This study examined whether free play during childhood predicts social success in adulthood. Researchers surveyed 134 adults about their childhood play experiences and current social relationships and adaptability. The study found that more opportunities for unstructured free play as a child significantly predicted better social relationships and social support as an adult. Additional analyses showed two factors that help explain this link: physical/psychological health and self-esteem, which are influenced by childhood play and also predict adult social success. A third factor, flexibility in adjusting goals when facing problems, was also greater in those with more childhood play, suggesting play helps develop lifelong adaptability that fosters social competence. In short, free play in childhood appears to provide developmental benefits that carry over to enhance social
This document discusses Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory of human development. It provides an overview of the key aspects of Bronfenbrenner's model, including the importance he placed on proximal processes and how the different systems (microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem) interact and influence development. It also reviews some limitations of the theory, such as the lack of research on mesosystem interactions and challenges to empirical testing. The document concludes by noting how more recent work still finds links to Bronfenbrenner's ecological perspectives.
A study of home environment and reasoning ability among secondary school ...Alexander Decker
This document summarizes a study on the relationship between home environment and reasoning ability among secondary school students. The study used tests to measure 250 students' reasoning abilities and home environments. It found that students from homes with high-quality environments had higher reasoning abilities than those from low-quality homes. It also found that private school students had higher reasoning abilities than government school students. Previous research discussed in the document suggests that aspects of the home environment like parent involvement, intellectual stimulation, and encouragement can positively impact children's academic achievement and development.
11.a study of home environment and reasoning ability among secondary scho...Alexander Decker
The document is a study that examines the relationship between home environment and reasoning ability among secondary school students. It finds that:
1) Students from high home environments have higher reasoning ability scores than those from low home environments.
2) Private school students have higher reasoning ability scores than government school students.
3) There is a significant interaction between home environment and type of school on reasoning ability scores.
Parent-Child Attunement Therapy (PCAT) is a behavioral intervention for maltreated toddlers aged 12-30 months that aims to strengthen the caregiver-child relationship and teach appropriate parenting techniques. It is adapted from Parent-Child Interaction Therapy, which has proven effective for older children. PCAT focuses on having parents follow the child's lead in play instead of directing it. This allows the parent to be more responsive and predictable, which is important for maltreated toddlers who often experience inconsistent parenting. The study introduces PCAT and examines its effectiveness with a 23-month-old maltreated toddler and his mother through various assessment measures. While only a single case study, it provides an introduction to
The Influence of Motoric Ability Development on Child Aggressive Behavior is ...EvaniaYafie
This study aims to analyze and improve the relationship of motor development of children on aggressive behavior,
either directly or indirectly through the social class of parents as intervening variables. The research method used is
descriptive quantitative with explanatory method. The sample in this study was taken by random sampling technique with
100 children from kindergarten in Malang. Data completion technique using questionnaires, while the data analysis
techniques used are descriptive and inferential statistics with path analysis. The results showed that there was a positive and
significant influence of children’s gross motor development against aggression. There is no indirect influence of gross motor
development of children against aggression through social class of parents as intervening variable.
Cognitive Abilities Psych Application: Environ Ecological Theory 081909sgendron_stu_argosy_edu
This document discusses the nature vs. nurture debate regarding human behavior and intelligence. It presents arguments on both sides of the debate: that nature (i.e. biology and genetics) determines these traits versus nurture (i.e. environmental experiences). However, the conclusion is that behavior and intelligence are products of both nature and nurture interacting, as well as the present situation. Regarding intelligence specifically, studies indicate genetics account for about 50% of intelligence variation, while life experiences also influence potential. The nature vs. nurture perspectives also influence analyses of gender differences.
Dewey believed that traditional morality and philosophical ethics were not well-suited to address the problems of social change in the late 19th/early 20th century United States. He argued they served the interests of elites and failed to adapt to new circumstances. Dewey proposed reconstructing ethics pragmatically by focusing on identifying methods to improve value judgments through experience, consequences, and adapting habits in response to changing situations rather than appealing to fixed principles. His naturalistic approach located the basis for ethics in human conduct and experience rather than external sources like religious doctrine.
This document discusses Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory of human development. It provides an overview of the key aspects of Bronfenbrenner's model, including the importance he placed on proximal processes and how the different systems (microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem) interact and influence development. It also reviews some limitations of the theory, such as the lack of research on mesosystem interactions and challenges to empirical testing. The document concludes by noting how more recent work still finds links to Bronfenbrenner's ecological perspectives.
A study of home environment and reasoning ability among secondary school ...Alexander Decker
This document summarizes a study on the relationship between home environment and reasoning ability among secondary school students. The study used tests to measure 250 students' reasoning abilities and home environments. It found that students from homes with high-quality environments had higher reasoning abilities than those from low-quality homes. It also found that private school students had higher reasoning abilities than government school students. Previous research discussed in the document suggests that aspects of the home environment like parent involvement, intellectual stimulation, and encouragement can positively impact children's academic achievement and development.
11.a study of home environment and reasoning ability among secondary scho...Alexander Decker
The document is a study that examines the relationship between home environment and reasoning ability among secondary school students. It finds that:
1) Students from high home environments have higher reasoning ability scores than those from low home environments.
2) Private school students have higher reasoning ability scores than government school students.
3) There is a significant interaction between home environment and type of school on reasoning ability scores.
Parent-Child Attunement Therapy (PCAT) is a behavioral intervention for maltreated toddlers aged 12-30 months that aims to strengthen the caregiver-child relationship and teach appropriate parenting techniques. It is adapted from Parent-Child Interaction Therapy, which has proven effective for older children. PCAT focuses on having parents follow the child's lead in play instead of directing it. This allows the parent to be more responsive and predictable, which is important for maltreated toddlers who often experience inconsistent parenting. The study introduces PCAT and examines its effectiveness with a 23-month-old maltreated toddler and his mother through various assessment measures. While only a single case study, it provides an introduction to
The Influence of Motoric Ability Development on Child Aggressive Behavior is ...EvaniaYafie
This study aims to analyze and improve the relationship of motor development of children on aggressive behavior,
either directly or indirectly through the social class of parents as intervening variables. The research method used is
descriptive quantitative with explanatory method. The sample in this study was taken by random sampling technique with
100 children from kindergarten in Malang. Data completion technique using questionnaires, while the data analysis
techniques used are descriptive and inferential statistics with path analysis. The results showed that there was a positive and
significant influence of children’s gross motor development against aggression. There is no indirect influence of gross motor
development of children against aggression through social class of parents as intervening variable.
Cognitive Abilities Psych Application: Environ Ecological Theory 081909sgendron_stu_argosy_edu
This document discusses the nature vs. nurture debate regarding human behavior and intelligence. It presents arguments on both sides of the debate: that nature (i.e. biology and genetics) determines these traits versus nurture (i.e. environmental experiences). However, the conclusion is that behavior and intelligence are products of both nature and nurture interacting, as well as the present situation. Regarding intelligence specifically, studies indicate genetics account for about 50% of intelligence variation, while life experiences also influence potential. The nature vs. nurture perspectives also influence analyses of gender differences.
Dewey believed that traditional morality and philosophical ethics were not well-suited to address the problems of social change in the late 19th/early 20th century United States. He argued they served the interests of elites and failed to adapt to new circumstances. Dewey proposed reconstructing ethics pragmatically by focusing on identifying methods to improve value judgments through experience, consequences, and adapting habits in response to changing situations rather than appealing to fixed principles. His naturalistic approach located the basis for ethics in human conduct and experience rather than external sources like religious doctrine.
Vo l u m e 3 4 N u m b e r 2 J u n e 2 0 0 9 31The Au.docxdickonsondorris
Vo l u m e 3 4 N u m b e r 2 J u n e 2 0 0 9 31
The Australian Early Development Index, who does it measure:
Piaget or Vygotsky’s child?
Joseph Agbenyega
Faculty of Education, Monash University
sEVErAL PsyChOLOgICAL InsTruMEnTs have been developed and used over
the years to measure various domains of child development. The Australian Early
Development Index (AEDI) is a current assessment tool being used as a community
measure of young children’s development. It measures the following domains: Physical
health and wellbeing; Social competence; Emotional maturity; Language and cognitive
skills; Communication skills and general knowledge. This article examines the tacit
nuanced construction of the child within the AEDI, and critiques this within a cultural-
historical theoretical perspective of child development. The paper argues that the AEDI
image of the child has its roots in Piagetian and Gesellian stage theories of universality.
This position is juxtaposed with more encompassing views held in the Vygotskian
tradition. The paper advances arguments for an alternative consideration of child
development that does not prescribe vulnerability to certain groups of children.
Introduction
In ThIs PAPEr I WILL explore three different
theoretical traditions of development—Piaget, Gesell
and Vygotsky—focusing on the root belief structures.
Following this effort I will analyse how each theoretical
orientation shapes the Australian Early Development
Index (AEDI). I will then concentrate on the contribution
of Vygotsky’s cultural–historical theory to reframe a more
comprehensive view of looking at child development
and measurement. The purpose for doing this is to
tease out the tacit deficit model in the AEDI and how
its universal usage creates and prescribes vulnerability
to certain groups of children.
Theoretical perspectives on child
development
This section begins by unpacking the important
components of Piaget’s cognitive developmental
theory, followed by Gesell’s and Vygotsky’s as these
relate to the AEDI. The choice of Piaget’s and Gesell’s
philosophical positions are important to this paper
because these traditions often provide the framework
for constructing psychometric tests for measuring
school readiness from a maturational and biological
perspective, as does the AEDI. On the other hand,
Vygotsky’s cultural–historical theory is considered in
this paper as it provides an alternative and a broader
philosophical framework beyond a maturational
and biological perspective for thinking about child
development and school readiness.
Views about development are situated within broader
systems of theoretical knowledge. Damon (1998)
argues that the field of child development within the
last century was dominated by ‘three grand systems’:
Piaget, psychoanalysis and learning theory (p. xv).
Jean Piaget is renowned for his work on cognitive
development of children. His work focused on the
processes ...
This document discusses the importance of play for child development. It argues that play is not merely a way to pass time, but allows for higher levels of thinking and learning skills like self-regulation, social competence, language skills and independent learning. The document outlines developmental stages of play, discusses cultural influences on play, and presents a framework for play based on theorists like Vygotsky. It addresses challenges to play like standardized testing and lack of outdoor play. Research summaries show links between play and self-regulation abilities. The conclusion argues that play is integral to holistic child development and our education system should value it more.
December 2011 Volume 14 Number 10 LEARNING DISABILITY PRAC.docxtheodorelove43763
December 2011 | Volume 14 | Number 10 LEARNING DISABILITY PRACTICE14
Feature
CarE of a Child with
down’s syndromE
Lisa Hughes and Pauline Cardwell describe a student’s
experience of supporting parents during their son’s hospital stay
Child dEvElopmEnt is a vast and complex subject
which considers the growth and maturation of
the child and the possible influences on how this
occurs (Berk 2008). the nature-nurture debate has
endured for many years, with conflicting views
being proposed on how a child has the capacity to
reach adulthood (moules and ramsay 2008, Bee
and Boyd 2010). the nativist perspective is that
development is a predetermined pattern; the result
of the individual’s biological inheritance (Berk 2008),
whereas empiricists emphasise the importance of
external stimuli in child development, such as a
mother’s interaction with her baby (Glasper and
richardson 2010). however, many experts favour
a combination of innate biological components
and lifelong external influences – for example,
environment and social relationships – as playing a
vital role (moules and ramsay 2008).
the focus of this article is the development
of a child who was cared for in hospital during a
clinical placement of the first author, and takes
into consideration the physical and psychosocial
elements that influenced his growth and maturation.
for nurses caring for children and young people,
professional knowledge of how children typically
grow and develop is important. when a child’s
development does not proceed along the predicted
‘normal’ milestones, nurses need to understand the
implications for everyone involved.
Characteristics
people with down’s syndrome have 47 chromosomes
in each cell because they have an extra copy of
chromosome 21 (trisomy 21) (Burns and Gunn
1993). this additional chromosome and the
genetic material it accommodates causes too many
proteins to be produced in the cell, which disturbs
the normal growth of the fetus (selikowitz 1997).
this abnormal growth results in the cognitive and
physical impairments seen in children who have
down’s syndrome (hockenberry and wilson 2007).
there is a wide variation in symptoms associated
with the condition: some individuals achieve average
competence and others have severe intellectual
disability (Burns and Gunn 1993).
with one or two affected children being born
every day in England on average, down’s syndrome
is common and, because of the increased incidence
in babies born to older mothers, the incidence is
predicted to rise as more women are opting to delay
starting families (Bailey 2009, Blakemore 2009).
Sean’s development
sean (not his real name) is a 19-month-old boy
with down’s syndrome, who lives with his mother
and father and younger brother liam, aged
seven months. physically, sean displays some of the
classical features of the condition (mcCance and
huether 2002), including microgenia (an abnormally
small chin), macroglossia (an.
Get your quality homework help now and stand out.Our professional writers are committed to excellence. We have trained the best scholars in different fields of study.Contact us now at http://www.essaysexperts.net/ and place your order at affordable price done within set deadlines.We always have someone online ready to answer all your queries and take your requests.
3.1 Purposes of PlayPlay fulfills a wide variety of purposes in .docxlorainedeserre
3.1 Purposes of Play
Play fulfills a wide variety of purposes in the life of the child. The importance of play in early childhood is strongly emphasized in a recent report by the American Academy of Pediatrics (Milteer & Ginsburg, 2012):
Play is essential to the social, emotional, cognitive, and physical well-being of children beginning in early childhood. It is a natural tool for children to develop resiliency as they learn to cooperate, overcome challenges, and negotiate with others. Play also allows children to be creative. It provides time for parents to be fully engaged with their children, to bond with their children, and to see the world from the perspective of their child.... It is essential that parents, educators, and pediatricians recognize the importance of lifelong benefits that children gain from play. (p. 204)
Play Fosters Physical Development
Sensorimotor Skills
On a very simple level, play promotes the development of sensorimotor skills, or skills that require the coordination of movement with the senses, such as using eye-hand coordination to stack blocks (Frost et al., 2008; Jones & Reynolds, 2011; Morrison, 2004; Tokarz, 2008). Children spend hours perfecting such abilities and increasing the level of difficulty to make the task ever more challenging. Anyone who has lived with a 1-year-old will recall the tireless persistence with which the child pursues the acquisition of basic physical skills.
Fitness and Health
Strenuous, physical play is especially important today, when obesity among children and adults has reached an all-time high. An estimated 64% of all adults in the United States are seriously overweight or obese. Approximately 10% of all children age 2 to 5 years and 15% of older children are overweight (Association for Childhood Education International [ACEI], 2004). It is crucial that early childhood programs offer children the opportunity for active, gross-motor play every day, as habits and attitudes toward physical activity are formed early in life and continue into adulthood.
Outdoor Play Connects Children to Nature and Their Environment
Nature Feels Good and Inspires
Playing outdoors allows children to experience their natural environment with all their senses “open.” They can breathe fresh air and feel the invigoration of their hearts pounding as they charge up a hill. Children learn about the variety of creatures that may live in their area, explore the life cycle when they discover a cocoon or squashed ant, and experience fully with their senses how everything seems different after the rain. Where does the sun go when it is cloudy? Where does the wind come from? Questions about nature arise spontaneously through outdoor play and provoke children into thought and, if properly supported by the teacher, into deep investigations of the world. It is vital that we allow all children—urban, suburban, and rural—to discover the world outside and learn to appreciate the environment around them.
Children must have ...
Developmental psychology studies changes that occur across the human lifespan from conception to death. Development is lifelong, multidimensional, multidisciplinary, multicultural, and contextual. It involves the interplay of biological, cognitive, and socioemotional processes. Development occurs through distinct periods - prenatal, infancy, early childhood, middle childhood, adolescence, early adulthood, middle adulthood, and late adulthood. Key issues in development include the interplay of nature and nurture, stability and change over time, and the degree of continuity versus discontinuity between periods. Major theories to explain development include psychoanalytic theory which emphasizes unconscious processes and early experiences.
The document discusses the importance of play for children's development and health. It notes that play is intrinsically motivated and supports cognitive, physical, and social-emotional growth. However, children's opportunities for free play are decreasing due to concerns about safety, academics taking priority over recess, and parental hyperprotection. The document argues that playgrounds are critical environments for beneficial outdoor play, and that some risk-taking is important for healthy development and should be allowed.
The document provides an introduction to a developmental psychology course, covering key concepts and approaches. It discusses the field of lifespan development, major theories including psychoanalytic, behavioral, cognitive, and sociocultural perspectives. Research methods like experiments, correlations, and longitudinal/cross-sectional designs are introduced. Challenges in developmental research like sampling issues and ethical concerns are also addressed.
Duncan, early childhood poverty and adult attainmenttenicaw
Early childhood poverty has detrimental effects on several adult attainment outcomes like earnings and work hours according to a study using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. The study found statistically significant negative impacts of poverty between birth and age 5 on later adult earnings and work hours, but not on behavioral outcomes like criminal arrests. Most effects were indirect, operating through impacts on adult work hours rather than direct effects. The study controls for later childhood income and demographic factors to obtain relatively unbiased estimates of early childhood poverty's total effects on adult outcomes.
A Developmental Evolutionary Framework for Psychology.pdfKayla Jones
This document outlines a developmental evolutionary framework for psychology as an alternative to evolutionary psychology, which is founded on the assumptions of the modern synthesis of evolutionary biology. The proposed framework integrates the study of developmental and evolutionary mechanisms within one explanatory model. It argues that knowledge of developmental processes is necessary to understand evolutionary change, and that psychology can contribute to this endeavor through research in comparative and developmental psychology. The framework rejects the dichotomies of the modern synthesis and favors a relational approach that sees development as a dynamic, context-sensitive process involving interactions between genetic, environmental, and experiential factors across multiple timescales.
This document provides an overview of key concepts from a human development course for teacher educators. It discusses the life course perspective, which sees development as influenced by time, context and meaning. It also examines the biological, psychological and societal influences on human development. Finally, it discusses the psychosocial approach to development, which views changes in biological, psychological and social processes as interconnected and influencing each other.
A Brief Note On The Growth Theory And The Dual Sector...Michele Thomas
The attachment theory accounts for differences in the development of social relationships in aging adults in the following ways:
1. Attachment styles formed early in life with caregivers influence social relationships in adulthood. Secure attachment leads to more social confidence while insecure attachment can cause social wariness.
2. Life experiences like marriage and parenthood can influence attachment styles in adulthood. Positive relationships help maintain secure attachment while negative experiences increase insecure attachment.
3. In older age, attachment styles impact the ability to form new relationships and cope with loss of existing relationships. Securely attached seniors are generally more social and able to seek support, while insecure attachment leads to greater loneliness and isolation.
This document discusses human growth and development. It defines growth as an increase in size that can be measured, while development refers to qualitative changes that lead to maturity. Some key points made include:
- Growth and development follow general patterns and principles like proceeding from general to specific responses and being influenced by both heredity and environment.
- Development involves changes in physical, intellectual, emotional and social abilities and continues throughout the lifespan, while growth mainly occurs during childhood.
- Major stages of development discussed are infancy, early childhood, later childhood, adolescence and early adulthood.
- Factors like heredity, environment, home life, culture, socioeconomics, education, gender impact human
Child development is multidisciplinary, which draws its knowledge from several other fields such as psychology, sociology, anthropology, biology and neuroscience to name a few. Likewise, it informs the practices of various experts who are keen to improve the lives of children. These include educators, paediatricians, psychologists, child care service providers, social service professionals, and parents. This presentation includes important aspects of the following:-
Physical Development
Intellectual Development
Social Development
Emotional Development
Moral Development
Language Development
Individual Differences
Please contact on email for the presentation of this script.
This chapter discusses cognitive and language development in children. It explores what development is, the processes and periods of development, key developmental issues around nature vs nurture and continuity vs discontinuity, and how child development relates to education. Development involves biological, cognitive, and socioemotional processes, and can be described in periods like infancy, early childhood, and adolescence. Understanding child development helps teachers provide appropriately leveled instruction for students.
This document discusses resilience in street children in South Africa. It defines resilience as the ability to manage difficulties and bounce back from adversity by developing life skills like coping with changes, focusing on relationships, thinking positively, and self-care. Street children face hardships like family violence and poverty that force them onto the streets. Developing resilience is important for street children to survive. The document explores traits and experiences that build resilience in adolescent boys and how prevention programs can help at-risk youth develop these skills.
Cosa hanno in comune un mattoncino Lego e la backdoor XZ?Speck&Tech
ABSTRACT: A prima vista, un mattoncino Lego e la backdoor XZ potrebbero avere in comune il fatto di essere entrambi blocchi di costruzione, o dipendenze di progetti creativi e software. La realtà è che un mattoncino Lego e il caso della backdoor XZ hanno molto di più di tutto ciò in comune.
Partecipate alla presentazione per immergervi in una storia di interoperabilità, standard e formati aperti, per poi discutere del ruolo importante che i contributori hanno in una comunità open source sostenibile.
BIO: Sostenitrice del software libero e dei formati standard e aperti. È stata un membro attivo dei progetti Fedora e openSUSE e ha co-fondato l'Associazione LibreItalia dove è stata coinvolta in diversi eventi, migrazioni e formazione relativi a LibreOffice. In precedenza ha lavorato a migrazioni e corsi di formazione su LibreOffice per diverse amministrazioni pubbliche e privati. Da gennaio 2020 lavora in SUSE come Software Release Engineer per Uyuni e SUSE Manager e quando non segue la sua passione per i computer e per Geeko coltiva la sua curiosità per l'astronomia (da cui deriva il suo nickname deneb_alpha).
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Vo l u m e 3 4 N u m b e r 2 J u n e 2 0 0 9 31The Au.docxdickonsondorris
Vo l u m e 3 4 N u m b e r 2 J u n e 2 0 0 9 31
The Australian Early Development Index, who does it measure:
Piaget or Vygotsky’s child?
Joseph Agbenyega
Faculty of Education, Monash University
sEVErAL PsyChOLOgICAL InsTruMEnTs have been developed and used over
the years to measure various domains of child development. The Australian Early
Development Index (AEDI) is a current assessment tool being used as a community
measure of young children’s development. It measures the following domains: Physical
health and wellbeing; Social competence; Emotional maturity; Language and cognitive
skills; Communication skills and general knowledge. This article examines the tacit
nuanced construction of the child within the AEDI, and critiques this within a cultural-
historical theoretical perspective of child development. The paper argues that the AEDI
image of the child has its roots in Piagetian and Gesellian stage theories of universality.
This position is juxtaposed with more encompassing views held in the Vygotskian
tradition. The paper advances arguments for an alternative consideration of child
development that does not prescribe vulnerability to certain groups of children.
Introduction
In ThIs PAPEr I WILL explore three different
theoretical traditions of development—Piaget, Gesell
and Vygotsky—focusing on the root belief structures.
Following this effort I will analyse how each theoretical
orientation shapes the Australian Early Development
Index (AEDI). I will then concentrate on the contribution
of Vygotsky’s cultural–historical theory to reframe a more
comprehensive view of looking at child development
and measurement. The purpose for doing this is to
tease out the tacit deficit model in the AEDI and how
its universal usage creates and prescribes vulnerability
to certain groups of children.
Theoretical perspectives on child
development
This section begins by unpacking the important
components of Piaget’s cognitive developmental
theory, followed by Gesell’s and Vygotsky’s as these
relate to the AEDI. The choice of Piaget’s and Gesell’s
philosophical positions are important to this paper
because these traditions often provide the framework
for constructing psychometric tests for measuring
school readiness from a maturational and biological
perspective, as does the AEDI. On the other hand,
Vygotsky’s cultural–historical theory is considered in
this paper as it provides an alternative and a broader
philosophical framework beyond a maturational
and biological perspective for thinking about child
development and school readiness.
Views about development are situated within broader
systems of theoretical knowledge. Damon (1998)
argues that the field of child development within the
last century was dominated by ‘three grand systems’:
Piaget, psychoanalysis and learning theory (p. xv).
Jean Piaget is renowned for his work on cognitive
development of children. His work focused on the
processes ...
This document discusses the importance of play for child development. It argues that play is not merely a way to pass time, but allows for higher levels of thinking and learning skills like self-regulation, social competence, language skills and independent learning. The document outlines developmental stages of play, discusses cultural influences on play, and presents a framework for play based on theorists like Vygotsky. It addresses challenges to play like standardized testing and lack of outdoor play. Research summaries show links between play and self-regulation abilities. The conclusion argues that play is integral to holistic child development and our education system should value it more.
December 2011 Volume 14 Number 10 LEARNING DISABILITY PRAC.docxtheodorelove43763
December 2011 | Volume 14 | Number 10 LEARNING DISABILITY PRACTICE14
Feature
CarE of a Child with
down’s syndromE
Lisa Hughes and Pauline Cardwell describe a student’s
experience of supporting parents during their son’s hospital stay
Child dEvElopmEnt is a vast and complex subject
which considers the growth and maturation of
the child and the possible influences on how this
occurs (Berk 2008). the nature-nurture debate has
endured for many years, with conflicting views
being proposed on how a child has the capacity to
reach adulthood (moules and ramsay 2008, Bee
and Boyd 2010). the nativist perspective is that
development is a predetermined pattern; the result
of the individual’s biological inheritance (Berk 2008),
whereas empiricists emphasise the importance of
external stimuli in child development, such as a
mother’s interaction with her baby (Glasper and
richardson 2010). however, many experts favour
a combination of innate biological components
and lifelong external influences – for example,
environment and social relationships – as playing a
vital role (moules and ramsay 2008).
the focus of this article is the development
of a child who was cared for in hospital during a
clinical placement of the first author, and takes
into consideration the physical and psychosocial
elements that influenced his growth and maturation.
for nurses caring for children and young people,
professional knowledge of how children typically
grow and develop is important. when a child’s
development does not proceed along the predicted
‘normal’ milestones, nurses need to understand the
implications for everyone involved.
Characteristics
people with down’s syndrome have 47 chromosomes
in each cell because they have an extra copy of
chromosome 21 (trisomy 21) (Burns and Gunn
1993). this additional chromosome and the
genetic material it accommodates causes too many
proteins to be produced in the cell, which disturbs
the normal growth of the fetus (selikowitz 1997).
this abnormal growth results in the cognitive and
physical impairments seen in children who have
down’s syndrome (hockenberry and wilson 2007).
there is a wide variation in symptoms associated
with the condition: some individuals achieve average
competence and others have severe intellectual
disability (Burns and Gunn 1993).
with one or two affected children being born
every day in England on average, down’s syndrome
is common and, because of the increased incidence
in babies born to older mothers, the incidence is
predicted to rise as more women are opting to delay
starting families (Bailey 2009, Blakemore 2009).
Sean’s development
sean (not his real name) is a 19-month-old boy
with down’s syndrome, who lives with his mother
and father and younger brother liam, aged
seven months. physically, sean displays some of the
classical features of the condition (mcCance and
huether 2002), including microgenia (an abnormally
small chin), macroglossia (an.
Get your quality homework help now and stand out.Our professional writers are committed to excellence. We have trained the best scholars in different fields of study.Contact us now at http://www.essaysexperts.net/ and place your order at affordable price done within set deadlines.We always have someone online ready to answer all your queries and take your requests.
3.1 Purposes of PlayPlay fulfills a wide variety of purposes in .docxlorainedeserre
3.1 Purposes of Play
Play fulfills a wide variety of purposes in the life of the child. The importance of play in early childhood is strongly emphasized in a recent report by the American Academy of Pediatrics (Milteer & Ginsburg, 2012):
Play is essential to the social, emotional, cognitive, and physical well-being of children beginning in early childhood. It is a natural tool for children to develop resiliency as they learn to cooperate, overcome challenges, and negotiate with others. Play also allows children to be creative. It provides time for parents to be fully engaged with their children, to bond with their children, and to see the world from the perspective of their child.... It is essential that parents, educators, and pediatricians recognize the importance of lifelong benefits that children gain from play. (p. 204)
Play Fosters Physical Development
Sensorimotor Skills
On a very simple level, play promotes the development of sensorimotor skills, or skills that require the coordination of movement with the senses, such as using eye-hand coordination to stack blocks (Frost et al., 2008; Jones & Reynolds, 2011; Morrison, 2004; Tokarz, 2008). Children spend hours perfecting such abilities and increasing the level of difficulty to make the task ever more challenging. Anyone who has lived with a 1-year-old will recall the tireless persistence with which the child pursues the acquisition of basic physical skills.
Fitness and Health
Strenuous, physical play is especially important today, when obesity among children and adults has reached an all-time high. An estimated 64% of all adults in the United States are seriously overweight or obese. Approximately 10% of all children age 2 to 5 years and 15% of older children are overweight (Association for Childhood Education International [ACEI], 2004). It is crucial that early childhood programs offer children the opportunity for active, gross-motor play every day, as habits and attitudes toward physical activity are formed early in life and continue into adulthood.
Outdoor Play Connects Children to Nature and Their Environment
Nature Feels Good and Inspires
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1. Evolutionary Psychology
www.epjournal.net – 2014. 12(2): 434-447
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Original Article
Does Playing Pay? The Fitness-Effect of Free Play during Childhood
Werner Greve, Institute for Psychology, University of Hildesheim, Hildesheim, Germany. Email:
wgreve@uni-hildesheim.de (Corresponding author).
Tamara Thomsen, Institute for Psychology, University of Hildesheim, Hildesheim, Germany.
Cornelia Dehio, Institute for Psychology, University of Hildesheim, Hildesheim, Germany.
Abstract: Evolutionary developmental psychology claims that the sequences and processes
of human development, in fact the mere fact of ontogeny itself, have to be viewed as
evolutionary products. However, although the functional benefits of childish behavior
(child playing) for cognitive and emotional development have been shown repeatedly,
claiming evolutionary adaptiveness of playing in childhood suggests that childish play
supports evolutionary success in mature stages of development. This hypothesis is tested in
a study with N = 134 adults (93 females; age range 20-66 years). Participants were asked to
recollect their play experiences during childhood in detail, and to report their current
developmental status with respect to several aspects of social success. Results show that the
opportunity for and the promotion of free play in childhood significantly predict some
indicators of social success. Additional analyses strive to explore mediating processes for
this relationship. In particular, the mediating role of individual adaptivity (flexibility of
goal adjustment) is investigated. Results suggest that freely playing in childhood promotes
developmental resources, in particular individual adaptivity in adulthood, which, in turn,
promote developmental success.
Keywords: child play, adaptive value, adaptivity, social success
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Introduction
It is the central tenet of evolutionary developmental psychology (e.g., Bjorklund
and Hernandez Blasi, 2005; Bjorklund and Pellegrini, 2002; Burgess and MacDonald,
2005; Ellis and Bjorklund, 2005; Geary and Bjorklund, 2000; Konner, 2010) that both the
duration and the course of human development are products of evolutionary processes.
Although evolutionary psychology has mainly focused on the attributes and behavior of
adults (e.g., mating, problem solving, aggression; Buss, 2011), this general assumption is
2. Does playing pay?
Evolutionary Psychology – ISSN 1474-7049 – Volume 12(2). 2014. -435-
hardly ever questioned. However, the concrete advantages (i.e., the evolutionary history) of
several aspects of human development that are unusual in the animal kingdom remain to be
explained. In particular, the prereproductive periods of humans are prolonged in the
extreme, encompassing about 15 years (much more than even other primates, let alone
other mammals; Poirier and Smith, 1974), and thus exposing them to risky constellations
over a very long period of time before they can even attempt to reproduce (Bjorklund and
Pellegrini, 2002; Konner, 2010; Periss and Bjorklund, 2011). This is particularly
astonishing in that humans do not give birth to many children (and raise even fewer), which
increases the risk of ending up with no second generation, evolution’s capital punishment.
What, then, might be the adaptive advantages of our extended childhood?
The journey to adulthood through different stages (infancy, childhood, adolescence)
requires not only that infants and children have several strategies available to survive the
long trek to maturity (i.e., “ontogenetic adaptations”), but suggests that this high
investment has notable adaptive advantages for adulthood that outbalance the costs and
risks of a prolonged prereproductive lifetime (i.e., “deferred adaptations”; Bjorklund and
Pellegrini, 2011; Hernández Blasi and Bjorklund, 2003). Whereas sufficient ontogenetic
adaptations are the necessary condition for reaching a stage of reproductive maturity,
deferred adaptations are the necessary condition for the evolution of a long childhood to
occur in the first place.
Individual niche adaptation requires time to learn and adapt
Given that children survive their childhoods (due to their ontogenetic adaptations –
e.g., a greater flexibility of their bones; Turner, 2007), a course of development that
prepares adults to become more “fit” to their particular physical and social environment, by
means of whatever capacities, will reproduce more successfully. As a consequence, this
advantageous aspect of development (e.g., learning options) will be favored, assuming it is
inherited. These developmental advantages, however, have to outweigh the corresponding
risks (e.g., some learning options entail the risk of death before reproduction). The crucial
question, then, is which favorable capacities are produced by prolonged development that
are useful or necessary for the reproductive success (i.e., fitness) of adults (Bjorklund and
Pellegrini, 2011).
The central idea of the evolutionary developmental perspective is that beyond the
development of at-birth “unfinished” components of our physical shape (Periss and
Bjorklund, 2011), a long and flexible period of development offers the opportunity to better
adapt the individual to varying demands of the environment. Because development is
clearly more than just the “unfolding” of a genetic program but rather a dynamic and
interactive process (West-Eberhard, 2003), human ontogeny opens large windows of
plasticity both in physiological and psychological respects. Thus, the main argument of
evolutionary developmental psychology is that a prolonged development tremendously
increases the species’ flexibility. The additional years improve individuals’ abilities to fit
the particular ecological niches they are born into, offering humans the option of living
almost anywhere: from the dry desert to the never-melting ice, from the scantiest mountains
to the richest valleys. Through development, we learn what we need in our particular world
(niche) in order to survive and reproduce “here and now,” as it were (Bjorklund and
3. Does playing pay?
Evolutionary Psychology – ISSN 1474-7049 – Volume 12(2). 2014. -436-
Pellegrini, 2011). This is what a long development is for: It enables humans, more than any
other species on earth, to adapt ontogenetically (i.e., individually) to all kinds of physical
and social niches (Greve and Bjorklund, 2012).
Child play is a valuable and flexible learning opportunity
Arguably, child play is among the most important means of deferred adaptation
(Bjorklund and Pellegrini, 2011; King and Bjorklund, 2010), a reflection of the adaptive
value of immaturity (Bjorklund, 1997; Bjorklund and Green, 1992). We learn through trial
and error (no less than through guidance and education) what our physical and social
environments require, and we acquire the competencies that are useful or necessary within
our respective environment – the rules of surviving (e.g., getting food, avoiding predators,
infections, or poisonous fruits) as well as the rules of social life (e.g., cooperation,
competition, getting accepted by peers; Bjorklund, 2007).
In fact, the value and use of child play has been shown numerous times in many
studies, both from a classical developmental psychology perspective (e.g., Mogel, 2008;
Pellegrini, 2013) and from an evolutionary developmental psychology point of view (e.g.,
Bjorklund, 2007; Bjorklund and Pellegrini, 2002).
Though it is clear by now that we learn useful things through play, the fitness
(deferred adaptive) value of child play remains to be shown. It is not enough just getting
better in some respects (say, motoric flexibility) with playing than without; it is necessary
that child play improves individuals’ opportunities and prospects for reproduction. And if
this reproductive advantage of a prolonged childhood has shaped the evolutionary history
of our species (Homo sapiens), it seems plausible to expect this advantage to still be
present. The prospects of developmental and reproductive success depend on individuals’
capacities both on concrete (e.g., the individual’s flirting competence) and abstract levels
(e.g., the individual’s tenacity to overcome obstacles). Whereas the ultimate test of this
assumption is, of course, actual reproductive success, an intermediate step toward this
proof is arguably the predictive value of extensive and free child play for social success.
Because social success (social connectedness, social status, etc.) is both a valuable means
for attracting partners and raising children (for a general account see Buss, 2011), it seems
plausible to view it as an indicator (i.e., as an important condition and, thus, a proxy
variable) for evolutionary success.
Because child play obviously cannot “produce” social and developmental success
directly, an empirical hypothesis claiming the prediction of social success from child play
has to include at least some important preconditions of social success, such as physical and
psychological health or self esteem, which may be more immediate consequences of play.
Technically, such preconditions are to be viewed as (possible) mediators of the effect of
child play on social success. Though there are certainly a plethora of possible conditions of
social success (e.g., SES of one’s parents, social circumstances of one’s uprising, quality of
one’s teachers, etc.), child play is expected to influence only a selection of these. Here,
personal facets and/or conditions of social competence, including psychological health and
self-esteem, should plausibly both predict social success on the one hand and be predicted
by positive childhood experiences in general and social learning in particular (Bjorklund,
2007) on the other. For instance, one’s sense of mastery and control is expected to benefit
4. Does playing pay?
Evolutionary Psychology – ISSN 1474-7049 – Volume 12(2). 2014. -437-
from play experiences during childhood (Bjorklund and Pellegrini, 2002). This, in turn,
could fuel the individual’s self-esteem, which in turn is a condition of social success in
general (for an overview see Kernis, 2006). More generally, self-esteem and psychological
health can be viewed as conditions, even indicators, of successful development (Baltes and
Baltes, 1990).
The development of adaptability: Acquiring individual flexibility
Due to the high costs (risks), a prolonged period of playing should have more than
particular effects like those described earlier. Therefore, the claim of the present study is
that humans, by playing extensively and freely in childhood, not only acquire complex
social and locally adapted competencies, but in particular develop the competence to adapt
individually (i.e., develop adaptability; Greve and Bjorklund, 2012). Actually, humans are
not only able to individually adapt to a particular and complex environment through child
development, but have, above and beyond that, the capacity to re-adapt individually
throughout their whole lifespan if the demands and challenges of the environment should
vary or the individual’s capacities should change (e.g., loss of mobility in old age). In short,
the most unique feature of humans is to reshape one’s profile of attributes and
competencies if the fit between the individual and its environment should decrease.
One core component of this adaptivity is the individual’s flexibility to adjust their
goals, values, and norms if they are blocked or threatened by obstacles and problems that
could not be solved or overcome by means and strategies the individual has command of.
This particular competence, which is the necessary complement of the individual’s capacity
to solve problems actively, is the central concept of the two process-model of
developmental regulation (e.g., Brandtstädter and Renner, 1990; Brandtstädter and
Rothermund, 2002). In this theory, individual adaptivity (termed as “accommodation”) is
conceptualized as the individual’s capacity to revise or readjust its own goals in order to
bring them in line with the perceived options and restrictions (e.g., by focusing on the good
aspects of the problematic situation, by thinking about resulting opportunities or things that
can be learned, or by concentrating on new attractive goals).
Several studies have shown that this aspect of individual adaptivity is an important
predictor of successful development throughout adulthood and aging (e.g., Brandtstädter
and Greve, 1994; for an overview see Brandtstädter, 2006, 2007). Recent studies suggest
that the roots of accommodative capacity are developed in childhood and adolescence. In
particular, these studies support the hypothesis that heterogeneity and diversity of an
individual’s experience throughout childhood predicts one’s flexibility. In two cross-
sectional studies, heterogeneous, free, and undirected playing and shaping of one’s leisure
time during childhood (as reported by the parents) was found to be a significant predictor
of cognitive facets of the individual’s adaptivity (“accommodation”) in adolescence (as
assessed by a questionnaire from the adolescents; Greve and Thomsen, 2014; Thomsen and
Greve, 2013). We suggest that this is one important function of free play: Beyond acquiring
particular physical and social skills, we develop flexibility and adaptivity to further adjust
ourselves to the demands of our physical and social environment. The more time we have
to play and the greater the diversity of experiences we can make, the greater our
accommodative flexibility throughout adulthood and, hence, the greater our developmental
5. Does playing pay?
Evolutionary Psychology – ISSN 1474-7049 – Volume 12(2). 2014. -438-
and social success over the lifespan. In contrast to strongly regulated playing (e.g., learning
to play the piano), unguided playing (i.e., the possibility for trying out things) should be of
particular use here. As a consequence, the extension of child play should predict not only
more concrete preconditions of social success (e.g., self esteem, psychological health), but
more generally the individual’s adaptivity. The degree of the individual’s flexibility
(adaptivity) is claimed to be one important aspect of the relationship between child play on
the one hand and evolutionary success on the other.
Aims of the present study
The present study investigates the particular, “additional,” value of free child play
for social (and, hence, evolutionary) success in a cross-sectional questionnaire study. In a
first step, we investigate the prediction of a high degree of free play experienced in
childhood for social success. Here, we defined childhood as the time period between the
beginning of kindergarten (by the age of 3) and the end of elementary school (by the age of
10). Indicators for social success were the availability of interpersonal relationships, the
ability to use social support, and having a sense of a personal social appreciation (Becker,
2006; for an evolutionary psychology account see Buss, 2011). In a second step, we
investigated whether some conditions of social success are mediators of the relationship
between free play in childhood and social success in adulthood. In particular, physical and
psychological health (plausibly necessary conditions of social connectivity and status) and
self-esteem (a central component or criterion of successful development and thus a valuable
condition of social success in many respects; Baltes and Baltes, 1990) are investigated as
possible mediators. Given that this relationship between child play and social success can
be empirically demonstrated, the flexibility hypothesis discussed above was investigated in
a third step. According to the considerations described in the previous section, extended
child play is expected to be one important source for the development of individual
adaptivity in adulthood, which in turn is an important source of adult social success. Hence,
individual adult adaptivity is proposed to be another mediator of the relationship between
child play and adult social success. According to the two-process-model of developmental
regulation, flexibility of goal adjustment (i.e., the individual’s flexibility to adapt to
problems that cannot be mastered by available skills and competencies of problem solving)
was selected as an indicator for adaptivity.
Materials and Methods
Design and procedure
The present study was conducted as a questionnaire study with participants in
adulthood across different ages. Questionnaires were distributed in restaurants, nursery
schools, public places, railway stations, adult education centers, companies, and the
university. After completion, the questionnaires were collected or participants were
requested to send or bring them back to the authors’ university address. All data were
collected anonymously.
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Participants
The sample included 134 participants, with 93 (69.4%) women and 41 (30.6%)
men. Participants’ ages ranged from 20 to 66 years (M = 32.98, SD = 12.34, N = 132: two
participants without specification). The educational achievement status was dominated by
higher degrees: 33.6% of the participants had a university degree, 44% finished with an
advanced school certificate (German “Abitur”), 22.4% had a high school certificate of
different degrees (16.4% “Realschule”; 6% “Hauptschule”). Concerning the family status,
29.9% defined themselves as single, 38.1% lived in an unmarried partnership, 26.1% were
married, 3% were divorced, and 1.5% were widowed.
Measures
Social success. Participants’ social success was assessed by a scale that was created
by the authors (see Table 1). Based on 10 items, participants had to estimate heterogeneous
possible indicators for social success, such as their social relationships (e.g., “Friends come
to ask me for advice”), their social support system (e.g. “If something goes wrong, I have
friends by my side that support me”), or their social acceptance (e.g., “My work is
appreciated by others”). Each item had to be answered on a five-point Likert scale (from 1
= “disagree completely” to 5 = “agree completely”). The arithmetical mean across all items
was calculated (M = 3.85, SD = .53); the internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) was =
.81.
Table 1. List of items and factor loadings for the social success scale
Factor Loading
1 In conversations with others I usually find the right words. .70
2 Friends come to ask me for advice. .61
3 From time to time I get involved in conflicts because other
people want something else than I want.
.35
4 If something goes wrong, I have friends by my side that
support me.
.67
5 From time to time I feel that people do not respect me. .75
6 People in my surrounding appreciate me. .78
7 Sometimes I miss the contact with other people. .49
8 People in my surrounding feel sympathy for the things
affecting me.
.68
9 My work is appreciated by others. .50
10 I can present myself well in company of others. .60
Notes: Principal component analysis; Items 3, 5, and 7 were recoded
Subjective experience of free play in childhood. In order to measure the
participants’ subjective experiences of free play in childhood (defined as the ages of 3 to 10
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years), a seven-item scale was constructed by the authors (see Table 2). The scale contained
items concerning their own liberty of free play (e.g., “Looking back, I tried many things
and experimented a lot by myself”) and the freedom their parents gave to their own free
play (e.g., “My parents had a good balance between freedom and protection”). Each item
had to be answered on a five-point Likert scale (from 1 = “disagree completely” to 5 =
“agree completely”). The scale was constructed by calculating the arithmetical mean across
the seven items (M = 3.68, SD = .71); the internal consistency was = .78.
Table 2. List of items and factor loadings for the subjective experience of free play in
childhood scale
Factor Loading
1 My parents placed high demands on myself. .45
2 Looking back, I tried many things and experimented a
lot by myself.
.67
3 My parents always were in fear that something could
happen to me, so they did not let me do many things by
myself.
.56
4 From time to time I stroke out on my own or with my
friends to discover the neighborhood.
.77
5 I think I grew up in a spacious environment that was
barely restricted.
.74
6 In former times, I tried out a good balance between
freedom and protection.
.78
7 My parents had a good balance between freedom and
protection.
.62
Notes: Principal component analysis; Items 1 and 3 were recoded
Flexible goal adjustment. Participants’ flexibility was assessed by the Flexible Goal
Adjustment Scale (Brandtstädter and Renner, 1990). The scale applied in the study
contained 14 items (e.g., “Sometimes things in life don’t go the way you want them to. But
I still find it easy to see the good in the unpleasant things in life”), and each item had to be
answered on a five-point Likert scale (1 = “disagree completely” to 5 = “agree
completely”). The scale was constructed by calculating the arithmetical mean across the
items (M = 3.34, SD = .52); the internal consistency was = .82.
Self-esteem. The self-esteem of the participants was assessed by a German version
of the Rosenberg-Scale (Ferring and Fillip, 1996; Rosenberg, 1965), consisting of 10 items.
Here, participants had to rate their generalized self-esteem (e.g., “I feel that I have a
number of good qualities,” “I take a positive attitude toward myself”) on a five point-Likert
scale (from 1 = “disagree completely” to 5 = “agree completely”). The scale was
constructed by calculating the arithmetic average across the 10 items (M = 4.03, SD = .69);
the internal consistency was = .90.
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Psychological health. In order to measure the participants’ psychological health, a
scale following a model of psychological health (Becker, 2006) was constructed by the
authors. It contained 13 items that assessed heterogeneous indicators for psychological
health, such as self-efficacy (e.g., “If I get into difficulties, I trust in my own abilities”),
positive feelings (e.g., “I feel full of energy”), or well-being (e.g., “I enjoy the everyday
affairs of life”). All items had to be answered on a five-point Likert scale (1 = “disagree
completely” to 5 = “agree completely”). The arithmetical mean across all items was
calculated (M = 3.62, SD = .55); the internal consistency was = .85.
Physical health. Participants’ physical health was measured by the assessment of
nine health conditions (influenza infection, common cold, headaches, sleeplessness,
nervousness, anxiety, stomach pain, joint pain, and heart complaints). Participants had to
rate the occurrence of each disease (1 = “never,” 2 = “once a year,” 3 = “several times a
year,” 4 = “once a month,” 5 = “once a week,” 6 = “several times a week”). The
arithmetical mean across all items was calculated (M = 4.57, SD = .74); the internal
consistency was = .74.
Results
Bivariate results
As expected, there was a significant positive correlation (see Table 3) between
subjective experience of free play in childhood and social success in adulthood. Moreover,
bivariate results showed significant positive correlations between the subjective experience
of free play in childhood and the conditions/components of developmental success
(psychological and physical health, self-esteem). Furthermore, child play was positively
related to flexibility of goal adjustment. As expected, the four predictors are also positively
interrelated.
Table 3. Correlations among study variables (130 ≤ N ≤ 134)
2 3 4 5 6
1 Social success .28** .68** .55** .69** .35**
2 Subjective experience of free
play in childhood
-- .20* .22* .29** .26**
3 Self-esteem -- .61** .79** .46**
4 Flexible goal adjustment -- .64** .42**
5 Psychological health -- .51**
6 Physical health --
Notes: ** p < .01; * p < .05
Mediation analyses
Results show, first, that the three measured conditions of success (physical health,
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psychological health, self-esteem) mediate the relationship between subjective experience
of free play and social success (see figure 1), and second, that the individuals’ flexibility
does so as well (see figure 2). According to each mediation analysis, the beta weight
coefficient of the path of free play in childhood to social success in adulthood is lower than
the total effect before (β = .28, p < .01). To test if the beta weight coefficient is reduced
significantly, Sobel-Tests were conducted. All Sobel-Tests showed a significant reduction
of the beta weight coefficient. Hence, a significant indirect effect for each mediator could
be identified for all four analyses.
In order to test whether the contribution of individual adaptivity (flexibility) is
independent of the contribution of the three components, an additional regression analysis
was conducted. The results show that beyond a substantial prediction of social success by
all four predictors (R2
= .51, F = 35.32, p < .01), the regression weight of flexible goal
adjustment (.16, p < .05) was significant beyond the predictive value of the other
components (self-esteem: .18, p < .05; psychological health: .37, p < .01; physiological
health: n.s.).
Figure 1. Mediating pathways: conditions of success (standardized coefficients)
Notes: * p < .005; ** p < .001; total effects in parentheses
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Figure 2. Mediating pathways: individuals’ flexibility (standardized coefficients)
Notes: * p < .005; ** p < .001; total effect in parentheses
Discussion
The results of this study support the assumptions that free child play is in fact a
predictor of social success in adulthood. As expected, self-esteem and psychological health
were found to mediate this relationship. Moreover, the individual’s flexibility to adapt to
problems and obstacles that could not be overcome by active efforts (i.e.,
“accommodation” in terms of the two-process model of development; Brandtstädter and
Rothermund, 2002) was found to be a separate mediator of the positive relationship
between free play and social success.
To be clear, the degree of the correlation between play and success (r = .28, p < .01)
is not the point of our argument. Rather, the mere existence and significance of the
correlation is the precondition for the further steps (i.e., the mediator analyses). In
particular, we attempted to demonstrate that this correlation decreases when the mediators
(preconditions of success, flexibility) are added. It goes without saying that child play is
not the sole, nor perhaps even the most important predictor of social success. Actually, in
our view, the correlation we found in this study was surprisingly high for these “distant”
variables, strongly supporting the basic argument from the evolutionary developmental
perspective. The bivariate correlation between the proximal predictors of success was
higher – supporting our assumption that they are in fact proximal conditions.
Certainly, the present study is to be viewed as a first exploratory stepping stone into
this research perspective. In particular, certain limitations of the present study have to be
acknowledged. First, the sample size and the lack of control of the composition of the
sample necessitate the extension and replication of the present results. Since the present
study is cross-sectional, a longitudinal confirmation of the predictive value of child play is
particularly needed. Second, the retrospective assessment of free child play entails
methodical restrictions. Actually, the present data cannot exclude the possibility that social
success, health, and self-esteem cause more positive memories of one’s childhood. Yet,
even though this “reverse” effect on one’s memories seems plausible to a certain degree, it
is improbable that this effect alone accounts for the entire variance of the participants’
reports of their play as children. Rather, it seems reasonable to assume that these reports at
least partly reflect one’s actual experiences. Again, this problem can only be solved in a
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longitudinal study (e.g., using observational data). Third, quality and quantity both of child
play and of adult success could (and should) be assessed in a more fine-grained manner. In
particular, it will be important to distinguish both measures from other constructs (e.g., for
social success: social dependence vs. social support; for free play: general parenting
guidance and educational style vs. giving the possibility of free play), thus sharpening the
analyses of differential pathways for the individuals’ adaptivity and adaptation. Fourth,
objective indicators of social success (e.g., income, professional status) should be included
in future studies. Although effects of social desirability or self-boosting biases with respect
to self-reports of social success are expected to be constant (i.e., mean-level) effects,
additional indicators are expected to add further information about particular pathways of
child play’s effects. One interesting aspect here could be the transgenerational effect of
child play. Hence, further studies (with larger samples) should include some measures with
respect to the participants’ children (in the present study, just a relatively small proportion
of participants [n = 42] already had their own children, a number too small for substantial
analyses). Do the children of adults who experienced much opportunity to play experience
more opportunities as well? First results indicate that the children of more adaptive adults
show more adaptivity (“accommodation”; Thomsen and Greve, 2013).
Moreover, additional predictors of social (and evolutionary) success should be
included in future investigations (e.g., emotional balance, moral thinking, or social skills).
In particular, “assimilative” regulatory competencies as the second category of
metacompetencies predicting successful development should be important. In this respect,
free play as well as guided play (education) should be important to develop this capacity of
active problem solving (e.g., by means of varying strategies and efforts; Kopp, 1982;
Skinner and Zimmer-Gembeck, 2011). Finally, although it is plausible that the
heterogeneity and variability of the individuals’ experiences (as prototypically represented
in freely chosen child play) is a developmental condition for accommodative self-
regulatory capacities (Greve and Thomsen, 2013; Thomsen and Greve, 2013), there is more
to say about the development of adaptivity. Certainly, child play is just one of several
developmental conditions of individual adaptivity (Meyer and Greve, 2012). It would be
useful to include others, such as cognitive capabilities, in future studies. Whereas self-
esteem or mental health are necessary conditions of social success only under certain
circumstances (e.g., sometimes self-esteem that is too high may become detrimental;
Greve, 2000), individual adaptivity across the lifespan can arguably be seen as a supporting
condition in almost all circumstances and necessary in many constellations, in particular
when circumstances change. Here, we do need more empirical information on the adaptive
value (including possible limitations; Brandtstädter, 2007) of individual adaptivity.
One general limitation of the present study (and of many, if not most, studies within
the realm of evolutionary psychology) is the unavoidable restriction to ontogenetic answers
(analyses) for phylogenetic questions (hypotheses). The study corroborates the hypothesis
that free child play contributes to the development of the individual’s adaptivity, which, in
turn, contributes to the individual’s social success. This supports the hypothesis that the
development of individual adaptivity could be a particular advantage of adult humans and,
hence, an important part of the evolutionary explanation of the extended prereproductive
stages of human development. Though this line of argument is plausible, it is, of course,
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not a straight proof of the evolutionary hypothesis. However, for the time being this is all
we can get since longitudinal studies with a 300,000 year-interval are not yet available. In
any case, the present analyses, though preliminary in some respect, support the
considerations discussed in the first sections of the paper. A prolonged development
deserves explanation due to the risks associated with it. A possible explanation might be
that it opens the opportunity to develop both the components of psychological functioning
and individual adaptability necessary for social and, thus, evolutionary success.
Whether or not the ultimate evolutionary causes of certain developmental pathways
can be theoretically and empirically corroborated, the present results, though in need of
longitudinal and methodical confirmation, are in line with Bjorklund’s (2007) suggestion
that children and juveniles not only deserve, but in fact need, their childhood and youth in
general and possibilities of free, unguided, and unrestricted play in particular.
Received 10 September 2012; Revision submitted 07 March 2013; Accepted 26 July
2013
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