This document provides an introduction and literature review for a research paper that will examine inherent prejudices in refugee crises and policies using case studies of the current Syrian refugee crisis and World War II. The introduction outlines how the size and forced nature of recent migration flows have challenged global responses. The literature review discusses previous research on topics like state responsibility towards refugees, the role of international relations and institutions, and how examining past crises can inform understanding of current issues. The research will analyze primary and secondary sources to compare how Jewish refugees were treated in 1939 during World War II versus the post-war 1940s, focusing on responses from the US and UK.
Nationalism is a complex concept with no agreed-upon definition. It is generally associated with the French Revolution but some scholars argue it emerged earlier. Nationalism can be viewed as an abstract group identity or as a natural distinction between groups. It has been argued to have both constructive and destructive effects. While nationalism may promote isolation, some scholars believe it can also facilitate global integration as local identities are strengthened alongside growing international connections. The relationship between colonizers and colonized was sometimes positive with cultural exchange and economic development, contradicting arguments that colonialism inherently caused underdevelopment.
This document summarizes the perspectives of an Iranian feminist collective, Raha, on building solidarity with popular uprisings in Iran and the Middle East, while opposing foreign military intervention. It argues that the anti-war movement should stand in solidarity with struggles for self-determination and against state repression in Iran by recognizing the humanity and agency of the Iranian people. It critiques refusing to take a position on internal affairs in Iran as hypocritical and disconnecting the movement from social justice. The document advocates building grassroots cross-border solidarity instead of looking to governments or NGOs to support human rights.
1. The document summarizes Samuel Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" theory which argues that after the Cold War, cultural and religious identities will be the primary sources of global conflict, with the major divisions occurring between civilizations like Western, Islamic, and Sinic.
2. Huntington believed that while ideology was no longer driving global politics, cultural conflicts would replace ideological conflicts as the major lines of division. He argued the primary axis of future conflicts would be along cultural and religious lines between civilizations.
3. The document provides context on Huntington's theory and outlines some of the major civilizations he defined, while also noting criticism that his view was too simplistic and ignored other important drivers of conflict
Islam within europe, clash of civilizationsNari Hakobian
This document discusses Samuel Huntington's theory of a "clash of civilizations" between Western and Islamic cultures, specifically within the context of Muslim immigration to Europe. It outlines Huntington's assumptions, critiques of his theory, and alternative approaches proposed by thinkers like Francis Fukuyama who argue for liberal democracy and dialogue between civilizations. The document also examines the historical interactions between European and Muslim civilizations, debates around Muslim identity and integration in countries like Germany and the Netherlands, and whether a paradigm of civilizational clash accurately applies to the situation.
This report summarizes and analyzes Samuel Huntington's article "The Clash of Civilizations". Huntington argues that future conflicts will occur along cultural and religious lines between civilizations, rather than ideological or economic divisions. He defines civilizations based on common language, history, religion, and customs. Huntington predicts clashes between civilizations will increase due to factors like modernization weakening national identity, anti-Western sentiment, and economic regionalization fostering an "us vs. them" mentality. While conflicts may not all be violent, divisions along Islamic fault lines appear more threatening. The analysis discusses how kin-country rallying could exacerbate clashes and the implications of heightened civilization consciousness.
The document discusses Samuel Huntington's theory of a "clash of civilizations" between Western and Islamic societies. It provides an overview of Huntington's argument that civilizations will increasingly conflict along cultural and religious lines. However, it also critiques Huntington's thesis as overly simplistic. It argues he fails to recognize complexity within and between civilizations. While differences exist, the document suggests conflict arises more from extremism than civilizations themselves clashing. Overall, the summary critiques Huntington's framework as reductionist while acknowledging religious differences as an international issue.
The document discusses Samuel Huntington's theory of the clash of civilizations, focusing on the clash between Western and Islamic civilizations. It summarizes that Huntington argued civilizations are distinguished by factors like religion, and conflicts between civilizations will often be caused by religious differences. It then discusses how the 9/11 attacks highlighted the clash between the secular West and religious East. After 9/11, Islam became seen as a threat in the West, leading to Islamophobia and hate crimes against Muslims. The document concludes that multiculturalism is doomed to fail due to the irreconcilable differences between Western secularism and Eastern religious traditions.
Nationalism is a complex concept with no agreed-upon definition. It is generally associated with the French Revolution but some scholars argue it emerged earlier. Nationalism can be viewed as an abstract group identity or as a natural distinction between groups. It has been argued to have both constructive and destructive effects. While nationalism may promote isolation, some scholars believe it can also facilitate global integration as local identities are strengthened alongside growing international connections. The relationship between colonizers and colonized was sometimes positive with cultural exchange and economic development, contradicting arguments that colonialism inherently caused underdevelopment.
This document summarizes the perspectives of an Iranian feminist collective, Raha, on building solidarity with popular uprisings in Iran and the Middle East, while opposing foreign military intervention. It argues that the anti-war movement should stand in solidarity with struggles for self-determination and against state repression in Iran by recognizing the humanity and agency of the Iranian people. It critiques refusing to take a position on internal affairs in Iran as hypocritical and disconnecting the movement from social justice. The document advocates building grassroots cross-border solidarity instead of looking to governments or NGOs to support human rights.
1. The document summarizes Samuel Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" theory which argues that after the Cold War, cultural and religious identities will be the primary sources of global conflict, with the major divisions occurring between civilizations like Western, Islamic, and Sinic.
2. Huntington believed that while ideology was no longer driving global politics, cultural conflicts would replace ideological conflicts as the major lines of division. He argued the primary axis of future conflicts would be along cultural and religious lines between civilizations.
3. The document provides context on Huntington's theory and outlines some of the major civilizations he defined, while also noting criticism that his view was too simplistic and ignored other important drivers of conflict
Islam within europe, clash of civilizationsNari Hakobian
This document discusses Samuel Huntington's theory of a "clash of civilizations" between Western and Islamic cultures, specifically within the context of Muslim immigration to Europe. It outlines Huntington's assumptions, critiques of his theory, and alternative approaches proposed by thinkers like Francis Fukuyama who argue for liberal democracy and dialogue between civilizations. The document also examines the historical interactions between European and Muslim civilizations, debates around Muslim identity and integration in countries like Germany and the Netherlands, and whether a paradigm of civilizational clash accurately applies to the situation.
This report summarizes and analyzes Samuel Huntington's article "The Clash of Civilizations". Huntington argues that future conflicts will occur along cultural and religious lines between civilizations, rather than ideological or economic divisions. He defines civilizations based on common language, history, religion, and customs. Huntington predicts clashes between civilizations will increase due to factors like modernization weakening national identity, anti-Western sentiment, and economic regionalization fostering an "us vs. them" mentality. While conflicts may not all be violent, divisions along Islamic fault lines appear more threatening. The analysis discusses how kin-country rallying could exacerbate clashes and the implications of heightened civilization consciousness.
The document discusses Samuel Huntington's theory of a "clash of civilizations" between Western and Islamic societies. It provides an overview of Huntington's argument that civilizations will increasingly conflict along cultural and religious lines. However, it also critiques Huntington's thesis as overly simplistic. It argues he fails to recognize complexity within and between civilizations. While differences exist, the document suggests conflict arises more from extremism than civilizations themselves clashing. Overall, the summary critiques Huntington's framework as reductionist while acknowledging religious differences as an international issue.
The document discusses Samuel Huntington's theory of the clash of civilizations, focusing on the clash between Western and Islamic civilizations. It summarizes that Huntington argued civilizations are distinguished by factors like religion, and conflicts between civilizations will often be caused by religious differences. It then discusses how the 9/11 attacks highlighted the clash between the secular West and religious East. After 9/11, Islam became seen as a threat in the West, leading to Islamophobia and hate crimes against Muslims. The document concludes that multiculturalism is doomed to fail due to the irreconcilable differences between Western secularism and Eastern religious traditions.
The Book Review of The Clash of Civilization & The Remarking of World Order (...Dipty Debnath
This document provides a book review and analysis of Samuel Huntington's 1996 book "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order". The review summarizes Huntington's main thesis that in the post-Cold War world, the primary divisions and conflicts will be along cultural and civilizational lines, with the main fault lines occurring between Western, Orthodox, Sinic, Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, and Latin American civilizations. The review then analyzes and critiques several aspects of Huntington's thesis, arguing that many of the civilizations he identifies may Westernize over time and not remain in conflict with the West. The review saves its most extensive critique for Huntington's inclusion of Islam as a civilization, arguing that trying to
Presentation managing in a rural context 2004Peter Franks
These notes from the frontier challenge management approaches at all levels, from the management of international relations to the management of an enterprise. Building on a growing literature which questions the so-called Eurocentric approach, this essay challenges the adequacy of political correctness in this furious debate, which has come to so dominate the globalisation thrust of the developed world. These notes from the frontier are presented from the particular frontier in which the author lives and works. To some extent it is a personal observation, but one grounded in research, scholarship and participant observation. The notes bring together a number of observations both of the particular frontier of the author as well as those in the USA, Canada, Europe, Asia, Mexico and elsewhere in Africa. It is a work in progress that attempts to reflect upon the dynamics that underlie the emerging crisis of cultural understanding and misunderstanding in order to find ways to ameliorate the inevitable conflicts if something does not change.
A thorough analysis on Samuel P. Huntington's, Clash of Civilizations. The presentation starts with some basic information on the writer, the nature and history of civilizations as well as the basic reasons of their conflict. It continues with presenting and criticizing specific topics imposed by the writer and ends with our own ideas and implications based on the work of Samuel P. Huntington.
Samuel Huntington was an influential American political scientist known for his theory of a post-Cold War world order outlined in his 1993 article "The Clash of Civilizations?" and subsequent 1996 book. He argued that future conflicts would occur along cultural and religious lines between major civilizations, namely Western, Orthodox, Islamic, Hindu, African, and Sinic civilizations. Huntington defined civilizations based on religion, language, history, and values. He believed the most prevalent conflicts would be between Islamic and non-Islamic civilizations due to factors like religious differences and the Islamic resurgence. His thesis was influential but also highly criticized for overgeneralizing cultures and ignoring internal political factors driving conflicts.
Conquest through immigration-george_w_robnett-1968-404pgs-pol-relRareBooksnRecords
This document provides an overview and table of contents for a book titled "Conquest Through Immigration: How Zionism Turned Palestine Into a Jewish State". The summary includes:
1) The book aims to document how political Zionism used immigration, politics, and military action to establish Israel as a Jewish state in Palestine despite Arab opposition.
2) It outlines 20 chapters that will examine the roles of Zionism, Britain, the US, and other forces in the Zionist-Arab conflict over Palestine from the late 19th century to the 1948 war.
3) The introduction explains that the book seeks to shed light on important historical events that have been "swept under the carpet", including the plight of Palestinian
This document provides an overview of required readings and core concepts for a university course on identity and representation. It summarizes key points from several of the assigned readings, including discussions on the power of images in war reporting and managing visibility of suffering in the media. It also examines concepts like racism, Eurocentrism, and paternalism in media portrayals. Specifically, it analyzes how media coverage constructs identities of people in Afghanistan and Africa. The document aims to outline important topics and perspectives that will be covered during the course.
When victims rule a critique of jewish pre-eminence in americaAnonDownload
This document discusses several topics related to perceptions of Jewish influence and power, as well as criticism of those perceptions. It argues that open discussion of controversial issues should be allowed without accusations of anti-Semitism. It acknowledges that Jews have held significant social, cultural, economic and political influence, and questions whether that level of influence is healthy for democracy. It suggests some criticisms of Jewish actions in the past have been justified rather than the result of irrational bigotry. Overall, it takes the position that censorship and intimidation tactics should not be used to prevent legitimate criticism or investigation of these issues.
Huntington argued that after the Cold War, conflict would arise from cultural divisions between eight major civilizations. However, his view was criticized by Edward Said and Fouad Ajami for being overly broad and promoting isolationism. Said argued Huntington ignored diversity within civilizations and promoted xenophobia. Ajami believed states would prioritize their own interests over cultural ties. The document concludes Huntington was wrong and the best paradigm is that states will inevitably interact and pursue self-interest in an interdependent global economy.
The Enemy Within: United States news framing of the Boston bombingsAlice C Woodward
The document discusses media framing of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings, analyzing how 10 news articles from major US newspapers and CNN portrayed America's victimhood and the identity of the perpetrators in the days after the attack. On the first day when the perpetrators were unknown, some articles implicitly connected the bombings to Islamic terrorism through references to 9/11. The articles also constructed an emotive narrative of American patriotism and victimhood through vivid imagery and historical references. After the suspects were identified as Chechen brothers, coverage shifted to framing them as foreign enemies from the Caucasus region.
1) The document discusses Black women radicals in the early-to-mid 20th century who practiced a form of "Black internationalism" and advocated for the liberation of Black women globally.
2) Key figures discussed include Audley "Queen Mother" Moore, who gave a speech in 1972 calling for solidarity between Black women facing oppression in different parts of the world.
3) These Black women radicals developed an early form of intersectional Black Left feminism within Communist organizations that centered Black women's experiences of racial, gender, and class oppression.
4) They sought to build transnational political solidarity networks between women of color globally and advance a vision of emancipation that transcended national boundaries in pursuit of universal
The document discusses the ethics of hibakusha victims of nuclear weapons and argues that their narrative of "nuclear universalism" and calls for reconciliation over aggression challenge the realpolitik framework of nation-states. It analyzes how collective memories are shaped by symbols and narratives that are selectively promoted to legitimize political stances. The hibakusha ethics perspective contends that nuclear weapons affect all humanity and advocates non-violent approaches, but this view has not entered mainstream international discourse dominated by justifications for state power.
The document summarizes the origins of the current refugee crisis, arguing that it was engineered by the US starting in 2007 to destabilize the Middle East and North Africa region. It claims the US planned and funded uprisings in the region, known as the Arab Spring, and supported rebel groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS to overthrow governments. This led to ongoing violence and destruction in places like Libya and Syria, intentionally creating a wave of refugees. Turkey has played a key role by hosting over 2 million refugees and maintaining an open border policy, allowing refugees to flood into Europe on cue to further political goals like pressuring EU support for regime change in Syria.
This document summarizes and critiques Samuel Huntington's theory of a "Clash of Civilizations". It outlines Huntington's division of the world into major civilizations and his premise that conflicts will emerge along fault lines between these civilizations. The document critiques Huntington's perspective as overly simplistic, arguing it ignores cross-civilization exchanges and portrays non-Western civilizations in an adversarial manner to justify Western military dominance. Overall, the document casts doubt on Huntington's thesis by highlighting its ideological biases and lack of nuance.
This document discusses conceptions of ethnicity in early medieval studies. It summarizes that traditionally, ethnic groups were seen as homogeneous populations sharing a common ancestry and language within a state. However, recent research has found that early medieval peoples were often polyethnic and incorporated people of various origins. Ethnic identity was also situational and dynamic, as people could change or have ambiguous ethnic affiliations. The document argues ethnicity should be viewed as the result of historical and social processes rather than innate characteristics.
The document discusses the concept of cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan social democracy. It traces the origins of cosmopolitanism back to ancient Greek philosophers. It examines Kant's formulation of cosmopolitan right and defines cosmopolitanism as the ideology that all humans belong to a single community based on shared morality. The document then analyzes the regulatory principles of cosmopolitan social democracy, such as egalitarianism and treating all individuals with equal worth. However, critics argue that cosmopolitan social democracy is inappropriate, impractical, and irrelevant given cultural diversity and challenges of effective global governance.
This document discusses different types of domestic terrorism in the United States, including left-wing, right-wing, religiously motivated, and issue-based terrorism. It provides information on the characteristics, motivations, and political contexts of various domestic terrorist groups and incidents from the 1980s to present day. Key points include that right-wing terrorism has increasingly overtaken left-wing extremism as the most prevalent form of domestic terrorism, and that terrorist violence is often linked to feelings of political alienation and a lack of representation.
Terrorist behavior: Terrorists personalities reveal aggressiveness, a degree of flawed self-concept, a tendency to blame and scapegoat others, and a proneness to failure.
Words on International Organization: A Rhetorical Analysis of Nationalist Lea...Kirstin Anderson
This document provides context for analyzing the rhetoric of nationalist leaders in the US, UK, and France regarding international organizations. It discusses the rise of nationalist sentiment in these countries through figures like Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, and Brexit. The research question examines how these leaders rhetorically address international organizations in speeches. It hypothesizes some cultural differences but similar views in support of nationalism. The document reviews literature on nationalist movements and political communication to provide background and establish the analytical framework.
This document examines the causes of the 2011 Arab uprisings by testing the relationship between economic grievances, social fragmentation, and mass movement in the Arab world. It analyzes how class-based (horizontal) cleavages related to economic factors like corruption and unemployment compare to group-based (vertical) cleavages along ethnic, tribal and religious lines in predicting popular uprisings. The document reviews literature on the impact of both types of social divisions, finding that only perceptions of corruption were significantly linked to the Arab uprisings, while both high and low levels of ethnic fragmentation were also correlated with mass movement. Tribalism was found to negatively impact protests but it is unclear if this is due to regime type.
Desenvolvimento econômico meio_ambiente_e_constituição_federal_de_1988Natalia Araújo Storck
1) O documento discute os fundamentos do desenvolvimento econômico atual e o neoliberalismo, destacando como a Guerra Fria estimulou o crescimento econômico nos Estados Unidos e União Soviética de forma irresponsável com o meio ambiente.
2) A cultura do consumo que surgiu após a Segunda Guerra Mundial intensificou a exploração dos recursos naturais e a poluição.
3) Grandes corporações exploram irresponsavelmente os recursos e as pessoas em países subdesenvolvidos, comprometendo o
The Book Review of The Clash of Civilization & The Remarking of World Order (...Dipty Debnath
This document provides a book review and analysis of Samuel Huntington's 1996 book "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order". The review summarizes Huntington's main thesis that in the post-Cold War world, the primary divisions and conflicts will be along cultural and civilizational lines, with the main fault lines occurring between Western, Orthodox, Sinic, Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, and Latin American civilizations. The review then analyzes and critiques several aspects of Huntington's thesis, arguing that many of the civilizations he identifies may Westernize over time and not remain in conflict with the West. The review saves its most extensive critique for Huntington's inclusion of Islam as a civilization, arguing that trying to
Presentation managing in a rural context 2004Peter Franks
These notes from the frontier challenge management approaches at all levels, from the management of international relations to the management of an enterprise. Building on a growing literature which questions the so-called Eurocentric approach, this essay challenges the adequacy of political correctness in this furious debate, which has come to so dominate the globalisation thrust of the developed world. These notes from the frontier are presented from the particular frontier in which the author lives and works. To some extent it is a personal observation, but one grounded in research, scholarship and participant observation. The notes bring together a number of observations both of the particular frontier of the author as well as those in the USA, Canada, Europe, Asia, Mexico and elsewhere in Africa. It is a work in progress that attempts to reflect upon the dynamics that underlie the emerging crisis of cultural understanding and misunderstanding in order to find ways to ameliorate the inevitable conflicts if something does not change.
A thorough analysis on Samuel P. Huntington's, Clash of Civilizations. The presentation starts with some basic information on the writer, the nature and history of civilizations as well as the basic reasons of their conflict. It continues with presenting and criticizing specific topics imposed by the writer and ends with our own ideas and implications based on the work of Samuel P. Huntington.
Samuel Huntington was an influential American political scientist known for his theory of a post-Cold War world order outlined in his 1993 article "The Clash of Civilizations?" and subsequent 1996 book. He argued that future conflicts would occur along cultural and religious lines between major civilizations, namely Western, Orthodox, Islamic, Hindu, African, and Sinic civilizations. Huntington defined civilizations based on religion, language, history, and values. He believed the most prevalent conflicts would be between Islamic and non-Islamic civilizations due to factors like religious differences and the Islamic resurgence. His thesis was influential but also highly criticized for overgeneralizing cultures and ignoring internal political factors driving conflicts.
Conquest through immigration-george_w_robnett-1968-404pgs-pol-relRareBooksnRecords
This document provides an overview and table of contents for a book titled "Conquest Through Immigration: How Zionism Turned Palestine Into a Jewish State". The summary includes:
1) The book aims to document how political Zionism used immigration, politics, and military action to establish Israel as a Jewish state in Palestine despite Arab opposition.
2) It outlines 20 chapters that will examine the roles of Zionism, Britain, the US, and other forces in the Zionist-Arab conflict over Palestine from the late 19th century to the 1948 war.
3) The introduction explains that the book seeks to shed light on important historical events that have been "swept under the carpet", including the plight of Palestinian
This document provides an overview of required readings and core concepts for a university course on identity and representation. It summarizes key points from several of the assigned readings, including discussions on the power of images in war reporting and managing visibility of suffering in the media. It also examines concepts like racism, Eurocentrism, and paternalism in media portrayals. Specifically, it analyzes how media coverage constructs identities of people in Afghanistan and Africa. The document aims to outline important topics and perspectives that will be covered during the course.
When victims rule a critique of jewish pre-eminence in americaAnonDownload
This document discusses several topics related to perceptions of Jewish influence and power, as well as criticism of those perceptions. It argues that open discussion of controversial issues should be allowed without accusations of anti-Semitism. It acknowledges that Jews have held significant social, cultural, economic and political influence, and questions whether that level of influence is healthy for democracy. It suggests some criticisms of Jewish actions in the past have been justified rather than the result of irrational bigotry. Overall, it takes the position that censorship and intimidation tactics should not be used to prevent legitimate criticism or investigation of these issues.
Huntington argued that after the Cold War, conflict would arise from cultural divisions between eight major civilizations. However, his view was criticized by Edward Said and Fouad Ajami for being overly broad and promoting isolationism. Said argued Huntington ignored diversity within civilizations and promoted xenophobia. Ajami believed states would prioritize their own interests over cultural ties. The document concludes Huntington was wrong and the best paradigm is that states will inevitably interact and pursue self-interest in an interdependent global economy.
The Enemy Within: United States news framing of the Boston bombingsAlice C Woodward
The document discusses media framing of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings, analyzing how 10 news articles from major US newspapers and CNN portrayed America's victimhood and the identity of the perpetrators in the days after the attack. On the first day when the perpetrators were unknown, some articles implicitly connected the bombings to Islamic terrorism through references to 9/11. The articles also constructed an emotive narrative of American patriotism and victimhood through vivid imagery and historical references. After the suspects were identified as Chechen brothers, coverage shifted to framing them as foreign enemies from the Caucasus region.
1) The document discusses Black women radicals in the early-to-mid 20th century who practiced a form of "Black internationalism" and advocated for the liberation of Black women globally.
2) Key figures discussed include Audley "Queen Mother" Moore, who gave a speech in 1972 calling for solidarity between Black women facing oppression in different parts of the world.
3) These Black women radicals developed an early form of intersectional Black Left feminism within Communist organizations that centered Black women's experiences of racial, gender, and class oppression.
4) They sought to build transnational political solidarity networks between women of color globally and advance a vision of emancipation that transcended national boundaries in pursuit of universal
The document discusses the ethics of hibakusha victims of nuclear weapons and argues that their narrative of "nuclear universalism" and calls for reconciliation over aggression challenge the realpolitik framework of nation-states. It analyzes how collective memories are shaped by symbols and narratives that are selectively promoted to legitimize political stances. The hibakusha ethics perspective contends that nuclear weapons affect all humanity and advocates non-violent approaches, but this view has not entered mainstream international discourse dominated by justifications for state power.
The document summarizes the origins of the current refugee crisis, arguing that it was engineered by the US starting in 2007 to destabilize the Middle East and North Africa region. It claims the US planned and funded uprisings in the region, known as the Arab Spring, and supported rebel groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS to overthrow governments. This led to ongoing violence and destruction in places like Libya and Syria, intentionally creating a wave of refugees. Turkey has played a key role by hosting over 2 million refugees and maintaining an open border policy, allowing refugees to flood into Europe on cue to further political goals like pressuring EU support for regime change in Syria.
This document summarizes and critiques Samuel Huntington's theory of a "Clash of Civilizations". It outlines Huntington's division of the world into major civilizations and his premise that conflicts will emerge along fault lines between these civilizations. The document critiques Huntington's perspective as overly simplistic, arguing it ignores cross-civilization exchanges and portrays non-Western civilizations in an adversarial manner to justify Western military dominance. Overall, the document casts doubt on Huntington's thesis by highlighting its ideological biases and lack of nuance.
This document discusses conceptions of ethnicity in early medieval studies. It summarizes that traditionally, ethnic groups were seen as homogeneous populations sharing a common ancestry and language within a state. However, recent research has found that early medieval peoples were often polyethnic and incorporated people of various origins. Ethnic identity was also situational and dynamic, as people could change or have ambiguous ethnic affiliations. The document argues ethnicity should be viewed as the result of historical and social processes rather than innate characteristics.
The document discusses the concept of cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan social democracy. It traces the origins of cosmopolitanism back to ancient Greek philosophers. It examines Kant's formulation of cosmopolitan right and defines cosmopolitanism as the ideology that all humans belong to a single community based on shared morality. The document then analyzes the regulatory principles of cosmopolitan social democracy, such as egalitarianism and treating all individuals with equal worth. However, critics argue that cosmopolitan social democracy is inappropriate, impractical, and irrelevant given cultural diversity and challenges of effective global governance.
This document discusses different types of domestic terrorism in the United States, including left-wing, right-wing, religiously motivated, and issue-based terrorism. It provides information on the characteristics, motivations, and political contexts of various domestic terrorist groups and incidents from the 1980s to present day. Key points include that right-wing terrorism has increasingly overtaken left-wing extremism as the most prevalent form of domestic terrorism, and that terrorist violence is often linked to feelings of political alienation and a lack of representation.
Terrorist behavior: Terrorists personalities reveal aggressiveness, a degree of flawed self-concept, a tendency to blame and scapegoat others, and a proneness to failure.
Words on International Organization: A Rhetorical Analysis of Nationalist Lea...Kirstin Anderson
This document provides context for analyzing the rhetoric of nationalist leaders in the US, UK, and France regarding international organizations. It discusses the rise of nationalist sentiment in these countries through figures like Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, and Brexit. The research question examines how these leaders rhetorically address international organizations in speeches. It hypothesizes some cultural differences but similar views in support of nationalism. The document reviews literature on nationalist movements and political communication to provide background and establish the analytical framework.
This document examines the causes of the 2011 Arab uprisings by testing the relationship between economic grievances, social fragmentation, and mass movement in the Arab world. It analyzes how class-based (horizontal) cleavages related to economic factors like corruption and unemployment compare to group-based (vertical) cleavages along ethnic, tribal and religious lines in predicting popular uprisings. The document reviews literature on the impact of both types of social divisions, finding that only perceptions of corruption were significantly linked to the Arab uprisings, while both high and low levels of ethnic fragmentation were also correlated with mass movement. Tribalism was found to negatively impact protests but it is unclear if this is due to regime type.
Desenvolvimento econômico meio_ambiente_e_constituição_federal_de_1988Natalia Araújo Storck
1) O documento discute os fundamentos do desenvolvimento econômico atual e o neoliberalismo, destacando como a Guerra Fria estimulou o crescimento econômico nos Estados Unidos e União Soviética de forma irresponsável com o meio ambiente.
2) A cultura do consumo que surgiu após a Segunda Guerra Mundial intensificou a exploração dos recursos naturais e a poluição.
3) Grandes corporações exploram irresponsavelmente os recursos e as pessoas em países subdesenvolvidos, comprometendo o
This document provides an analysis of internationalizing the Quella bicycle brand into the Italian market. It begins with an introduction of Quella and justification for why internationalization is being considered. The analysis then examines key aspects of entering the Italian market, including social/cultural, legal/regulatory, economic, political, and technological factors. Segmentation, targeting, positioning, market entry strategy, and a full marketing mix plan are proposed to support entering Italy. The plan includes budgets, objectives, and a monitoring system for the first three years.
Case Study - Currency from the Cloud: Security & Compliance for Payment ProviderArmor
Steve Roderick, CEO of gotoBilling, differentiates his end-to-end software payment service in a highly competitive marketplace. How? He trusts a formula that’s a critical component of every business. Sound security — particularly when properly layered — helps organizations defend against breach, protect their brands, ensure compliance and avoid fines. And it’s a message that’s resonating with customers and winning business.
The document discusses migrating from Magento 1 to Magento 2. It recommends treating the migration as a platform switch rather than a 1:1 copy, deciding what data to keep, and rethinking strategies and goals. It also covers using the official migration tools to migrate code, data, and settings in a multi-step process, and highlights some common challenges like mapping customizations and third-party extensions.
Makayla Meador, known professionally as Evergreen, is an electronic music producer based in Eugene, Oregon. After years of vocal and keyboard training, she launched her career as a DJ, performing at various local venues and festivals. In just ten months of producing her own music, Evergreen landed a coveted opening spot at the 2016 Mad Decent Block Party in Eugene, performing alongside major artists like Tiësto and Dillon Francis. She continues to work on solo projects and collaborations while playing shows across Oregon.
This document discusses identity and how it relates to terrorism in Europe. It argues that while some see a pan-Islamic identity or "Ummah" as fueling terrorism, in reality religious identity is complex and multifaceted. Terrorism is often motivated more by political goals than religious teachings. The document also discusses how globalization and transnational relations were expected to foster more cosmopolitan identities and cooperation, but instead ethnic and cultural conflicts have increased as identities become more isolated. It analyzes how immigrants and their descendants in Europe struggle with competing identities in their new environments.
This lecture provides with an overview over the position of radicalization within International Relations. How can we approach the issue of radicalization from the perspectives of the international system?
Article
Decolonial Designs: José Martı́,
Hò̂ Chı́ Minh, and Global
Entanglements
Quỳnh N. Pha
˙
m1 and Marı́a José Méndez1
Abstract
Drawing on the writings of two prominent political thinkers and activists, José Martı́ and Hò̂ Chı́
Minh, our article foregrounds the imaginative crossings, ethical–political inspirations, and mutual
learning among the colonized. Although embedded in different histories, both Martı́’s and Hò̂’s
writings evince an insurgent solidarity with others under colonial enslavement. They evoke con-
ceptions of self-determination and relationality that are strikingly global rather than national or
regional. Going beyond affinities of insurgency, we also investigate critical moments of silence and
effacement in Martı́’s and Hò̂’s engagement with subaltern groups. In weaving their anticolonial
visions together as well as examining their limitations, we seek to sketch the contours of an
alternative, non-Eurocentric international relations.
Keywords
decolonization, solidarity, José Martı́, Hò̂ Chı́ Minh, global political thought, subaltern politics
Global Crossings
In April 1976, affirming Cuba’s commitment to support the armed struggle in Angola, Fidel Castro
observed: “In Africa, Cuban blood was shed alongside the heroic fighters of Angola, that of the chil-
dren of Martí, Maceo and Agramonte, that of those who inherited the international blood of Gómez
and el Che Guevara. Those who one day enslaved men and sent them to America, never imagined that
one of those pueblos who received the slaves, would send their combatants to fight for freedom in
Africa.”1 Postcolonial theorists of International Relations (IR) have argued that the discipline of IR
has been predicated on a systematic amnesia of transatlantic slavery and how it constitutively marked
the modern (post-Columbian) world along with the question of race in global politics.2 Castro’s
remembrance of the transatlantic crossing of European slave ships contrasts with such amnesia. But
more importantly for us, he pointed out what was unimaginable for the former enslavers: cross-
oceanic solidarities among the once enslaved. While much of postcolonial literature counters what
Edward Said calls the “consolidated visions” of empire by reminding us of the hybridity and “inter-
twined histories” that mutually constitute the metropole and the colony, in this article, we point to
1Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Corresponding Author:
Quỳnh N. Pha
˙
m, Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA.
Email: [email protected]
Alternatives: Global, Local, Political
2015, Vol. 40(2) 156-173
ª The Author(s) 2015
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The document discusses the European refugee crisis and its impact on human security and identity in Europe. It notes the intensifying conflicts in the Middle East and Northern Africa have led to a lack of human security for many people, forcing them to flee as refugees to Europe. However, anti-refugee sentiments are rising in Europe as the influx of refugees is accelerating an identity crisis for many EU citizens and challenging their sense of security. The document examines this issue through cases in Germany and Poland and recommends the "New Reality Initiative" to address concerns through information sharing and promoting mutual understanding between citizens and refugees.
This document provides an introduction to the book "The Milner-Fabian Conspiracy" which aims to expand on previous works detailing an international elite that seeks to dominate the world. The introduction outlines how the book will examine socialism and its links to events like the Russian Revolution and World Wars. It will also analyze modern issues like immigration, multiculturalism, and Islamization which are negatively impacting populations. The goal is to provide information to encourage political debate and action to combat tyranny and reestablish democracy and freedom.
The document discusses the evolution and role of cities throughout history as a European invention. Cities helped form identities in the past and this could help unite Europe. Contemporary Europe includes diverse cultures that cities are best equipped to cope with. Essential values like democracy and citizenship emerged from cities. Cities act as melting pots that produce new ideas through architecture, planning and the mixing of people and cultures. Nationalism later reduced cities' autonomy but their role in identity formation remains important.
The chapter discusses the complex relationship between political Islam, modernity, and the West. It notes there is an ongoing battle over how to reconcile Islam with modernity. This struggle is taking place not just in Muslim-majority countries but also among Muslim communities in Western nations. Major events since the 1990s have intensified the quest for Muslim identity with regards to tradition versus modernity. While modernity has advanced ideas of liberation, it has also led to some of the most violent practices. Muslims have generally accepted aspects of modernity but not always willingly, and reactionary fundamentalism has sometimes emerged in response to the imposition of modernizing reforms.
This article analyzes Israel's bellicose defense policies through the lens of constructivism. It argues that Israel views threats existentially due to Jewish history, including recent oppression like pogroms and the Holocaust. Several Jewish holidays commemorate violent events of genocide, diaspora, and enslavement, promoting the perception that Jews must take action to defend themselves. This shapes Israel's identity and threat perception, explaining its preemptive strike in the Six-Day War as a defensive measure against what it viewed as existential threats from surrounding Arab states like Egypt closing shipping lanes. The article aims to understand rather than criticize Israeli policy by acknowledging how Jewish history informs Israel's worldview.
The document discusses the Rwandan genocide of 1994. It provides background on the ethnic tensions between Hutus and Tutsis that were exacerbated by Belgian colonialism. Over 500,000 people were killed during the 100-day genocide. The UN failed to prevent the genocide despite warnings. Issues of truth, justice, and reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda are also examined.
1) The document discusses how views of the end of history and the universalization of Western liberal democracy have changed since the late 1980s.
2) It then examines the nature of modern terrorism, noting that today's terrorists have no clear geographic base and fight for a combination of causes.
3) A major part of the discussion focuses on immigration and identity issues, particularly for third generation Muslim immigrants in the UK, and how this may relate to radicalization.
Conflict Between The People, Requiring Body And The...Sharon Roberts
This document discusses potential solutions to conflicts that arise during the land acquisition process. It proposes dividing the acquisition process into three stages: pre-acquisition, acquisition, and post-acquisition. The pre-acquisition stage would deal with evaluating the need for acquisition and assessing compensation. The acquisition stage would be the legal transfer of land. The post-acquisition stage would focus on addressing socio-economic and psychological issues from displacement. Dividing the process aims to allow for specialization and address issues at each step.
GrobalRaciality-Preface+Intro.pdf
Global Raciality
Global Raciality expands our understanding of race, space, and place by
exploring forms of racism and anti-racist resistance worldwide. Contributors
address neoliberalism; settler colonialism; race, class, and gender inter-
sectionality; immigrant rights; Islamophobia; and homonationalism; and
investigate the dynamic forces propelling anti-racist solidarity and resist-
ance cultures. Midway through the Trump years and with a rise in nativist
fervor across the globe, this expanded approach captures the creativity and
variety found in the fight against racism we see the world over.
Chapters focus on both the immersive global trajectories of race and
racism, and the international variation in contemporary configurations of
racialized experience. Race, class, and gender identities may not only be
distinctive, they can extend across borders, continents, and oceans with
remarkable demonstrations of solidarity happening all over the world.
Palestinians, Black Panthers, Dalit, Native Americans, and Indian feminists
among others meet and interact in this context. Intersections between race
and such forms of power as colonialism and empire, capitalism, gender,
sexuality, religion, and class are examined and compared across different
national and global contexts. It is in this robust and comparative analytical
approach that Global Raciality reframes conventional studies on postcolo-
nial regimes and racial identities and expression.
Paola Bacchetta is Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies, and affili-
ated faculty within the Center for Race and Gender; the Center for South
Asia Studies; the Center for Middle Eastern Studies; and the Center for the
Study of Sexual Cultures at the University of California, Berkeley.
Sunaina Maira is Professor of Asian American Studies, and affiliated fac-
ulty within the Middle East/South Asia Studies Program and the Cultural
Studies Graduate Group at the University of California, Davis.
Howard Winant is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University
of California, Santa Barbara, where he is also affiliated with the Black Studies,
Chicana/o Studies, and Asian American Studies departments. He founded
and directed the University of California Center for New Racial Studies.
New Racial Studies
The University of California
Center for New Racial Studies
This series of research publications focuses on the shifting and contradic-
tory meaning of race in the aftermath of the massive racial upheavals that
followed World War II: civil rights, anti-apartheid, major demographic
shifts, decolonialization, significant inclusionary reforms and expansions
of political rights on the one hand, combined with reinvented but still
extremely deep-rooted patterns of structural racism, racial inequality, and
“post-” imperial formations on the other hand.
Global Raciality (2019)
Empire, Postcoloniality, Decoloniality
Edited by Paola Bacchetta, S ...
1. Inherent Prejudice in the Case of Refugee Crises and Refugee Policy: An
Examination of Present Day Syria and World War II.
By: Carly Tucker
SISU-306-019
Professor Adcock
May 2, 2016
2. 2
Introduction
The concept of migration is not new to the world. We have seen the movement of people
across borders for hundreds of years, however, when the size of migration flows becomes forced
and unprecedented, the world is left disillusioned in how to react. As the international
community continues to bare witness to one of the world’s largest and most unsettled refugee
movements in Syria and the European Union, the troublesome questions of how to act and what
to do with millions of people arises. Has this been the case with other refugee flows and crises?
In this research paper, I encounter and seek to find an answer to the question of whether or not a
country’s refugee policies are based on mere prejudices or if many of these countries cannot
sustain any level of refugees and therefore are much harsher on refugees and their treatment of
them. In looking to past refugee crises, particularly from World War II, I intend to illustrate
through both a neo-positivist and interpretivist framework how the tensions we see today are not
new; that there tends to be more prejudicial undertones and a lack of responsibility and reasoning
for select country’s policies.
As the chaos and the crises ensue, more and more contemporary discourse is being
established regarding the morality of acting, in addition to conversations regarding the crippling
infrastructure of countries that cannot support refugees. These discourses, combined with past
scholarly research on migration crises, such as World War II, when the world saw an
unprecedented amount of uprooted people, and the incentive to act, creates a dialogue among
scholars, analysts, and researchers. I have investigated two cases of refugees: the Jewish refugees
of 1939 and the Jewish refugees of the late 1940’s. These two cases demonstrate a complete re-
orientation of Jewish refugee treatment in the post-war era. By examining what went wrong and
the changes that occurred will help to better understand and explain the contemporary crisis in
3. 3
Syria and the European Union. In my analysis and research of primary sources from World War
II and subsequent secondary scholarship that has followed in the post-war era, I have determined
that it is inherent prejudices within a country that reinforces a crisis.
Today’s Syrian refugee movement into Europe is a stark reminder of the World War II
refugee crisis some 75 years earlier. The European Union and neighboring Middle Eastern
countries have bore the brunt of Syria’s refugees, however, the allocation of refugees has been
disproportionate across borders resulting in paltry disputes amongst countries, governments, and
citizens. Thane lack of burden sharing and overwhelming amount of negative discourse has
intensified not only the crisis itself but also the dialogue surrounding the crisis. The case of
Syria brings to the forefront the debate between morality and rationality when responding to and
constructing policy toward refugees. Why are some countries willing to harbor and provide
haven to refugees while other countries are adamantly opposed? Are refugees turned away and
barred from countries on the merits of race and ethnicity? Do states have a moral obligation to
assist and offer haven to citizens that are not their own? These are amongst some of the many
questions this paper answers through careful discursive analysis and a neo-positivism lens.
Literature Review
In doing an analysis of the past, I have read and analyzed much of the scholarly responses
to both the World War II refugee crisis and refugee hood and crises in general. In his book The
Ethics and Politics of Asylum: Liberal Democracy and the Response to Refugees, Matthew J.
Gibney (2004) illustrates how the issue of refugee migrations is one that is politically
controversial and morally important. He compares Western responses to refugees as a “kind of
schizophrenia” stating that “great importance is attached to the principle of asylum but
4. 4
enormous efforts are made to ensure that refugees never reach the territory of the state where
they could receive its protection” (Gibney, 2). His book seeks to reflect what a morally
acceptable response to refugees would be by shedding light on policies and advocating for a
pragmatic shift towards humanitarianism.1
Liberal developed democracies have a responsibility
to assist and provide assistance to refugees, as many of them have signed on to and adopted the
UNHCR Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, a convention that was a result of the
crisis of World War II. It entails states offering asylum to those persons defined as refugees.
These democracies and developed states, however, do not always abide by the convention they
signed. Hannah Arendt exposes the role that European powers played after World War II in
effectively depriving refugees fleeing their homelands from obtaining a new one. Arendt’s
(1951) book The Origins of Totalitarianism showcases refugees in the first half of the 20th
century as the “most symptomatic group in contemporary politics,” a grouping that is ever more
apparent today. Arendt reveals how major powers like Germany and Russia recognized and
treated refugees as if they were “the scum of the earth,”2
a notion and grouping that clearly
played well for them in World War II. When powerful states take a position on such a pivotal
issue, it sets a model and a precedent for the rest of the world and for future mass migrations.
Ironic, though, how the passage of time and significant changes in politics and leaders in a
country like Germany has brought back the idea of the responsibility of the state and the morality
of providing asylum to refugees.
Myron Weiner (1995) draws on the theoretical issues of migration and refugee influxes.
His book, The Global Migration Crisis: Challenges to States and Human Rights, examines the
moral contradiction at hand in western liberal democracies. These first world countries support
1 Matthew J. Gibney, The Ethics and Politics of Asylum: Liberal Democracy and the Response to Refugees,
(Cambridge University Press: 2004), 1-5.
2 Hannah Ardent, The Origins of Totalitarianism, (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973), 255-264.
5. 5
the “fundamental right to emigrate” while simultaneously advocating for the sovereignty of
states, implying they should still be able to control their borders.3
Weiner’s examination of a
balancing framework takes a much more rational and realistic approach that combines
perceptions and reservations; however, he recognizes the need for states to lend a humanitarian
hand. In contrast to Weiner’s piece is the claim that Europe has been far too myopic in its stance
on refugees. Europe has tried to change its nature in terms of refugees and how it perceives “the
refugee problem.” Vaughan Robinson (1995) presents post- Cold War data to suggest that
Europe really is not the center for refugees. He poses the notion that Europe has tried to distance
itself from refugee flows and instead delineate them as complications of the Third World.4
This
is evident when considering that, according to a UNHCR World Trends report, currently 80% of
refugees are hosted by underdeveloped nations such as Lebanon, Pakistan, and Ethiopia. This
delineation to the Third World demonstrates that perhaps Robinson believes Europe sees
refugees from developing countries as not worthy of asylum or European haven, suggesting
prejudicial underlays. Robinson’s literature goes on to suggest that Europe has overreacted to
refugees, an overreaction due to a prejudicial fear of “others” and has been far too narrow-
minded.
This overreaction of countries because of a fear of heterogeneity, as Ardent shows in her
book, is not new to Europe. Europe has sought to ensure homogeneity within its borders for
decades. B.S. Chimni (1998) suggests in “The Geopolitics of Refugee Studies: A View from the
South,” that in the post 1945 period, a new approach critiquing the positivist approach was
3 Myron Weiner, The Global Migration Crisis: Challenges to States and Human Rights, (New York, New York:
HarperCollins: 1995), 253.
4 Vaughan Robinson, “The Changing Nature and European Perceptions of Europe’s Refugee Problem,” Geoforum
26, no. 4 (November 1995): 411-427, accessed October 9 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-7185.
6. 6
created regarding refugee law and reaction.5
Shifting geopolitics policy contexts presented the
idea of the responsibility of the origin state for refugees and the solution of voluntary
repatriation. In examining refugee studies from the perspective of the South, it is apparent that
the North is concerned with the idea of containment of refugees, now that they are no longer
needed as Cold War pawns. The North seems to reject the notion and responsibility of refugees
while the South takes on a much more moral, humanitarian approach.
Often times policy and the treatment of refugees depends upon whom, within the
receiving state, the responsibility of the refugees falls upon. Karen Jacobsen’s study (1996)
“Factors Influencing the Policy Responses of Host Governments to Mass Refugee Influxes,”
iterates that when the responsibility of the refugee falls on bureaucratic institutions then the
refugees are treated in a more positive way, whereas when the refugees are in the hands of the
military, they are merely seen as extra burden on existing resources.6
The ways in which policy
is shaped and the ways in which countries respond and treat refugees rest on the institutions that
are responsible for them. Another aspect that affects refugee policy and responses is international
relations. For instance, as Jacobsen highlights, during the 1980s the Costa Rican government’s
opposition to the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua led to the generous treatment of Nicaraguan
refugees in Costa Rice while Salvadorian refugees were rendered as unsubstantial. Refugee
policies are affected by the interests and relations of a country regarding sending countries, they
are not homogenous throughout.
When examining and looking for explanations regarding the contemporary refugee
phenomenon, it is imperative to recognize that this is not the first time that there has been a vast
5 B.S. Chimni, “The Geopolitics of Refugee Studies: A View from the South,” Journal of Refugee Studies 11
(1998): 350-378.
6 Karen Jacobsen, “Factors Influencing the Policy Responses of Host Governments to Mass Refugee Influxes,” The
International Migration Review 30, (1996): 655-678.
7. 7
number of people looking for asylum across new borders. It is the refugee flows and crises of the
past that provide current insight into the reactions to refugees from other countries. In a
combined study done by Aristide R. Zolberg, Astri Suhrke, and Sergio Aguayo (1989) they
analyze past refuge phenomenon, refugee policy and international responses to them, which in
turn parallels and helps explain the contemporary reactions to refugees.7
Between the Romanian
denial to harbor Jews despite its treaty obligations because the government defined them as
enemies of the nation, and the 1790s U.S. Federalists’ attempts to enact legislative barriers to
keep out British and Irish refugees, it is evident that the international community has an inherent
prejudice against those that are not its own. As Gibney highlights, states employ the concept of
“partialism” –privileging its own citizens’ interests in regards to refugee entrance. Fears and
unknowns blind them to common humanitarian values. However, we need only look to history to
recognize that very rarely do refugees pose imminent threats to a country’s ideology, as so often
believed. The United States, as the leader of the free world, is in fact a country built upon
political and religious refugees. Past international prejudices and barriers, despite the formation
of various international refugee policies, has set the precedent for countries like Hungary and
now, France, to restrict the entry of Syrian refugees.
Granting asylum to refugees is a moral responsibility yet also a normative one as many
states do not have the capability to sustain large numbers of refugees. According to recently
published first hand press reports from BBC (2016), the French Prime Minister Manuel Valls
stated, "If Europe can't protect its own borders, it's the very idea of Europe that could be thrown
into doubt." Subsequently, his Dutch counterpart, Mark Rutte, warned: "When spring comes and
7 Aristide R. Zolberg Astri Suhrke and Sergio Aguayo, Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the
Developing World, (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1989), 85-92.
8. 8
the numbers quadruple, we cannot as the EU cope with the numbers any longer."8
The
Netherlands has been the most recent country to express animosity towards accepting refugees.
These first hand government statements suggest that the European Union has reached its edge
when it comes to providing a sustainable environment for refugees. These statements would lead
to interpretations about the EU’s infrastructure. However, according to that same BBC report, the
new head of the United Nations Refugee Agency, Italian diplomat, Filippo Grandi said that the
EU could sustain more refugees if it worked better together. Speaking on a visit to Lebanon,
which has taken in over 1.3 million refugees, Grandi stated “Europe can absorb more genuine
refugees if it would be better organised among the different member-states.” This idea of burden
sharing, which has been presented in scholarship by Michael Barutciski and Astri Suhrke (2001),
in which they reference the 1990’s Kosovo refugee crisis, is an important concept that offers a
solution to handling refugees. Their piece, Lessons from the Kosovo Refugee Crisis: Innovation
in Protection and Burden Sharing, stresses the vital need that states must be encouraged to share
in the harboring and caretaking of refugees.9
If countries can share the burden of refugees, they
will have the ability to maintain a stable infrastructure, one that can handle its allotment of
refugees. Burden sharing as a concept is one that has gathered ground and one that needs to
become a new norm if the world is ever to be able to alleviate the tensions of refugee crises. If
countries dismiss this concept, then perhaps they are more concerned with maintaining
homogeneity versus allocation of resources. Countries like France and the Netherlands therefore
may have prejudicial motivations for their statements and their policies.
8 “UN’s New Refugee Head says Europe Could do More,” BBC News, January 26, 2016.
9 Astri Suhrke and Michael Barutciski, “Lessons from the Kosovo Refugee Crisis: Innovation in Protection and
Burden Sharing,” Journal of Refugee Studies 14, (2001): 95-134.
9. 9
The wonder of forced migration and asylum seeking is not something new to the world or
international relations, however, the degree and scale of the current refugee crisis in the Middle
East and especially in Europe has developed into a contemporary phenomenon not seen since the
first half of the 20th
century. Refugee crises and refugee policies are very complicated issues with
no one standard solution. Through the variety of scholarship and discourse discussed within this
literature review section, it is apparent that the issue of morality is one that is at the center
alongside the retort of the rationality of granting asylum to refugees. By examining past refugee
flows, it is evident that policy is not always based upon morality or rationality but instead policy
falls upon who is responsible for the refugees and the relationship and interests between the
sending country and the receiving country. Responses to refugees are not black and white,
however, they are multi-faceted and are constructed through a variety of thoughts.
Today’s refugee and migration crisis draws similar parallels to the refugee crisis in the
mid 20th
century. These refugees were acknowledged as being desperately in need of assistance
yet were turned away from safe borders and were scrutinized for being others. This World War II
refugee crisis, and the aftermath that followed, demonstrates the implications of actions taken by
various countries and institution and the long-term effects they have on refugees, policy and
humanity. Due to inherent prejudices in our global system and society, we see the exacerbation
of crises and the shaping of refugee policy, more often than not, to negatively effect refugees.
The tensions we see today are not new, and by looking to the past we can better understand the
present and predict the future.
10. 10
Betwixt and Between: The Consideration of Logical Empirical Analysis versus
Discourse Analysis
Examining the World War II era of refugees, the aftermath of the War, its subsequent
responses, and the treatment of refugees in various times during and after the war will create a
framework that distinguishes responses at the United States’ level and at the international level
as well. Additionally, by looking to the past, the conversation will frame the contradiction
between practice and purpose. Using a variety of primary and secondary sources, I aim to
analyze and compare the way in which the World War II refugees were treated in 1939, amidst
the warfare, versus the treatment of the same group of refugees in the post-war era of the 1940s.
In researching these two time frames, I have also chosen to focus on the treatment of refugees
mainly from two of the most powerful allied nations at the time: the United States and Great
Britain. Much of this research is framed in a neo-positivist framework, as there is clear empirical
evidence, yet intereprevist framing is necessary when it comes to analyzing some of the
discourse surrounding both the World War II refugee crisis.
Institutional Responses at the National and Intra-national Level
When it comes to the World War II refugee crisis, the way in which the world viewed the
war and the refugees varied. In regards to institutions during the 1930s there was a lack of
adequate response to the plight of the Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi rule throughout Europe. In
his book “Beyond Charity: International Cooperation and the Global Refugee Crisis,” Gil
Loescher (1995) highlights the shortcomings of the League of Nations and the refugee
organizations under its sponsorship. The League of Nations was predicated on the basis of
keeping the peace amongst its countries in order to prevent another World War. Not only did the
11. 11
League render itself powerless to Hitler, it also failed to uphold its commitment to refugee
interests and resettlement during times of crisis. Additionally, Loescher demonstrates that “as the
Jewish refugee problem grow, any will to resolve it faded… States were unwilling to extend new
legal protections to refugees, particularly when these would limit the rights of sovereign nations
to exclude or deport aliens,” (Loescher, 43). There was an evident international reluctance to
accept Jews in addition to a lack of a comprehensible plan regarding international commitment to
resolving the refugee crisis.10
In regards to countries, most leaders and populations were
concerned more with their national interests versus global interests. There was also a lack of
international confrontation of the German government regarding the refugee issue. In 1936, the
High Commissioner for German Refugees, James G. McDonald quit his post out of irritation of
this reluctance. In his resignation letter he stated, “The efforts of the private organizations and of
any League organization for refugees can only mitigate a problem of growing gravity and
complexity. The problem must be tackled at its source if disaster is to be avoided.”11
The failure
of the international community to confront the issue head on exemplified the absence of morality
or concern for the Jewish refugees.
As the World War II era coincided with the Great Depression, many countries and
institutions imposed strict immigration rules and become more fiscally conservative with their
humanitarian aid. After Kristallnacht, an attack destroying Jewish owned storefronts, cemeteries
and schools in 1938, Jewish refugees were desperate for haven. A telegram sent by the U.S.
Ambassador to Germany, Hugh Wilson to the U.S. Secretary of State, Cordell Hull recognized
10
Gil Loeshcer, Beyond Charity: International Cooperation and the Global Refugee Crisis (Oxford University
Press, 1995), 41-44.
11 James G. McDonald, Letter of Resignation of James G. McDonald, Letter to the Secretary General of the League
of Nations, (New York, New York: Columbia University Libraries Archival Collections).
12. 12
and described the punishment that Jews would incur after Kristallnacht.12
From sources such as
telegrams, speeches and photographs, it is clear through these types of empirical evidences that
the U.S. government was well aware of what was going on across the pond. The U.S.
government recognized the need for action and seemed to sympathize with the Jewish refugees,
however, this was not the case. In 1939, 908 Jewish refugees, aboard the S.S. St. Louis, fleeing
the terror and death of Nazi rule, begged for entry at both the Cuban and U.S. borders but were
denied by both governments.
Below is an image of the S.S. St. Louis after it is denied harbor at Cuba’s port:
13
Figure. 1
Not even was “The Land of the Free” willing to grant asylum to a group of refugees, to
immigrants- the group from which the United States had been built upon. Photographs from this
12 U.S. Ambassador to Germany, Hugh Wilson, Telegram from U.S. Ambassador to Germany to U.S. Secretary of
State Regarding Fine Levied on Jewish Community Following Kristallnacht (U.S. Department of State, 1938).
13 Fig.1: [Voyage of the St. Louis], Photograph, (Washington, D.C.) from The United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum, 1939. Web. https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/media_ph.php?ModuleId=10005267&MediaId=1029.
13. 13
voyage show the eager faces of refugees before they were forced to return to Hamburg. The
resulting denial of refuge stemmed from a combination of prejudice towards the Jewish people
and the Great Depression. The Depression led to a much more nationalistic focus and thus
refugees of World War II bore many of those consequences as little attention, money and haven
were given to them. They became “someone else’s problem.” Through a neo-positivist framing
using empirical and primary evidences it is apparent that the treatment of the Jewish refugees of
the late 1930’s was prejudicial, and that they were seen as international charity, not a problem
that individual governments should be assisting.
Discursive Analysis of Prejudicial Undertones
The treatment of refugees and whether or not a country can and will harbor them is based
largely on the way in which they are perceived by society. The 1939 refugees were observed and
portrayed in a negative light. The research and accounts of these refugees, by scholars such as
Ardent, showcases them as undesirable and “less than” human beings. They had been deprived
of their homes, their states and their human rights (Ardent 1973). They were merely left with an
identity that had garnered so much hatred amongst world leaders, governments and, as a result,
societies as a whole.14
This portrayal through various mediums such as propaganda and
noteworthy speeches, allowed for the world to interpret the perception of Jewish refugees as
unworthy of haven, as dehumanized beings. As the two most powerful Allied nations, Great
Britain and the United States could have conducted early campaigns to save the Jewish people,
however, they did the opposite. Between their governments and their citizens, Great Britain and
the United States were heavily against the release of Jewish refugees into their borders yet were
14 Ardent, The Origins of Totalitarianism, 267.
14. 14
hypocritical in their remarks regarding refugees. In the wake of the Great Depression, the United
States had implemented a strict immigration quota, however, the Department of State denied
90% of the quota spots, spots that could have been available for European Jews.15
In his 1939 “Statement on Political Refugees” President Roosevelt stated, “We have been
working, up to now, on too small a scale, and we have failed to apply modern engineering to our
task. We know already that there are many comparatively vacant spaces on the earth's surface
where from the point of view of climate and natural resources European settlers can live
permanently.”16
(May change quote) The Roosevelt administration chose its words carefully and
projected upon the American society an image of concern and acknowledgement of the issue at
hand yet framed it to seem as if action was being taken to assist the displacement and refugee
issue. In David S. Wyman’s book, Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, he
finds that:
Any such exodus [providing haven to refugees] would have placed intense
pressure on Britain to open Palestine and on the United States to take in more
Jewish refugees, a situation the two great powers did not want to face.
Consequently their policies aimed at obstructing rescue possibilities and
dampening pressures for government action.17
Great Britain, an ally to the United States in this era, also framed their policies on the Jewish
refugees in a way to keep them from becoming their burden. After World War I anti-Semitism
15 Gregory Brazeal“Bureaucracy and the U.S. Response to Mass Atrocity, National Security and Armed Conflict
Law Review, 1, (2011): 57–71.
16 Franklin Delano Roosevelt, “Statement on Political Refugees,” October 17, 1939, Public Papers of the Presidents
of the United States.
17 David S. Wyman, The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, (Lexington, Massachusetts 1984),
216.
15. 15
had resurfaced in Great Britain and then seemed to decline in the latter half of the 1920s. With
the onset of the Great Depression and the brewing of war once again, Great Britain, an anti-
Fascist nation, became more anti-Semitic than before. Aaron Goldman finds that with the help of
anti-Semitic propaganda, anti-Semitism had reached a higher level and was on its way to
becoming a permanent element of British political life.18
In a speech in the House of Commons
at the end of 1938, Churchill called for a curtailment of Jewish refugees entering Palestine.
Despite debate that Churchill tried to implement plans for gradual Jewish immigration, the
government of Neville Chamberlin rejected his policy proposals and instead declared a White
Paper (May 19,1939) “which planned not only to curtail Jewish entry to Palestine much more
drastically in the present, but also to foreclose on its continuation in five years unless Arabs
consented, which was assuredly a denial, and to create a majority Arab state in ten, thus aborting
all prospects of Jewish statehood” (Mandel 2009).19
These political statements and lack of
substantial assistance are on the grounds of prejudice and refusal to help “others.” Had Great
Britain or the United States acknowledged the desperate plight of Jewish refugees then they
would have been required to act and find haven for the refugees. Pressure could have been
applied to neutral countries near the Axis, such as Switzerland, Spain, Sweden and Portugal, but
two of the most influential countries failed to do this as well.20
These two nations, one founded
on the grounds of freedom and democracy, were advocates for human rights, yet did nothing for
an entire ethnicity, different from their own, simply because it was not in their best interests. As
an effect of the political discourse within their respective countries, British and American
18 Aaron Goldman, “The Resurgence of Anti-Semitism in Britain During World War II,” Jewish Social Studies, 46,
(Winter 1984): 37-50.
19 Dr. Daniel Mandel, “Winston Churchill- A Good Friend to Jews and Zionism?” Jerusalem Center for Public
Affairs, (May 11, 2009) accessed on April 17, 2016 from http://jcpa.org/article/winston-churchill-a-good-friend-of-
jews-and-zionism/#sthash.EBSRb72y.dpuf.
20 Wyman, The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 218.
16. 16
citizens voiced their opinions on the issue as well. For instance, in an opinion poll conducted in
the United States by Fortune magazine in 1938, two-thirds of the population responded that they
agreed with the U.S. government’s response to keep the refugees, who were mostly Jewish, out
of the country.21
Post War Treatment of Jewish Refugees: 1944-1950, A Change of Heart and Policy
in the United States?
As a new decade began and as the war in Europe waged on, the United States and some
of the allied nations began changing their policies and actions towards the Jewish refugees. The
United States had still yet to render assistance to the targets of the Reich in Germany. It wasn’t
until the Treasury Official at the time, Josiah DuBois, released a statement entitled “Report to the
Secretary on the Acquiescence of this Government in the Murder of the Jews,” in which he made
public the preventative efforts of the Department of State to block Jewish immigration into the
U.S. 22
DuBois’s report was final ammunition that was needed for the new Secretary to the
Treasury, Henry Morgenthau, a Jew, into forcing President Roosevelt to create the War Refugee
Board. With pressures coming from within his own party as well as the American Jewish
community, Roosevelt acknowledged the need to rescue the displaced Jews. A change of policy
also came with a change of administrations in the U.S. government. After Roosevelt’s death in
1945, President Harry Truman opted to approach the refugee debacle using a much more liberal
based policy. Issuing the executive order, “Truman Directive,” at the end of 1945, Truman
21 What’s your attitude towards allowing German, Austrian & other political refugees to come into the US? July
1938, Fortune Magazine, Gallup Poll. Accessed from
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/11/17/what-americans-thought-of-jewish-refugees-on-
the-eve-of-world-war-ii/.
22 Josiah DuBois, “Report to the Secretary on the Acquiescence of this Government in the Murder of the Jews,”
(January 13, 1944).
17. 17
declared that any existing immigration quotas be designated for displaced persons, the European
Jewish refugees. Under these provisions, from 1945 until 1947, almost 23,000 refugees entered
the United States, with two-thirds of them being Jewish. With Truman’s liberal approach and the
pressures placed upon Congress to pass and amend laws on displaced persons, the conversation
on refugee policy changed drastically in the United States. Prejudices still remained amongst
parts of American society, however, the governmental stance projected policies demonstrating a
call for action.
Unlike the United States, Great Britain was reluctant to change their ways regarding the
displaced Jewish persons after the War ended. The British followed a strict non-segregation
policy, implementing very few reforms for displaced persons and Jewish refugees, and were
reluctant to create a Jewish welfare system or render any assistance to German Jews. The British
also refrained from regulating restitution for Jewish property. The United States had already
enacted rules regulating restitution in their country, and France soon followed suit, yet Great
Britain was adamantly opposed. Why did the United States drastically change its refugee and
displaced persons policies but its Allied nation did not? During the war the British were very
strict about movement in and out of their zones, a notion that did not change but only amplified
after the war. With such heavy movement within Europe, the Jewish refugee flow was heavy and
unlike the United States at the time, the British prevented illegal entry into their territory, even
going so far as to implementing an extensive intelligence agency to prevent refugees from entry
even before they reached British borders. In addition to these attempts at alienation, the British
responsibilities in Palestine and a fear of Jewish national organizations putting pressure on the
British government to open up Jewish immigration in Palestine constituted as reasons for
18. 18
adamant opposition to Jewish refugees and displaced persons.23
These attempts by the British
resonated with prejudice as well as anti-Semitism in the country.
As the United States and the now Allied occupied nations of Germany, Austria and Italy
welcomed and provided camps to Jewish refugees, a huge call was created for international
humanitarianism, as the realities of the Holocaust and the lack of international intervention came
to light. In 1945, the United Nations was established and subsequently adopted in 1948 The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. After the war ended, the international community
acknowledged and responded to the Nazi war crimes with the Nuremburg Trials, where the
USSR, Great Britain and the United States sought to impose punishment on the Nazi’s who
played a role in the genocide of the Jews. These trials and establishments reflected the ways in
which the world aimed to correct its wrong, to abolish its prejudices. They brought human rights
to the forefront within the global political sphere and set the precedent of punishment of
governments who committed crimes against humanity. The powerful countries of Great Britain,
even though it was more reluctant to change its refugee policies, and the United States helped
pave a path for humanity and assisted in assuring something like this would never happen again.
Islamaphobia as the New Anti-Semitism
While Germany, the United States and the rest of the world have vowed to never allow
something like the Holocaust of World War II to happen again, they have allowed severe
prejudice to be imposed upon a group of people. The Holocaust may not be happening again, but
the scale of desperate refugees who are being turned away at countless borders is happening
again and on an arguably larger scale. As a largely Muslim population, the Syrian refugees are
23 Hagit Lavsky, New Beginnings: Holocaust Survivors in Bergen-Belsen and the British Zone in Germany, 1945-
1950, (Wayne State University Press: 2002): 52-55.
19. 19
discriminated against and refused refugee hood for merely being Muslim. In recent years, the
world has bore witness to extremist terrorism and has a result, become widely prejudicial those
practicing the Islamic faith, which in Syria is more than 90%.24
Many of the world’s countries
are so concerned with homogeneity, whether it be in race or religion, and this is arguably the
greatest principle for which many government’s policy is based.
Conclusion
After careful analysis of the discourse and primary sources of World War II and the
plight of Jewish refugees, it is evident that there was a large degree of anti-Semitism throughout
the world, and as we have seen in this paper, the United States and Great Britain. The tensions
we see today, with regard to the refugee crisis in Syria and Europe, are not new. After the
refugee crisis of World War II, policies changed, institutions and boards were established and
acts were passed, however, those have seemingly been rendered useless when it comes to the
plight of the Syrian refugees. The practice and purpose of the above- mentioned are failing the
Syrians and the rest of the world. The world is in disarray, facing a refugee and migration crisis
that hasn’t been seen since that of the World War II refugees. In understanding the contemporary
crisis, we must look to the past and acknowledge that a policy change is absolutely vital and that
prejudices must be wiped from the international system and from government’s policies for the
sake of humanity.
24 “International Religious Freedom Report 2006,” U.S. Department of State. (2006).
20. 20
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