of EA and self-doubt via mindfulness.
2
For three of the five EA
subscales, there was a significant indirect effect with mindful-
ness mediating the relationship between dimensions of EA
and self-doubt, while taking into account the effects of the
remaining dimensions of EA. For the identity exploration and
possibilities subscales, there was no evidence for a mediating
relationship.
Negativity/instability and feeling in-between negatively
related to mindfulness and positively related to self-doubt.
Self-focus positively related to mindfulness and negatively

related to self-doubt. Mediation analyses indicated that the
effects of each of these dimensions of EA were significantly
reduced when mindfulness was accounted for, while control-
ling for the effects of the remaining four dimensions of EA.
This suggests that level of mindfulness partially mediates the
relationships between these three dimensions of EA and self-
doubt accounting for 6.19% (negativity/instability), 7.03%
(self-focus), and 3.74% (feeling in-between) of the variance
in self-doubt. Comparison of the total effects model, which
Table 1. Cronbach’s as, Means, Standard Deviations, and
Correlations Among Measures by Gender.
Variable a Ma SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1. Age 21.33*** 2.38 — �.13** �.17*** �.10* �.02 �.25***
.14** �.08
20.72 1.95
2. EA—identity .83 3.17*** .57 �.06 — .52*** .30*** .48***
.52*** .00 .14**
3.43 .50
3. EA—possibilities .79 3.26*** .55 �.20*** .62*** — .24***
.62*** .31*** .03 �.02
3.41 .52
4. EA—instability .79 2.79*** .58 �.06 .43*** .42*** —
.17*** .33*** �.11* .26***
3.04 .51

5. EA—self-focus .71 3.18*** .49 �.03 .63*** .68*** .31***
— .24*** .17*** �.07
3.32 .46
6. EA—in-between .76 2.94*** .70 �.24*** .53*** .46***
.41*** .34*** — �.15** .21***
3.34 .66
7. Mindfulness .84 3.91 .77 �.04 .04 .08* �.18*** .11** �.08*
— �.27*
3.83 .73
8. Self-doubt .78 3.06*** .81 �.04 �.04 �.03 .25*** �.11**
.09* �.30*** —
3.25 .86
Note. EA ¼ emerging adulthood. Males: n ¼ 487; females: n ¼
806; 806. M, SD, and correlations for males are presented in
bold (on top diagonal). M, SD, and
correlations for females are presented in italics (on bottom
diagonal).
aAnalyses of covariance, controlling for age, comparing males
and females.
***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05.
examined the overall effect of EA on self-doubt, F(5,1254) ¼
30.82, p < .001; R ¼ .3308, R2 ¼ .1094, to the mediation
model,

which considered the mediating effect of mindfulness on this
relationship, F(6,1253) ¼ 39.58, p < .001; R ¼ .3992, R2 ¼
.1593, indicated that mindfulness partially mediated the overall
relationship between EA and self-doubt accounting for approx-
imately 5% of the variance in self-doubt.
Do Age and Gender Moderate the Relationships Between
EA, Mindfulness, and Self-Doubt?
In order to determine whether moderated mediation analyses
should be conducted, the next step examined whether age and
gender moderated the relationships between the dimensions of
EA, mindfulness, and self-doubt. Initial simple linear modera-
tion analyses were conducted using Hayes’ Model 1 within the
PROCESS macro to consider age and gender as possible mod-
erators of each path. Again, to account for the related nature of
the EA scales, a series of analyses were run with each EA sub-
scale as the primary predictor with the remaining subscales
included as covariates, allowing for an evaluation of the mod-
erating effect of age/gender for each dimension of EA while
accounting for the effect of the remaining EA dimensions. Due

to space constraints, only a brief description of these findings
are provided here; readers are directed to the supplemental
files component on EAMMI project webpage (Grahe, Nario-
Redmond, et al., 2015) for a more complete description of the
results of the moderation analyses.
The second hypothesis focused on age as a moderator.
Results of the simple linear moderation analyses provided evi-
dence of age as a moderator of the relationship between EA and
mindfulness for negativity/instability (b ¼ �.03, 95% CI
[�.07, .00]) and feeling in-between (b ¼ �.03, 95% CI
[�.06, �.01]; Hypothesis 2a), and the relationship between
EA and self-doubt for identity exploration (b ¼ .03, 95% CI
[.00, .07]) and negativity/instability (b ¼ .04, 95% CI [.00, .08];
Hypothesis 2b). However, age did not appear to moderate the
relationship between mindfulness and self-doubt (Hypothesis
2c).
The third hypothesis focused on gender as a moderator. Results
of the simple moderation analyses provided some evidence that
gender moderated the relationship between EA and mindful-
ness for negativity/instability (b ¼ �.14, 95% CI [�.29, .01];
Hypothesis 3a), and the relationship between EA and self-doubt
for identity exploration (b ¼ �.29, 95% CI [�.46, �.12]),

self-focus (b ¼ �.17, 95% CI [�.36, .02]), and feeling in-
between (b ¼�.12, 95% CI [�.26, .01]; Hypothesis 3b). Gen-
der did not moderate the relationship between mindfulness and
self-doubt (Hypothesis 3c).
Moderated Mediation
To assess whether mindfulness mediated the relationship
between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt, with the condi-
tional effects of age and gender on these relationships being
simultaneously considered, we utilized conditional process
analysis (also referred to as moderated mediation) using the
PROCESS macro developed by Hayes (2013). Based on the
results described previously, three dimensions of EA (negativ-
ity/instability, self-focus, and feeling in-between), mindfulness,
and self-doubt were included, along with age and gender as
potential moderators of the relationship between (a) the dimen-
sions of EA and mindfulness, as well as (b) the relationship
between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt. The analyses
were conducted with Model 10 of the PROCESS macro that
utilized bootstrapping from 10,000 samples created from the

original data using random sampling with replacement to cal-
culate estimates and 95% CIs for the estimates of the indirect
effects of the dimensions of EA on self-doubt, through the med-
iation of mindfulness as well as the conditional indirect effects
related to the moderation of age and gender. As was the case
previously, the analyses were run separately with each of the
three EA subscales as the primary predictor and the remaining
EA subscales as covariates.
Table 3 provides the results of the analyses for the three EA
subscales. The top panel shows the model coefficients related
to the conditional effects of EA on mindfulness. These analyses
Table 2. Mediation Results From Bootstrapping Analyses.
Dimension of EA
Correlation With
Mindfulness
Direct Effect
of Mindfulnessa
Total Effect
of EAb
Direct Effect
of EAc

Indirect Effect of EAd
Coefficient 95% CI
EA—identity exploration .05 �.26*** �.02 .00 �.01 �.04 to
.01
EA—possibilities .03 �.26*** �.10 �.09 �.01 �.04 to .02
EA—instabilitye �.24*** �.26*** .44*** .38*** .06 .03 to .09
EA—self-focuse .27*** �.26*** �.27*** �.20** �.07 �.11 to
�.04
EA—feeling in-betweene �.14*** �.26*** .15*** .11** .04
.02 to .06
Note. EA ¼ emerging adulthood. N ¼ 1,260.
aDirect effect of mindfulness is calculated adjusting for the five
dimensions of emerging adulthood. bTotal effect of each
dimension of emerging adulthood is cal-
culated without adjustment for mindfulness, while accounting
for the other dimensions of emerging adulthood. cDirect effect
of each dimension of emerging adult-
hood is calculated with adjustment for mindfulness, while
accounting for the other dimensions of emerging adulthood.
dBias corrected 95% confidence interval
(CI) for indirect effects of each dimension of emerging
adulthood through mindfulness, while accounting for the other
dimensions of emerging adulthood.
e
95% CIs
do not contain zero, suggesting significant indirect effect (p <
.05) with mindfulness mediating the relationship between
dimensions of emerging adulthood and self-
doubt.
***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05.

Peer and McAuslan 5
supported the results of the simple moderation analyses
described previously with age being a significant moderator
of the relationships between negativity/instability and feeling
in-between and mindfulness. For negativity/instability, the
conditional effect of age was significant for each level of the
moderator with lower levels of negativity associated with
higher levels of mindfulness for older emerging adults more
so than for average aged and younger emerging adults. A sim-
ilar pattern surfaced for feeling in-between with the conditional
effect of age significant for average aged and older emerging
adults; again for older emerging adults, lower levels of feeling
in-between was associated with higher levels of mindfulness
more so than for average aged and younger emerging adults.
Gender significantly moderated the relationship between nega-

tivity/instability and mindfulness. The conditional effect of
gender was significant for both males and females with lower
levels of negativity associated with higher levels of mindful-
ness for both groups. However, this effect was more pro-
nounced for women (i.e., women with the lowest levels of
negativity reported the highest levels of mindfulness and
those with the highest levels of negativity reported the low-
est levels of mindfulness).
The bottom panel of Table 3 shows model coefficients
related to the conditional indirect effects of EA, through
mindfulness, on self-doubt. Table 4 reports the conditional
direct and indirect effects of the three EA dimensions across
levels of the two moderators, allowing us to identify the nature
of significant conditional indirect effects that were noted in the
bottom panel of Table 3. Recall that use of bootstrapped 95%
CIs allow for inferences to be made regarding statistical signif-
icance (see Note 2).
Higher levels of negativity/instability related to higher lev-
els of self-doubt across ages and gender (i.e., all of the condi-

tional direct effects had bias corrected 95% CIs that did not
include zero). When mindfulness was included as a mediator,
the effect of negativity/instability on self-doubt was signifi-
cantly reduced and was related to age. For younger emerging
adult men, mindfulness mediated the relationship between
negativity/instability and self-doubt such that lower levels of
negativity/instability related to higher levels of mindfulness
which predicted lower levels of self-doubt. For average aged
and older emerging adult men and women of all ages, mindful-
ness partially mediated the relationship between negativity/
instability and self-doubt; while the conditional effects
remained
significant, the coefficients were substantially reduced.
The pattern of results suggests that the relationship between
EA self-focus, mindfulness, and self-doubt was somewhat
weaker. There was some evidence that lower levels of self-
focus was related to higher levels of self-doubt for emerging
adult women but not men. Further, these conditional effects
appear to be partially mediated by mindfulness with higher lev-

els of self-focus related to higher levels of mindfulness, which
in turn related to lower levels of self-doubt.
Finally, higher levels of feeling in-between related to higher
levels of self-doubt for men of all ages. When mindfulness was
included as a mediator, the effect of feeling in-between on self-
doubt was significantly reduced and was marginally moderated
by gender. For men of all ages, mindfulness mediated the rela-
tionship between feeling in-between and self-doubt such that
lower levels of feeling in-between related to higher levels of
mindfulness which predicted lower levels of self-doubt. For
women, the relationship between feeling in-between and self-
doubt was generally weaker.
Discussion
The present study investigated the mediating influence of
mindfulness on the relationship between dimensions of EA and
self-doubt, while considering the conditional effects of age and
gender on this process. We found mindfulness to be a reliable
mediator in the relationship between several developmental

features of EA and self-doubt, but to a certain extent this med-
iation relationship is conditional on the age and gender of emer-
ging adults. Women in our sample were slightly younger and
reported higher levels of each dimension of EA, as well as
greater self-doubt. Our finding that age was positively related
to levels of mindfulness is consistent with past research (Baer
et al., 2008; Josefsson et al., 2011; Weinstein et al., 2009),
how-
ever, this relationship held only for men in our sample. Gender
was not related to levels of dispositional mindfulness.
Table 3. Moderated Mediation Analysis Regression
Coefficients.
Dimension of EA as Primary Predictor
EA—Instability EA—Self-Focus
EA—Feeling
in-Between
Predictor Coefficient Coefficient Coefficient
Outcome ¼ mindfulness
Intercept .03 (.04) .03 (.04) .01 (.04)
EA scale �.14 (.06)* .31 (.08)*** �.15 (.05)**
Age .00 (.01) .00 (.01) �.01 (.01)
Age � EA �.04 (.02)* .00 (.02) �.03 (.01)**

Gender �.02 (.04) �.02 (.04) �.01 (.04)
Gender � EA �.16 (.08)* �.08 (.09) .06 (.06)
Overall F 10.62*** 9.65*** 10.58***
Overall R .27 .26 .26
Overall R2 .07 .06 .07
Outcome ¼ self-doubt
Intercept �.06 (.04)y �.05 (.04) �.05 (.04)
Mindfulness �.26 (.03)*** �.26 (.03)*** �.26 (.03)***
EA Scale .34 (.06)*** �.10 (.09) .15 (.06)**
Age �.01 (.01) �.01 (.01) �.01 (.01)
Age � EA .03 (.02) .01 (.02) .00 (.01)
Gender .09 (.05)y .07 (.05) .08 (.05)y
Gender � EA .03 (.02) �.18 (.10)y �.10 (.07)
Overall F 24.56*** 24.73*** 24.50***
Overall R .40 .41 .40
Overall R2 .16 .16 .16
Note. EA ¼ emerging adulthood. Standard errors are in
parentheses. N ¼ 1,260.
***p < .001. **p < .01. *p< .05. yp < .10; for each of the
analyses, the remaining
dimensions of emerging adulthood were included as covariates.
The findings provide support that, although most thrive dur-
ing this time of life (Arnett, 2006; Gottlieb et al., 2007), this

time can also be marked by ambivalence and struggle for some
(Arnett, 2004; Oleson et al., 2000). Specifically, this study pro-
vides evidence that a mindful disposition may partially explain
the relationship between the developmental challenges that
emerging adults experience and potential self-doubt that may
result. This is important for better understanding which factors
may facilitate efficacy as individuals move through various
age-specific concerns. Further, this study demonstrates that age
and gender interact with and impact the strength of this mediat-
ing relationship.
EA and Self-Doubt: Mindfulness as a Mediator
Self-doubt was associated with various developmental features
of EA. Specifically, experiencing higher levels of instability
and feeling ‘‘in-between’’ and lower levels of self-focus during
this time related to higher levels of self-doubt. This suggests
that emerging adults may experience self-doubt in connection
to developmental features that are salient on a regular basis ver-
sus those features (identity explorations and experimentation/

possibilities) that are more undetermined and distal in the con-
text of everyday life. In other words, emerging adults may
experience apprehension, skepticism, and doubt if they struggle
with stability, autonomy, and feeling ‘‘stuck in the middle’’
during this time of life.
Interestingly, mindfulness was related to the same develop-
mental features as self-doubt, but in an opposing manner.
Higher levels of mindfulness related to lower levels of instabil-
ity and feeling in-between and higher levels of self-focus. A
mindful disposition may allow emerging adults to maintain
attention and focus on the present, limiting cognitions that may
give rise to feelings of instability and feeling in-between. Fur-
ther, mindfulness may promote concentration and focus for
emerging adults, providing them the ability to maintain self-
focus during this time of life. Beyond this, higher levels of
mindfulness also related to lower levels of self-doubt. These
findings expand upon previous work (Brown et al., 2007;
Greeson et al., 2014; Mrazek et al., 2013; Oman et al., 2008;

Shapiro et al., 2008; Weinstein et al., 2009) by extending the
support for the efficacy of mindfulness beyond mental and
physical health and into the area of normative developmental
adjustment during EA.
Mindfulness mediated the relationship between three of the
five developmental features of EA and self-doubt. Specifically,
mindfulness mediated the relationship between instability,
feeling in-between, self-focus, and self-doubt. These findings
highlight the buffering impact that mindfulness has in relation
to self-doubt. The present moment awareness and attentive
focus associated with being mindful may allow emerging
adults to counter the self-doubt that is associated with the feel-
ings of instability, self-focus, and feeling in-between that are
part of this developmental phase. The ability to remain present
may limit one’s attention from being diverted, thus limiting the
impact that self-doubt may have.
EA, Mindfulness, and Self-doubt: Age and Gender as
Moderators
In order to assess whether mindfulness mediated the relation-

ship between the dimensions of EA and self-doubt, while
Table 4. Conditional Direct and Indirect Effects of the
Dimensions of Emerging Adulthood on Self-Doubt Through
Mindfulness at Different
Levels of Age and Gender.
Males Females
Younger (18.79
years)
Average (20.94
years)
Older (23.08
years)
Younger (18.79
years)
Average (20.94
years)
Older (23.08
years)
Coefficient (SE) Coefficient (SE) Coefficient (SE) Coefficient
(SE) Coefficient (SE) Coefficient (SE)
95% CI 95% CI 95% CI 95% CI 95% CI 95% CI
Direct effects
EA—
instability

.27 (.08)*** .33 (.06)*** .40 (.07)*** .33 (.07)*** .39 (.06)***
.46 (.07)***
.11 to .43 .21 to .46 .26 to .54 .19 to .47 .28 to .51 .32 to .61
EA—self-
focus
�.12 (.10) �.10 (.09) �.07 (.09) �.31 (.09)*** �.28 (.08)***
�.25 (.09)**
�.32 to .07 �.27 to .07 �.25 to .11 �.48 to �.13 �.43 to �.12
�.43 to �.07
EA—feeling
in-between
.16 (.07)* .15 (.06)** .15 (.06)* .05 (.06) .05 (.05) .04 (.05)
.02 to .29 .04 to .27 .03 to .26 �.06 to .17 �.05 to .15 �.06 to
.18
Indirect effectsa
EA—
instability
.01 (.02) .04 (.02) .06 (.02) .05 (.02) .08 (.02) .10 (.02)
�.03 to .06 .00 to .08 .02 to .10 .02 to .10 .05 to .12 .06 to .15
EA—self-
focus
�.08 (.03) �.08 (.03) �.08 (.03) �.06 (.02) �.06 (.02) �.06
(.03)
�.15 to �.03 �.14 to �.04 �.14 to �.03 �.11 to �.02 �.11 to
�.02 �.12 to �.01
EA—feeling

in-between
.02 (.02) .04 (.02) .06 (.02) .01 (.01) .02 (.01) .04 (.01)
�.01 to .06 .01 to .08 .03 to .10 �.02 to .04 .00 to .05 .01 to .07
Note. N ¼ 1,260. Coefficient with standard errors in
parentheses followed by bias corrected 95% confidence interval.
a
When the 95% CI does not include zero, it can be interpreted as
a statistically significant indirect effect at p < .05.
***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05.
y
p < .10; for each of the analyses, the remaining dimensions of
emerging adulthood were included as covariates.
Peer and McAuslan 7
simultaneously considering the conditional effects of age and
gender on these relationships, we utilized conditional process
analysis (also referred to as moderated mediation). Based on
preliminary results, we focused on the three dimensions of
EA (negativity/instability, self-focus, and feeling in-between)
with age and gender as potential moderators of the relation-
ship between (a) the dimensions of EA and mindfulness and

(b) the relationship between the dimensions of EA and self-
doubt (identified in the simple moderation analyses). The
results suggest that it is important to consider both the age and
the gender as moderators of the relationship between EA and
self-doubt, via mindfulness.
The relationship between negativity/instability and self-
doubt was mediated by mindfulness most strongly for younger
men in this sample (i.e., 18- and 19-year-olds), with higher lev-
els of instability relating to lower levels of mindfulness and
ultimately more self-doubt. Although this pattern also emerged
for the other emerging adult men (i.e., 20- to 29-year-olds) and
women of all ages, the mediating effect of mindfulness was less
pronounced for these groups. There seems to be a stronger rela-
tionship between feelings of negativity/instability and self-
doubt for older men and women of all ages, so perhaps level
of mindfulness mediates more strongly for younger men
because they are experiencing lower levels of instability and
self-doubt.

The relationship between self-focus and self-doubt was
mediated by mindfulness for emerging adult women in this
sample with lower levels of self-focus related to lower levels
of mindfulness and ultimately higher levels of self-doubt.
Mindfulness did not mediate the relationship between self-
focus and self-doubt for men. These differences might relate
to gender role expectations that become particularly evident
during the transition through EA. The age of self-focus relates
to developing responsibilities and autonomy. These same char-
acteristics are related to the male gender role (Eagly, 1987;
Kite, Deaux, & Haines, 2007), thus perhaps for the men in our
sample being self-focused is a more established part of their
identities and its’ relationship to self-doubt is not related to
level of mindfulness.
Finally, the relationship between feeling in-between and
self-doubt was also mediated by mindfulness for men of all
ages with higher levels of feeling in-between related to lower
levels of mindfulness and higher levels of self-doubt. Mind-

fulness did not mediate the relationship between feeling in-
between and self-doubt for women in this sample. Compared
to men in this sample, women reported higher levels of feel-
ing in-between and self-doubt. Perhaps mindfulness serves
as a mediator of this relationship for men more so than
women because there is greater pressure for men to attain
full adulthood (Pollack, 2006). Young men may have less
sense of feeling in-between because they are granted greater
independence earlier with level of mindfulness seemingly
assisting in resolution of these issues. For young women,
level of mindfulness may be less relevant as situational
factors (i.e., parents’ control) and cultural norms (i.e., full
adulthood is defined by marriage and having children) might
be key contributors to the sense of feeling in-between and
self-doubt.
Implications of the Present Study
This study extends previous research (Greeson et al., 2014;
Mrazek et al., 2013; Oman et al., 2008; Shapiro et al., 2008)

into a novel area by considering the impact of mindfulness
on normative development during EA. There are significant
implications for both developmental theory and the provision
of clinical services based upon these findings.
This work supports and extends Arnett’s theory (2000,
2004, 2007) as it appears that some emerging adults experience
skepticism, apprehension, and doubt during this time. Although
well-being is enhanced for many during this time of life
(Arnett, 2007; Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006), the findings sug-
gest many experience self-doubt that may contribute to various
issues associated with stress, self-esteem, and mental health
(Arnett, 2004; Oleson et al., 2000). This is significant consid-
ering that EA is when people make choices related to love,
work, and worldviews (Arnett, 2000) that could potentially
impact the rest of their lives. If self-doubt is experienced
in relation to the normative features of this time, impaired
decision-making ability may lead to deeper struggles as indi-
viduals progress toward adulthood. Of equal importance is that

mindfulness at least partially buffers individuals from the self-
doubt they experience as they transition through the challenges
associated with this stage of life. What remains unknown is
specifically how mindfulness protects emerging adults from
self-doubt and the potential deleterious effects stemming from
it. Future research should endeavor to both further understand
the relationship between various aspects of mindfulness and
development during this time and determine what possible rela-
tionship self-doubt may have with the risk behaviors and men-
tal health issues associated with EA.
This study also provides broad implications for college edu-
cators and clinical practice. Prior research supports
mindfulness-
based activities to address mental health concerns during EA.
The current research suggests that, given that developmental
challenges during this time may be associated with self-
doubt, college administrators and mental health clinicians
should support the use of mindfulness for managing the nor-

mative aspects of development. Mindfulness appears to be
useful for addressing both normal and abnormal develop-
ment during this time.
Limitations of the Study and Directions for Future
Research
Although the findings provide insight into the relationship
between mindfulness and development during EA, there are
limitations to this study that should be considered. First,
although the sample was drawn from multiple institutions
across the United States, the sample consisted primarily of col-
lege attending Caucasians, limiting the ability to generalize to
the more general population of emerging adults. Second, future
studies could consider whether mindfulness mediates the
relationship between the challenges associated with EA and
self-doubt among noncollege students. Third, the present anal-

yses did not consider the nested nature of the data. Multilevel
moderated mediation analyses could be utilized in future
research with these data to explore school effects. Next, the
cross-sectional nature of this study does not allow an exam-
ination of how these developmental processes may change
over time. A longitudinal research design would provide stron-
ger evidence of a mediation effect by assessing whether
changes in young peoples’ views of the challenges faced during
this life stage are related to changes in mindfulness and self-
doubt. Finally, future research exploring how proactive mind-
fulness activities may influence emerging adults’ navigation
through the normative areas of development is warranted.
Conclusion
The current study highlights the importance of mindfulness
during EA. This study suggests that mindfulness may help indi-
viduals effectively contend with self-doubt as they navigate
through this critical period of life. Doing so may also help
emerging adults avoid further problems that may stem from

self-doubt. Developing and/or maintaining a mindful disposi-
tion may allow individuals to feel secure during this transi-
tional time of life, thus allowing them to make thoughtful,
effective decisions about their future.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with
respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research,
authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1. Thirty-seven cases outside this age range or missing age were
excluded; 23 cases that were missing the Inventory of the
Dimen-
sions of Emerging Adulthood measure were also excluded.
2. According to Shrout and Bolger (2002) and Hayes (2013), the
95%
confidence interval (CI) for estimates of the indirect effects
based

on the 10,000 bootstrapped indirect effect estimates should not
include zero. When the 95% CI does not include zero, it can be
interpreted as a statistically significant indirect effect at p <
.05.
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Author Biographies
Justin W. Peer is a Psychology lecturer in the Department of
Behavioral Sciences at The University of Michigan–Dearborn.
His research focuses on the relationship between stress, coping,
and resilience among emerging adults.
Pamela McAuslan is a professor of Psychology in the
Department of Behavioral Sciences at The University of
Michigan–Dearborn. Her research focuses on gender, media,
and interpersonal relationships.
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C H I L D D E V E L O P M E N T P E R S P E C T I V E S
Emerging Adulthood: What Is It,
and What Is It Good For?
Jeffrey Jensen Arnett
Clark University
ABSTRACT—This article asserts that the theory of emerg-
ing adulthood is a useful icay of conceptualizing the lives
of people from their late teens to their mid- to late 20s in
industrialized societies. The place of emerging adulthood
within the adult life course is discussed. The ii-eaknesses
of previous terms for this age period are examined, and
emerging adulthood is argued to be preferable as a neic
term for a neic phenomenon. With respect to the question
of whether emerging adulthood is experienced positively
or negatively by most people, it is argued that it is positive
for most people but entails developmental challenges that
may be difficult and there is great heterogeneity, with
some emerging adults experiencing serious problems. With
respect to the question of whether or not emerging adidt-
hood is good for society, it is argued that claims of the
dangers of emerging adulthood are overblown, but emerg-
ing adulthood is probably a mixed blessing for society.
KEYWORDS—emerging adulthood; young adulthood; tran-
sition to adulthood
It is now 7 years since I first proposed the term emerging
adulthood for the age period from the late teens through the

mid-
to late 20s (roughly ages 18—25) in an article in American
Psychologist (Arnett, 2000). I had mentioned the term briefly in
two previous articles (Arnett, 1998; Arnett & Taber, 1994), but
the 2000 article was the first time 1 presented an outline of the
theory. It was not until 2004 that I proposed a full theory in
a book on emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2004). In a short time,
the theory has become widely used, not just in psychology but
in many fields. At the recent Third Conference on Emerging
Adulthood (see www.ssea.org), a remarkable range of disci-
plines was represented, including psychology, psychiatry.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed
to Jeffrey Jensen Arnett, Department of Psychology, Clark
University, 950 Main Street, Worcester, MA 01602; e-mail:
arnett®
jeffreyarnett.com.
sociology, anthropology, education, epidemiology, health sci-
ences, human development, geography, nursing, social work,
philosophy, pediatrics, family studies, journalism, and law.
The swift spread of the term and the idea has surprised me
because normally any new theoretical idea meets initial
resistance from defenders of the reigning paradigm. Perhaps,
the acceptance of emerging adulthood has been so swift because
there really was no reigning paradigm. Instead, there was
a widespread sense among scholars interested in this age period
that previous ways of thinking about it no longer worked and
there was a hunger for a new conceptualization. In any case,
now
that emerging adulthood has become established as a way of
t h i n k i n g about the age period from the late teens through at
least
the mid-20s, the theory is attracting commentary and critiques
(e.g., Bynner, 2005). This is a normal and healthy part of the

development of any new theory, and I welcome the exchange
here with Leo Hendry and Marion Kloep.
THE CONFIGURATION OF EMERGING ADULTHOOD:
HOW DOES IT FIT INTO THE LIFE COURSE?
When I first proposed the theory of emerging adulthood (Arnett,
2000), one of my goals was to draw attention to the age period
from the late teens through the mid-20s as a new period of the
life course in industrialized societies, with distinctive develop-
mental characteristics. The dominant theory of the life course in
developmental psychology, first proposed by Erikson (1950),
postulated that adolescence, lasting from the beginning of
puberty until the late teens, was followed by young adulthood,
lasting from the late teens to about age 40 when middle
adulthood began. This paradigm may have made sense in the
middle of the 20th century when most people in industrialized
societies married and entered stable full-time work by around
age 20 or shortly after. However, by the end of the century, this
paradigm no longer fit the normative pattern in industrialized
societies. Median ages of marriage had risen into the late 20s,
and the early to mid-20s became a time of frequent job changes
C 2007, Copyright (he Authors)
Journal compilation £ 2007, Society for Research in C h i l d
Development Volume 1—Number 2, Pages 68-73
Jeffrey Jensen Arnell
and, for many people, pursuit of postsecondary education or
training. Furthermore, sexual mores had changed dramatically,
and premarital sex arid cohabitation in the 20s had become
widely accepted. Most young people now spent the period from
their late teens to their mid-20s not settling into long-term adult

roles but trying out different experiences and gradually m a k i
n g
their way toward enduring choices in love and work.
The theory of emerging adulthood was proposed as a frame-
work for recognizing that the transition to adulthood was now
long enough that it constituted not merely a transition but
a separate period of the life course. I proposed five features that
make emerging adulthood distinct: it is the age of identity
explorations, the age of instability, the self-focused age. the age
of feeling in-between, and the age of possibilities (Arnett,
2004).
But I emphasized from the beginning that emerging adulthood is
perhaps the most heterogeneous period of the life course
because it is the least structured, and the five features were
not proposed as universal features but as features that are more
common during emerging adulthood than in other periods.
In this light, of the possible configurations A-D in Figure 1 of
how emerging adulthood might fit into the adult life course. 1
would reject D because it does not show a distinct period
between adolescence and adulthood. C does not work because it
slights emerging adulthood, inaccurately portraying it as a brief
transition between adolescence and adulthood. A is better, but it
shows the transitions from adolescence to emerging adulthood
and from emerging adulthood to young adulthood as more
discrete than they actually are in some respects. It applies to
transitions from adolescence to emerging adulthood such as
finishing secondary7 school and reaching the legal age of adult
status, and perhaps to transitions from emerging to young
adulthood such as marriage. However, B works best in my view
A [ Adolesceno
Q f Adolescence'' J Adulthood '<

Emerging Adulthood
Adolescence Adulthood
Young Middle / e
Adulthood ; Adulthood ' Adulthood
Figure 1. Possible configurations of emerging adulthood.
because the five features described above are entered and exited
not discretely but gradually. Furthermore, of the three criteria
found in many countries and cultures to be the most important
markers of reaching adult status—accepting responsibility for
oneself, making independent decisions, and becoming finan-
cially independent—all are attained gradually in the course of
emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2001,2003; Facio & Micocci, 2003;
Macek, Bejcek, & Vanfckova, 2007; Mayseless & Scharf, 2003;
Nelson, Badger, & Wu. 2004).
This gradual passage from one period to the next may apply
not just to emerging adulthood but to the entire adult life
course.
Theorists h a v e emphasized how in recent decades the life
course in industrialized societies has become increasingly
characterized by individualization, meaning that i n s t i t u t i o
n a l
constraints and supports have become less powerful and
important and people are increasingly left to their own
resources
in m a k i n g their way from one part of the life course to the
next,
for better or worse (e.g., Cote, 2000: Heinz. 2002). Emerging
adulthood is one part of this trend. So, in Figure 1, an im-
provement on B might be E. showing gradual transitions into
and out of different periods throughout the adult life course.

DO WE REALLY NEED THE TERM EMERGING
ADULTHOOD?
I believe the rapid spread of the term emerging adulthood
reflects its usefulness and the dissatisfaction of scholars in
many
fields w i t h the previous terms that had been used. There were
problems with each of those terms, including late adolescence,
voung adulthood, the transition to adulthood, and youth (Arnett.
2004). Late adolescence does not work because the lives of
persons in their late teens and 20s are vastly different from the
lives of most adolescents (roughly ages 10—17). Unlike adoles-
cents. 18- to 25-year-olds are not going through puberty, are not
in secondary school, are not legally defined as children or
juveniles, and often have moved out of their parents' household.
oung adulthood does not work because it has been used
already to refer to such diverse age periods, from preteens
("young adult" books) to age 40 ("young adult" social organ-
izations). Furthermore, if 18-25 are "young adulthood," what
are people who are 30. 35, or 40? It makes more sense to
reserve
"young adulthood" for the age period from about age 30 to
about
age 40 (or perhaps 45) because by age 30 most people in
industrialized societies have settled into the roles usually
associated with adulthood: stable work, marriage or other
long-term partnership, and parenthood.
The transition to adulthood has been widely used in sociology
and in research focusing mostly on the t i m i n g and sequence
of
transition events such as leaving home, finishing education,
marriage, and parenthood. Certainly, the years from the late
teens through the 20s are when the transition to adulthood takes
place for most people, not only as defined by transition events
but also by a more subjective sense of having reached adulthood

Volume I — N u m b e r 2. Pages 68-73 69
Emerging Adulthood
(Arnett, 1998, 2001, 2003). But why call this period merely
a "transition" rather than a period of development in its own
right? If we state, conservatively, that it lasts 7 years, from age
18 to 25, that makes it longer than infancy, longer than early or
middle childhood, and as long as adolescence. Furthermore,
calling it "the transition to adulthood" focuses attention on the
transition events that take place mainly at the beginning or end
of the age range, whereas calling it "emerging adulthood"
broadens the scope of attention to the whole range of areas—
cognitive development, family relationships, friendships,
roman-
tic relationships, media use, and so on—that apply to other
developmental periods as well.
Finally, youth has been used as a term for this period,
especially in Europe but also among some American psychol-
ogists and sociologists. However, youth suffers from the same
problem as young adulthood, in that it has long been used to
refer to a wide range of ages, from middle childhood ("youth
organizations") through the 30s. Furthermore, in its American
incarnation, it was promoted by Keniston (1971) on the basis of
his research with student protesters in the late 1960s, and his
description of it as a time of rebellion against society bears the
marks of his time but does not apply widely.
Emerging adulthood is preferable because it is a new term for
a new phenomenon. Across industrialized societies in the past
half century, common changes have taken place with respect
to the lives of young people: longer and more widespread

participation in postsecondary education and training, greater
tolerance of premarital sex and cohabitation, and later ages of
entering marriage and parenthood. As a consequence of these
changes, a new period of the life course has developed between
adolescence and young adulthood. Furthermore, emerging
adulthood reflects the sense among many people in the late
teens and early 20s worldwide that they are no longer
adolescent
but only partly adult, emerging into adulthood but not there yet
(e.g., Arnett, 2003; Macek et al., 2007; Mayseless & Scharf,
2003; Nelson et al., 2004).
Some aspects of the theory of emerging adulthood are likely to
be modified with further research, and the main features of
emerging adulthood will no doubt vary among cultures. There
are certainly psychosocial differences among emerging adults
related to socioeconomic status and ethnic group, and cross-
national differences have only begun to be explored (e.g., Buhl,
2007; Facio & Micocci, 2003; Fadjukoff, Kokko, & Pulkinnen,
2007; Lanz & Tagliabue, 2007). But there is some degree of
heterogeneity in every developmental period, and overarching
terms and general descriptions for those periods are neverthe-
less useful for understanding them (Arnett, 2006b).
IS EMERGING ADULTHOOD EXPERIENCED
POSITIVELY OR NEGATIVELY BY MOST PEOPLE?
The fact that it takes longer to reach full adulthood today than it
did in the past has been subject to various interpretations,
mostly negative. In American popular media, the term "quarter-
life crisis" has been coined to describe the alleged difficulties
experienced by emerging adults as they try to find a place in the
adult world (Robbins & Wilner, 2001). Within academia, some
sociologists have asserted that higher ages of marriage and
parenthood indicate that "growing up is harder to do" than in

the past.
Yet, the bulk of the evidence is contrary to these assertions
(Arnett, 2007b). Numerous studies show that for most, well-
being improves during the course of emerging adulthood. An
example is shown in Figures 2 and 3, which demonstrate
a decline in depressive symptoms and a rise in self-esteem in
a longitudinal Canadian study of emerging adults (Galarnbos,
Barker, & Krahn, 2006). Similar results have been found in the
longitudinal Monitoring the Future studies in the United States
(Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006). Emerging adults enjoy their
self-
focused freedom from role obligations and restraints, and they
take satisfaction in their progress toward self-sufficiency. I
t h i n k they also benefit from growing social cognitive m a t u
r i t y ,
which enables them to understand themselves and others better
than they did as adolescents (Arnett, 2004).
Nevertheless, although I believe the notion of a "quarterlife
crisis" is exaggerated, I do not dismiss it entirely. It is true that
identity issues are prominent in emerging adulthood and that
sorting through them and finding satisfying alternatives in
love and work can generate anxiety. The idea of a "quarterlife
crisis" can be seen as recognizing that the identity crisis
2.87 -,
« 276
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« 266
>
'</>

£
a
5
Q 2.55
2.44
Female
18 19 20 21 22
Age
23 24 25
Figure 2. Depressive symptoms decline during emerging
adulthood.
Note. The sample was drawn from Grade 12 classes in six high
schools in
a western Canadian city, followed over the next 7 years. /Y =
920 at age 18
and 324 at age 25. The sample was diverse in socioeconomic
status
background; at Time 1, 10% were from families in which both
parents
had a university degree, and 16% had one parent with a
university degree.
Among the participants themselves, by age 25, 30% had a
university
degree, 14% had a college diploma, 24% had a technical degree,
and the
remaining 32% had no postsecondary educational credential.
Source: Calambos, Barker, and Krahn (2006).

70 Volume 1—Number 2, Pages 68-73
Jeffrey Jensen Ariiell
4.05 n
1 11)
3.98-
3.90-1
3.82-
3.75
Female
Male
18 19 20 21 22
Age
23 24 25
Figure 3. Self-esteem rises during emerging adulthood.
Note. The sample was drawn from Grade 12 classes in six high
schools in
a western Canadian city, followed over the next 7 years. /Y —
920 at age 18
and 324 at age 25. The sample was diverse in soeioeeonomic
status
background; at Time 1, 10% were from families in which both

parents
had a university degree, and 16% had one parent with a
university degree.
Among the participants themselves, by age 25. 30% had a
university
degree. 14% had a college diploma. 24% had a technical degree,
and the
remaining 32% had no postsecondary educational credential.
Source: Galambos. Barker, and Krahn (2006).
Erikson (1950) described over a half century ago as central to
adolescence has now moved into emerging adulthood. It is also
true that entry into the labor market is often stressful and
frustrating, especially for emerging adults with limited educa-
tional credentials (Cote, 2000: Hamilton & Hamilton, 2006).
Furthermore, even among the most advantaged emerging adults,
the graduates of 4-year colleges and universities, their extraor-
dinarily high expectations for the workplace—their aspirations
of finding work that not only pays well but also provides
a satisfying and enjoyable identity fit—are difficult for reality
to match and often require compromises of their hopes and
dreams (Arnett. 2004). Nevertheless, the evidence of rising
well-being during the course of emerging adulthood indicates
that most people adapt successfully to its developmental
challenges.
Here as elsewhere, we must take into account the heteroge-
neity of emerging adults. Even as well-being rises for most
emerging adults, some experience serious mental health prob-
lems such as major depression and substance use disorder
(Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006; Tanner. Arnett. & Leis. in press:
Tanner et al., 2007). A possible interpretation is that the
variance in mental health functioning becomes broader in the
course of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2007a). This may be
because emerging adults have fewer social roles and obligations
than children and adolescents, whose lives are structured by

their parents and other adults, or adults (beyond emerging
adulthood), whose lives are structured by work, family, and
community roles and obligations. Although most emerging
adults appear to thrive on this freedom, some find themselves
lost and may begin to experience serious mental health
problems.
Emerging adults may also struggle if they are part of especially
vulnerable populations, such as those aging out of foster care,
coming out of the criminal justice system, or experiencing
disabilities (Osgood, Foster, Flanagan, & Ruth, 2005).
A l t h o u g h I have made a case that emerging adulthood is
experienced positively by most people, I hasten to add that my
perspective is based mainly on my interviews and other data
obtained from emerging adults in the United States and
(recently) Denmark. Studies on emerging adults in other
countries, such as Argentina (Facio & Micocci, 2003). Israel
(Mayseless & Scharf, 2003), Czech Republic (Macek et al..
2007). and China (Nelson et al., 2004) show some similarities
as
well as some differences. An exciting prospect for the new field
of emerging adulthood is examining the forms it takes in
different countries and cultures worldwide (Arnett. 2006c).
The articles in this Special Section are an important step toward
this goal.
IS EMERGING ADULTHOOD GOOD FOR SOCIETY?
Even if it is true that most people seem to enjoy their emerging
adulthood, is the advent of this new period of life good for
society? Certainly, there are complaints about it in American
popular media. "They Just Won't Grow Up" sniggered a TIME
magazine cover story on emerging adults in 2005. In the 2006
movie Failure to Launch, a young man shows so little i n c l i n
a t i o n

to take on adult responsibilities that his parents hire an
attractive young woman to lure him out of their household.
Advice writers warn that emerging adults are refusing to give
up
their teenage pleasures and take on adult responsibilities, with
"catastrophic" results (Levine, 2005, p. 19).
Here, as with "quarterlife crisis," a grain of truth is
exaggerated to the point of caricature (Arnett. 2007a). It is true
that many emerging adults are ambivalent about t a k i n g on a
d u l t
roles and responsibilities (Arnett. 2004). Although they take
a certain satisfaction in moving toward self-sufficiency, they
also find it burdensome and onerous to pay their own bills and
do
all the other things their parents had always done for them.
Furthermore, they often view adulthood as dull and stagnant.
the end of spontaneity, the end of a sense that anything is
possible.
Nevertheless, their ambivalence is not an outright refusal or
rejection of adult roles. It may be t h a t they are wise to
recognize
the potentials of emerging adulthood and to wait until at least
their late 20s to take on the f u l l range of adult obligations.
Although adulthood may have more satisfactions and rewards
than they recognize, they are right t h a t entering a d u l t roles
of marriage, parenthood, and stable full-time work entails
constraints and limitations that do not apply in emerging
Volume 1—Number 2, Pages 68—73 7 1
Emerging Adulthood

adulthood. Onee adult roles are entered they tend to be enduring
if not lifelong. It seems sensible for emerging adults to wait to
enter them u n t i l they judge themselves to be ready, and
meanwhile to enjoy the freedoms of emerging adulthood while
they last.
It should also be added that few emerging adults f a i l to "grow
up'' and take on the responsibilities of adulthood. By age 30,
three fourths of Americans are married, three fourths have at
least one child, nearly all have entered stable employment,
nearly all have become financially independent from their
parents, and almost none live in their parents' household
(Arnett, 2004; Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1999). Similarly,
by age 30 nearly all (about 90%) feel that they have fully
reached adulthood, no longer feeling in-between (Arnett, 2001).
Thus, the claim that a long and gradual process of taking on
adult responsibilities during emerging adulthood results in
permanent rejection of adulthood is clearly overblown. The
great majority of emerging adults become contributing young
adult members of society by age 30, fulfilling stable family and
work roles.
Here again, my perspective is based mainly on my research
w i t h American emerging adults. However, there are some
indications that similar patterns exist in most other industrial-
ized countries, with some variations. Across industrialized
societies emerging adulthood is a period of many changes in
love and work but most people settle into enduring adult roles
by
about age 30 (Arnett, 2006a; lacovou, 2002; Sneeding &
Phillips, 2002).
So, emerging adulthood may not be harmful to societies, but
is it actually good for them? Yes and no. On the one hand, it
would be nice to t h i n k that if people spend most of their 20s
looking for just the right job and just the right love partner,

they
will have a better chance of finding happiness in love and work
than if they had made long-term commitments in their late
teens or very early 20s out of duty, necessity, or social
pressure. On the other hand, emerging adults' expectations
for love and work tend to be extremely high—not just a reliable
marriage partner but a "soul mate," not just a steady job but
a kind of work that is an enjoyable expression of their
identity—and if happiness is measured by the distance
between what we expect out of life and what we get, emerging
adults' high expectations will be difficult for real life to match.
So. it cannot be said with confidence that the existence of
emerging adulthood ensures that most people in a society will
be happier with their adult lives.
Furthermore, emerging adulthood is the peak age period for
many behaviors most societies try to discourage, such as binge
drinking, illegal drug use, and risky sexual behavior (Arnett,
2000, 2005; Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006). If people still
entered adult commitments around age 20, as they did in the
past, rates of risk behaviors in the 20s would u n d o u b t e d l
y be
lower. Such behavior may be fun for emerging adults, but it
can hardly be said to be good for their society. However, one
way emerging adulthood is good for society is that it allows
young people an extended period that can be used for post-
secondary education and training that prepares them to
contribute to an information and technology-based global
economy.
CONCLUSION
Already in its short life, emerging adulthood has been shown to
bear the marks of a good theory: It has generated research,
ideas,

and critiques that have advanced science and scholarship. Like
all theories, it is an imperfect model of real life, and will no
doubt be subject to alterations, revisions, and elaborations in
the years to come. Especially important will be investigating the
different forms it takes in cultures around the world. The theory
of emerging adulthood that I have presented is offered as
a starting point, and I look forward to the contributions and
further advances to come, from scholars around the world.
REFERENCES
Arnett, J. J. (1998). Learning to stand alone: The contemporary
American transition to adulthood in cultural and historical
context. Human Development, 41, 295-315.
Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of
development
from the late teens through the twenties. American
Psychologist,
55, 469-̂ 80.
Arnett, J. J. (2001). Conceptions of the transition to adulthood:
Perspectives from adolescence to midlife. Journal of Adult
Development, 8, 133-143.
Arnett, J. J. (2003). Conceptions of the transition to adulthood
among
emerging adults in American ethnic groups. New Directions in
Child and Adolescent Development, 100, 63—75.
from the
late teens through the twenties. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Arnett, J. J. (2005). The developmental context of substance use

in
emerging adulthood. Journal of Drug Issues, 35, 235—253.
Arnett, J. J. (2006a). The case for emerging adulthood in
Europe: A
response to Brutmer. Journal of Youth Studies, 9, 111-123.
Arnett, J. J. (2006b). Emerging adulthood: Understanding the
new
way of coming of age. In J. J. Arnett & J. L. Tanner (Eds.),
Emerging adults in America: Coming of age in the 21st century
(pp. 3-19). Washington, DC: APA Books.
Arnett, J. J. (2006c). The psychology of emerging adulthood:
What is known, and what remains to be known? In J. J. Arnett &
J. L. Tanner (Eds.), Emerging adults in America: Coming of age
in the 21st century (pp. 303-330). Washington, DC: APA Book.
Arnett, J. J. (2007a). Socialization in emerging adulthood: From
the
family to the wider world, from socialization to self-
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