The document discusses media framing of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings, analyzing how 10 news articles from major US newspapers and CNN portrayed America's victimhood and the identity of the perpetrators in the days after the attack. On the first day when the perpetrators were unknown, some articles implicitly connected the bombings to Islamic terrorism through references to 9/11. The articles also constructed an emotive narrative of American patriotism and victimhood through vivid imagery and historical references. After the suspects were identified as Chechen brothers, coverage shifted to framing them as foreign enemies from the Caucasus region.

1. Alice C Woodward
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The Enemy Within: United States news framing of the Boston bombings
Introduction
On 15 October 2010, Fox News’ Brian Kilmeade asserted on the 9/11 attacks: “It wasn’t just
one person, it was one religion. Not all Muslims are terrorists, but all terrorists are
Muslims”1
. Following the attacks on 11 September 2001, Islam has become stigmatised for
anti-Americanism and a hatred for Western values. Meanwhile, domestic terrorism from the
far-right is downplayed, and rarely acknowledged under the same label (Chermak and
Gruenewald 2006; Shane 2011). Kilmeade’s comment is indicative of a wider belief that is
promulgated in the media, which culminated in the emergence of the ‘Islamic Threat’ as the
propaganda theme of the 1990s (Ibrahim 2010:112).
On 15 April 2013, two bombs exploded at the finish line of the Boston Marathon, killing 3
people and injuring an estimated 2642
. This research will study coverage of the Boston
bombings, utilising a close textual analysis to study ten articles across six top American
newspapers and the CNN’s online news. The research aims to investigate how the framing of
the event varied from the day following the initial attacks to the day after the identities of the
suspects were revealed to the public. The study seeks to highlight assumptions about the
identity of the perpetrators, and the techniques used to portray America’s collective
victimhood.
Literature Review
The literature review will explore the main topics relevant to the study: approaches to
reporting terrorism; US news framing of terrorism; and domestic versus international
terrorism.
1
Berrier, J. 2010. Kilmeade “misspoke” about “all Muslims” being “terrorists” – twice. Media Matters for
America [Online] 18 October 2010. Available at: http://mediamatters.org/research/2010/10/18/kilmeade-
misspoke-about-all-terrorists-being-mu/172077 [Accessed: 20th
April 2013].
2
Kotz, D. 2013. Injury toll from Marathon bombs reduced to 264. The Boston Globe [Online] 24 April 2013.
Available at: http://www.bostonglobe.com/lifestyle/health-wellness/2013/04/23/number-injured-marathon-
bombing-revised-downward/NRpaz5mmvGquP7KMA6XsIK/story.html [Accessed: 20th
April 2013].

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WESTERN APPROACHES TO REPORTING TERRORISM
It has been argued that the news media are a primary medium through which the public learn
about terrorism (Chermak and Gruenewald 2006; Barnett and Reynolds 2009; Spencer 2012).
How the news frames terrorism is therefore paramount in impacting public perception.
The different approaches of British and American media in their framing of terrorism have
been widely acknowledged. The inquiry into the London 7/7 bombings was treated as a
criminal investigation rather than a military affair, contrasting to America’s warlike
framework (Barnett and Reynolds 2009). Similarly, following both 9/11 and 7/7, British
news tended to focus on the dissemination of important, factual information, whereas the US
was recognised as fear-inducing (ibid).
While the September 11 attacks caused a shift in the discourse of anti-Muslim racism from a
perceived cultural threat to a security threat, the 7/7 bombings were committed by UK
citizens, characterising the concept of ‘home-grown’ terrorism, and causing a further shift
from Islam as a global to an internal threat. It was from this that the concept of ‘the enemy
within’ emerged, and the ‘War on Terror’ gained momentum.
The editor of the BBC World Update noted that “it is the style of the BBC World Service to
call no one a terrorist, aware as we are that one man’s terrorist is another one’s freedom
fighter” (cited in Barnett and Reynolds 2009:40). However, the US has traditionally
embraced the t-word, in keeping with their approach to ‘the politics of fear’ that reinforces
the War on Terror as justified (Spencer 2012). Thus, while modes of representation shift and
the framework is adjusted, “the Manichaean frame – according to which ‘we’ are ‘defending’
our right and only good way of life – is never challenged” (Schiffer 2011:213).
UNITED STATES NEWS FRAMING OF TERRORISM
Altheide (2009:xv) argued that terrorism is often conveyed as a threat in news through the
employment of simple narratives, episodic moments, and drama and fear. This results in
events like 9/11 becoming charged with meanings and emotions “that are not only culturally
discomforting but politically consequential”; for example, establishing public support for the
invasions of Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003).

3. Alice C Woodward
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Barnett and Reynolds (2009:130) identified that American coverage of 9/11 “focused on the
symbolism of the attacks, the ability of the American people to pull together and recover, and
expressions of patriotism and support for the government and its leaders”. This was
substantiated in the strong perceptual link that metaphorised terrorism as a war, justifying a
military response (Spencer 2012:16-17). This indicates the power news holds in
commanding public consent and support for government actions.
Kitch (2003:213) studied American newsmagazines coverage following 9/11, stating that
coverage contained elements of a funeral ritual, “creating a forum for national mourning and
playing a central role in civil religion” in which “vulnerability and fear were replaced by
heroism and patriotic pride”. Thus, reporters made sense of an event they couldn’t
understand by placing it within a grand narrative of resilience and progression (ibid).
Barnett and Reynolds (2009:5) identified that “terrorism is framed differently depending on
who is covering the story, where the story takes place, who the terrorist is, and who the
victims are”. According to the U.S. Army manual, terrorism is:
The calculated use of violence or threat of violence to attain goals that are
political, religious, or ideological in nature. This is done through intimidation,
coercion, or instilling fear (TRADOC cited in Chomsky 2003:236).
However, it has been acknowledged that this definition only applies to terrorism directed at
the West, and does not carry to Western inflictions on ‘the rest’ (Chomsky 2003).
DOMESTIC ‘LONE WOLF’ VERSUS INTERNATIONAL ‘ISLAMIC’ TERRORISM
Chermak and Gruenewald (2006) examined media coverage of domestic terrorism in the US
from 1980 up to the attacks in September 2001, and found that most cases received little or
no coverage. The Southern Poverty Law Center (2012) cites a total of 99 domestic terrorist
plots, conspiracies, and racist attacks that have occurred in America since the 1995 Oklahoma
City bombing, recognising a total of 1018 active hate groups in the US. Despite the
multitude of domestic terrorist groups, Islam has been staged as the primary threat to
American freedom and values (Schiffer 2011). This re-establishes the binary of “Orient vs
Occident, East vs West, them vs us, whereby vast geographical, cultural and political
expanses are reduced to two imagined cultural regions” (Fekete 2012:40).

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Amr and Singer (2008:214) theorised that the US may be on the verge of a “clash of
civilizations” (Huntington 1998), since many Muslims believe the war on terror is essentially
a war on Islam, fuelled by the acknowledgement that a codebook of coverage seems to have
emerged which stereotypically portrays Islam, Muslims and Arabs as “backward and violent”
(Schiffer 2011:211). This racial profiling was exemplified in the Oklahoma City bombings,
as CNN reporters referred several times to two Middle Eastern men leaving the scene in a
pickup, despite the FBI’s dismissal of the rumour (Barnett and Reynolds 2009).
Shane (2011) identified that the Oslo massacre of 2011 echoed the 1995 bombings in
Oklahoma City, which targeted a federal building, calling attention to the influence of right-
wing activists and anti-Muslim websites. Anders Breivik had closely followed the debate
over Islam, lacing his manifesto with quotations from American bloggers who warned of the
Islamic threat. The good versus evil dichotomy and ‘with us or against us’ outlook
demonises and increases fear of the unknown other (Spencer 2012:19). This research aims to
establish whether the labelling of Islam as a violent anti-American religion led to
speculations regarding the identity of the perpetrators of the Boston bombings.
Methodology
In order to examine the representation of America and portrayal of the perpetrators of the
Boston marathon bombings in the US news, a critical discourse analysis was carried out on
articles in six of America’s highest circulating newspapers and CNN online. A total of ten
articles composed the data set, taken from two dates to enable a comparative study. The
following research questions were investigated:
1. How is America’s victimhood constructed?
2. How is the identity of the perpetrators constructed?
3. How is terrorism framed?
Critical discourse analysis has “sought to show that there is a systematic ideological bias to
the media that is traceable to the kind of language we find there” (Matheson 2005:5). A key
principal of discourse analysis of news is that:

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News makes sense within a social context: if it acts at all as a mirror, it reflects
preoccupations within that society, and when it constructs a picture of the world,
that picture is often very close to what members of that society already know
(ibid:15).
Thus, critical discourse analysis acts to deconstruct and interpret power relations of society,
and expose social inequalities that are formed and reproduced in such texts. The method was
therefore utilised to examine the language used to form the narrative of the bombings, and
how the two parties involved were constructed.
In order to obtain a representative image of the US news, the study incorporated six of
America’s highest circulating print newspapers3
: USA Today; New York Times; Los Angeles
Times; New York Daily News; New York Post; and San Jose Mercury News. CNN’s online
news was also studied to obtain a more representative sample across media types, since it is
one of the world’s most popular news sites. The New York Daily News and New York Post
are tabloids, while the other print publications are disseminated in broadsheet format.
LexisNexis was used to conduct a search of the above titles. ‘Boston’ and ‘bomb’ were
entered as the search criteria, firstly for the date of 16th
April 2013, the day after the
bombings, and secondly for the 20th
April 2013, the day after Dzhokhar was captured, with
the identity of the suspects having been revealed to the public. Articles were selected that
appeared on the front page or as a lead story in the papers, and the first article published on
each date on the CNN online was selected. A total of ten articles were included; five from
each day.
Studying the two dates enabled a comparative analysis of patterns of representation in the US
news, to decipher how this differed from when the initial event occurred and the identity of
the perpetrators was unknown, and after their names and origin were revealed. Matheson
identified that critical discourse analysis is often used to unveil “ideologies at the heart of the
culture to which the language belongs” (2005:5), thus facilitating a study of the framing of
the perpetrators’ identity.
3
Cision Navigator. 2011. Top 10 U.S. Daily Newspapers. Cision Navigator [Online] 16 February 2011.
Available at: http://navigator.cision.com/Top-10-US-Daily-Newspapers.aspx [Accessed: 23rd
April 2013].
Circulation figures: USA Today 1,830,594; The New York Times 876,638; Los Angeles Times 600,449; New
York Daily News 512,500; New York Post 501,501; San Jose Mercury News 477,592.

6. Alice C Woodward
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Findings
16 April 2013
On the day following the bombings, the print news unanimously presented a harrowing
narrative of how the events unfolded, making continual references to emphasise how the
Boston Marathon, and the date, are steeped in American history. Thus, the patriotic nature of
reporting reflected coverage following the September 11 attacks, consistent with Kitch’s
(2003:213) finding that following acts of terror the media create a “forum for national
mourning”. There was also evidence of racial profiling, despite the lack of information to
back up such suppositions. These two prominent themes will be explored in more detail.
ISLAMIC CONNECTIONS
A number of articles made references that indirectly connected the bombings with Islamic
fundamentalism. An article in USA Today carried the headline ‘That post-9/11 quiet? It’s
over; As Boston news sweeps America, nation’s worst fears are reawakened’. This opening
sentiment draws a connection to the September 11 attacks, making a further twelve references
to 9/11 throughout the article. This employs readers’ knowledge schema of the tragedy,
underpinning public expectation of who is responsible by echoing a past attack committed by
Islamic terrorists.
The concept of ‘the enemy within’ seemed evident, particularly in a CNN piece which
mentioned an article published in al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s (AQAP) online
magazine, Inspire, titled ‘How to Make a Bomb in Your Mom’s Kitchen’, which has
purportedly “been downloaded by Islamic militants plotting terrorist attacks in both the
United States and the U.K.”. This idea that Muslims living in Western nations present a
global threat has been fuelled by the media, yet Shane (2011) has identified that “the intense
spotlight on the threat from Islamic militants has unfairly vilified Muslim Americans while
dangerously playing down the threat of attacks from other domestic radicals.” This has not
prevented news from publicising a xenophobic outlook, evident in an article in the New York
Times, which mentioned that investigators were questioning a “Saudi citizen”, who “came
under scrutiny because of his injuries, his proximity to the blasts and his nationality”. This
acknowledgement of racial profiling inherent in society is reproduced through the media,
upholding power structures and maintaining the barrier between ‘us’ and ‘them’.

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The CNN article goes on to state that al Qaeda’s formula has been “adopted” by extreme
right-wing individuals, implying that the source of the damage remains with Islamic
extremists, who have “championed ‘do-it-yourself terrorism’ […] urging Muslims in the
West to take action”. There appears a façade of objectivity to conceal the underlying belief
that this was connected to al Qaeda.
The Middle Eastern nations become inextricably fused by a hatred of the West. This
discourse of ‘othering’ propagated in the news establishes support and justification for the
invasion of Iraq and the War on Terror, which has become a common framework for
differentiating “friends” from “enemies” (Barnett and Reynolds 2009:47). The New York
Post quoted a chief of emergency services: “This is like a bomb explosion we hear about in
Baghdad or Israel or other tragic points in the world”. These “tragic points” have been
framed as such in the media, so it is the news that has propagated these negative typecasts of
foreign nations.
FRAMING AMERICAN PATRIOTISM
All of the print articles constructed America through a movie-like narrative, weaving in
historic references, sub-plots of heroic individuals, and underlining a collective identity
epitomised by these elements of shared history and suffering. Nacos (2002:3) claimed:
“never was the news about acts of terrorism as bad and dramatic as it was on September 11,
2001, and thereafter”. America’s victimhood was thus constructed in a highly emotive
manner.
A descriptive style was evident across articles illustrating what had “begun as a perfect day
[…] with blue skies and temperatures just shy of 50 degrees” (New York Times), utilising
sensory imagery to paint a picture-perfect day, juxtaposing the ensuing devastation. New
York Daily News carried the headline ‘BLOODBATH IN BOSTON’, utilising alliteration to
create a dramatic headline evocative of war. The article goes on to liken the scene to “a
warzone of screaming fans and severed limbs”, evoking images of combat. The vivid
imagery of explosions that “tore limbs from bodies, staining the street bright red” is
reminiscent of the visual framing of 9/11.

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The USA Today article states that the blasts were “felt across the nation, shaking and
sometimes shattering a fragile hope”. The metaphor of “shattering” an intangible concept
weaves a narrative more conventional of fiction, and the word “hope” carries religious
connotations, portraying America as a spiritual nation, devastated by the actions of a
perceived ‘religion of hate’. The sentence emphasises the impact of the attack on the nation
as a whole, citing a psychologist who stated: “we’re all imprinted by what happened 12 years
ago”, constructing a collective identity among all Americans, which was common across all
of the articles.
A subheading in USA Today states: ‘More than just a race’, citing a former City Council
member claiming it’s a day when families come together; a “rite of passage” for Boston’s
young people, signifying a deeper meaning behind the event. Articles stated how the
marathon “drew runners from 50 nations” (Los Angeles Times), with participants attending
for the “18th
” or “21st
” time (USA Today), marking the event as emblematic of international
integration and tradition. Thus, attacking the marathon becomes not just an isolated event,
but symbolic of an attack on American values, and a repudiation of this unity.
All of the print articles made historic references to stress the significance of Patriots Day, and
the beginning of U.S. Independence, paralleling the reporting in the wake of the September 11
attacks, in which journalists “faced a public expecting a patriotic press” (Barnett and
Reynolds 2009:9). The USA Today article referred to Boston as “the Athens of America”,
making a historical comparison to the birthplace of the Olympics. The article also cited a
political historian–in keeping with the image of the nation the media want to perpetuate–
saying “we’ve been a calm island in a sea of trouble”, implying the nation is peaceful; a
victim of surrounding evils.
Barnett and Reynolds (2009:136) summarised that the lack of political context in American
coverage of the September 11 attacks was replaced with “oversimplification of terrorist goals,
intense elements of patriotism and national pride, and perhaps most significantly, unwavering
support for government”. This appears to hold true in the immediate coverage following the
Boston bombings, with the construction of a story-like narrative, unifying the nation with
patriotic references to America’s historical significance.

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20 April 2013
The day following the arrest of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, news framing of the perpetrators shifted
from the ‘Islamic threat’ to ‘the enemy within’, as it was revealed that the brothers had grown
up in America. The brothers’ connection to Islam was publicised, however the framework
shifted to present America as facing a new danger posed by immigrants who have obtained
citizenship. The portrayal of America similarly progressed from historically significant and
patriotic to heroic and fighting to protect itself, rallying support for the government’s ‘War on
Terror’, corroborating Barnett and Reynolds (2009) assertion that following 9/11, the news
media adopted the Bush administration’s ‘War on Terrorism’ framework.
THE ENEMY WITHIN
All of the articles referred to the suspects’ ethnicity as Chechen immigrants. CNN carried the
subheading ‘Immigrant dream to American nightmare’, drawing a distinction between ‘us’
and ‘them’, and inverting the iconic concept of the American dream to denigrate foreign
immigrants. This sentiment embodies Altheide’s (2009:xv) assertion that the War on Terror
speaks to: “a new era best characterized perhaps as the global migration of dreams and
nightmares”. Immigrants take on the role as ‘nightmares’, accepted in to the land of ‘dreams’
but turning on their adoptive Western nation.
The Los Angeles Times headline states they ‘appeared alienated from the U.S. despite years in
adoptive country’, turning on American values even though the US “had embraced them as
refugees”. This personification of the American nation welcoming immigrants accentuates
the victimisation of the country, and brands refugees and immigrants as a danger, not
figuratively, to American values, but literally, to American lives.
New York Daily News stated Tsarnaev was “described by friends and family as a pot-smoking
college student who immigrated to the U.S.”. The association of smoking illegal drugs and
immigration affixes a stigma to immigrants as not understanding or valuing the American
way of life. The San Jose Mercury News described how Tamerlan “bore none of the telltales
of an immigrant” and “did not hang with anybody in the school’s Muslim circle”, implying a
feigned identity.

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The juxtaposition of the “baby-faced terror suspect” and “boys next door before going rogue”
(New York Daily News) conjure an image of a deceptive disguise, invoking the notion of ‘the
enemy within’ referred to in the previous section. The San Jose Mercury News furthered this
ideology, stating “they dressed like typical American teenagers, enjoyed playing sports and
strived to fit in”. This opening statement elicits fear in the reader, emphasising the normality
of the boys, who expressed “little sign of radicalism”, playing up the idea of Muslims living
under a façade as all-American kids. Barnett and Reynolds (2009:5) argued that the
“nationality of the terrorist […] can impact how terrorist activity is framed”. Thus, the
ideology that anyone among ‘us’ could be a terrorist, no longer confined to the identifiable
Middle Eastern stereotypes, frames terrorism in a new light, revealing ‘they look just like us’.
The New York Post stated that the brothers “were devout Muslims”, while the San Jose
Mercury Times article specified that Chechnya, the brothers’ motherland, has become “the
focal point for simmering Islamist insurgency”, reinforcing the link to Islam. Three articles
referred to one of the brothers caching videos about Russians converting to Islam, and clips
of scholars who spoke about “how the religion inspires believers and cleanses them of their
sins” (Los Angeles Times). This seems aimed to shock readers and invoke anger at the
hypocrisy of a religion which is perceived by the West to absolve mass murder, further
homogenising and demonising Islam.
AMERICAN HEROES AND EASTERN ENEMIES
The war narrative appeared across many articles, as reports referred to “Tamerlan’s last
stand”, in which “explosions lit up the night sky, and gunfire tore holes in homes” (New York
Daily News); signifying it was not just people affected, but the white picket fences of
“typically sleepy Watertown” were torn down. The personification of place characterises the
charm of American suburbia, and the destruction wrought by a foreign immigrant.
A New York Post article bore the headline ‘Terror in Boston Twisted bond of brothers
*Fugitive sib busted after manhunt* Duo had touted jihad, radical cleric’, writing about the
Islamic connection as a matter of fact rather than speculation. The ‘twisted bond of brothers’
seems a parodic play on the television war series Band of Brothers, a recurrent theme in the
article which describes how the “AK-47-toting brothers” had “fired assault rifles and lobbed
pipe bombs and a grenade at pursuing police”, creating a warlike scene.

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Contrasting to the New York Post, in which the brothers assume the role of soldiers, CNN
presented a war tale from the perspective of the police. A police chief is quoted throughout,
referring to “our police officer”, expressing a sense of camaraderie among officers, who
“tended to their wounded colleague”, adopting a ‘leave no man behind’ war mentality, while
the “couple of thousand police officers on the scene” resemble an army. The officer recalls:
“he runs out of ammunition – the bad guy”, presenting a goodies versus baddies type
narrative, typical of Western movies. However, immigrants have replaced Native Americans
as the internal threat that must be extinguished. Schiffer (2011:213) stated that “frames and
complex metaphors, such as that of the altruistic hero fighting for human rights and freedom
(as in every Western movie), can be exploited for public relations purposes”. This appeared
inverted in the articles, with the ‘freedom fighters’ staged as the police, who acted to defend
their nation.
A number of articles stated the uncertainty surrounding the motive for the attacks, echoing
Bush’s rhetorical question: ‘Why do they hate us?’ No articles mentioned a possible political
motive behind the bombings; the most transparent assumption was that it was pure Islamic
hatred. This echoed Barnett and Reynolds (2009:10) argument that suspected terrorists are
profiled, and there is a tendency to “focus on individual impact rather than looking at the
broad political context in which terrorism occurs”; evident in the many anecdotal extracts
recounting individual experiences of the day, and the impact on families.
Conclusion
Despite the usual distinction between tabloid and broadsheet newspapers in their narrative
techniques, the press seemed to adopt a standardised framework to relay the events,
abandoning their watchdog role, as in the aftermath of 9/11 (Barnett and Reynolds 2009).
Kitch asserted that “the lasting story of September 11 was not one of terror, death, and
destruction, but one of courage, redemption, and patriotic pride” (2003:222). It appears this
narrative construction was echoed following the Boston bombings in the framing of
America’s history and the heroism of its people in times of crisis.

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The dramatic narrative in reporting unites the nation; however the shift away from factual
reporting in light of such events leads to a fear-inducing form of propaganda underpinning
coverage. Spencer (2012) acknowledged that terrorism must be reported, but argued that it
could be framed in a particular way so as to alleviate the psychological effects.
The Boston Marathon bombings were a tragic occurrence, yet the media propagandising
reflected in Kilmeade’s comment: “all terrorists are Muslims” deflects attention away from
the threat of domestic terrorism from the far-right. The weaving of a war narrative may
shape public perception, amplifying the threat of international terrorism to command support
for the ‘War on Terror’, justifying the invasion of Middle Eastern countries. The depiction of
Muslims as a homogenous group denies the democratic right of equality, and the ‘enemy
within’ framework identified in the study further ostracises Muslims and immigrants so that
they become resident aliens in the United States; the East versus West binary opposition
endures.
WORD COUNT: 3,994

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