Transformative Leadership_Assignment 2

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Transformative Leadership Assignment 2
Women in leadership positions within the primary
education sector: perceptions of gender

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Part A: Overview of Individual Case Study
Context:
 Australian primary school leaders and the role of gender.
Change:
 Shift in concepts of leadership from industry-based heroic model embracing
masculine traits to a knowledge-based postheroic model embracing feminised
traits.
 The advent of Australia’s first female prime minister.
Theoretical model:
 Fletcher’s concepts of ‘doing gender’ and ‘the resiliency of heroic
individualism’ as presented in her article ‘The paradox of postheroic
leadership: an essay of gender, power and transformational change’.
My case study looks at the roles of women in leadership. The aim of this assignment
is to investigate the theoretical role that gender plays with regard to the image of
women as leaders in Australian primary schools. The idea for this topic originated
from a reading by Joyce K. Fletcher that intrigued me when gathering information for
my first assignment.
In her article, The paradox of postheroic leadership: an essay on gender, power and
transformational change (2004), Fletcher discusses the concept of ‘doing gender’.
She notes that many of the traits associated with traditional (heroic) forms of
leadership such as control, individualism and assertiveness are historically thought
of as masculine in nature. Fletcher writes about a shift in leadership, stating that a
new style of leadership (postheroic) has emerged. Contrary to heroic leadership,
traits commonly associated with postheroic models of leadership such as empathy
and collaboration are seen to be feminine in nature. In discussing the shift in
leadership Fletcher explores two key ideas: ‘doing gender’ and ‘the resilience of
heroic individualism’ which I feel have relevance to my professional context. Using
Fletcher’s writings as a theoretical model, I am interested in exploring the impact that
Fletcher’s ideas with regard to female leadership in Australian primary schools.
In addition to this shift in the concept of leadership, another significant change event
took place in 2010 which is directly relevant the status of females as leaders in
Australia: Julia Gillard became Australia’s first female Prime Minister.
With regard to my professional context, the primary school education sector is
heavily dominated by female employees. According to the Australian Bureau of
Statistics, data from 2011 showed that 91% of education aides are female. Overall,
70% of all teaching staff in Australia are female, however, women represent less
than half of all school principals (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2012).

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While ‘women in roles of leadership within schools’ wasn’t the focus of my first
assignment (rather it was a literature review analysing traditional vs. knowledge-
based leadership and applying this to a school context) it is an area that is highly
relevant considering the under-representation of females in leadership positions in
schools and more broadly the underrepresentation of females in leadership positions
in Australian society.
My aim is to examine this issue from several different angles including:
 The rhetoric around leadership that has recently been presented in the media
(predominately newspapers but also books and television). I am especially
interested in commentary around Australia’s first female Prime Minister Julia
Gillard. I will also look at examples (both historical and current) of women as
leaders in the western world (Clinton, Thatcher).
 The literature around traditional vs. transformative leadership especially with
reference to the gendered assumptions Fletcher highlights around masculine
and feminine leadership stereotypes.
 An analysis of job descriptions for leadership roles in Australian schools.
Specifically the language used with regard to key selection criteria.
WHAT Analyse patterns in literature and media commentary around women in leadership and the
impact this may have on women who aspire to leadership in the primary schools.
WHY Above mentioned ABS data around women’s representation in leadership positions.
Personal interest in exploring (as a theoretical model) Fletchers reading: The paradox of
postheroic leadership: an essay on gender, power, and transformational change. Also,
formal examples of leadership such as business and political leadership are important to
discuss as they impact the institutions that control how society operates.
WHERE Look at literature on traditional leadership and contrast this with more modern analysis. Has
the history caused the ideas of leadership and masculinity to become conflated?
HOW Review commentary presented in media and literature. Analysis of statistics around women
in leadership. Analysis of job positions for leadership roles.
WHO Women in leadership positions and how they are perceived/treated in these roles.
WHERE I refer primarily to Australia however may discuss female leadership in other western
countries.
References
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2012, December). Women in leadership, Australia
(no. 4102.0). Retrieved from http://www.abs.gov.au/
Fletcher, J. K. (2004). The paradox of postheroic leadership: An essay on gender,
power, and transformational change. The Leadership Quarterly, 15(5), 647-
661. doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2004.07.004

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Part B – Case study of transformative leadership
In her essay, the paradox of postheroic leadership: an essay on gender, power, and
transformational change (2004), Fletcher notes that the practise of leadership has
developed from an industrial-based model characterised by authoritarianism and
individualised systems of control to a more knowledge intensive model. She terms
the traditional industrial-based model of leadership as ‘heroic’ leadership and asserts
that many of the traits associated with traditional forms of leadership such as control,
individualism and assertiveness are historically thought of as masculine in nature
(Fletcher, 2004). The notion of traditional forms of leadership being masculine is
given further weight by Acker’s 1990 article, Hierarchies, jobs, bodies: a theory of
gendered organisations. In this article, written almost 25 years ago, Acker argues
that organisational structure is skewed towards a male bias where “assumptions
about gender underlie the documents and contracts used to construct
organizations…” thereby ensuring that gender segregation exists in income and
status between men and women. This inequality is entrenched through
organisational structures and processes (Acker, 1990, p. 139-140).
While the traditional or heroic leadership styles can be thought of as inherently
masculine, Fletcher, along with a variety of other authors (Rost, 1991, Uhl Bien et al,.
2007), point to a shift towards a more collective style of leadership. Fletcher terms
this ‘postheroic’ leadership. This shift coincides with the move from an industrial
economy premised on physical production to a knowledge-based system of
leadership (Uhl-Bien et al., 2007). This knowledge-based, postheroic leadership is
associated with traits such as empathy, community, vulnerability and collaboration,
skills which Fletcher (2004) deems to be inherently feminine. It therefore follows that
postheroic leadership suggests a ‘female advantage’, “the alignment of stereotypical
feminine behaviour with new leadership practices is assumed to give women an
advantage in today’s business environment” (Fletcher, 2004, p. 650).
It may be argued that the female advantage has been evidenced by a sharp rise in
females entering what were once male dominated industries such as politics, law
and medicine. Women now make up the majority of graduates in veterinary science,
medicine and law (Sloan, 2014). This is remarkable considering women were once
largely limited to the knowledge-based occupational industries of teaching and
nursing (Slone, 2014), positions that are often seen as being under the directorship
of others, for instance principals or doctors. According to recent data from the
Australian Bureau of Statistics (2012), the number of women in state and federal
parliament has consistently risen over the past ten years. The trend is also
increasing for women in the workforce overall (currently 46 per cent of workers) and
women in professional industries (currently 45 per cent of professionals). However

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this rise in the overall level of participation of women in the workforce has not
translated equally to women in leadership roles. Women are still underrepresented at
senior levels in both the public and private sectors (Australian Bureau of Statistics,
2012). In Australia women hold around 9 per cent of executive officer positions and
seats on boards while only 12 per cent of CEOs of the ASX 500 companies are
women (Sandberg, 2013). This suggests that the so called ‘female advantage’
surrounding leadership in the knowledge-based economy has not actualised.
This failure to reach gender equality in positions of senior leadership may lie in the
paradox of knowledge-based organisations being seen and written about as largely
gender neutral institutions as opposed to the overtly masculine institutions that
authors such as Acker (1990) define in traditional industrial economies. Fletcher
argues that organisations are still not gender neutral and the failure to acknowledge
this has lead to a discourse that “silences their radical challenge to current work
practices, structures, and norms” (2004, p. 647). Fletcher notes that while both men
and women can display any of the traits socially and stereotypically ascribed as
being masculine or feminine, “idealized images exert subtle but very real pressure on
women and men to “do gender” by defining themselves in relation to these
stereotypes”(2004, p. 650). Fletcher (2004) elaborates on this by suggesting that the
traditional traits seen as being masculine are still desirable within organisations. In
fact, according to Hutchinson (2013), chairman of QBE Insurance Group Limited, it is
human nature to promote the people who we view as most like ourselves, making it
difficult for women to break into the male dominated boardrooms. Fletcher terms this
‘the resiliency of heroic individualism’ stating that the everyday narrative that people
give about leadership remains, in essence, entrenched in heroic leadership traits.
Beer (as cited in Fletcher, 2004) notes that often when leaders recount stories of
success they place almost exclusive emphasis on the masculine associated
behaviours such as individual actions and decisions while largely omitting the more
feminised social relationships and interactions that contributed. A further possible
reason for the underrepresentation of women in leadership is the suggestion that the
concepts of ‘masculinity’ and ‘doing work’ have become conflated as a result of men
dominating the work sphere for so long (Fletcher, 2004). This in turn leads to both
men and women experiencing pressure to ‘do masculinity’ in order to succeed in the
workplace (Fletcher, 2004). Sorenson (1984) made the observation that in traditional
industrial-based work organisations men dominated the sector with the exception of
“the occasional biological female who acts as a social man” (as cited in Acker, 1990).
Cox also argues this by stating that men have put their image on leadership so
absolutely that in order to ‘make it’ a woman is obliged to practise masculine
leadership behaviour (1996, p. 56).

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This point is interesting in that it suggests that in order to be successful at an elite
level one must embody masculine traits. Perhaps the most overt example of women
in leadership can be found in the political sphere. According to Caro, Australians
divide their politics in to “mummy” and “daddy” roles (2013, p. 72). The more modern
and progressive side of politics, the Australian Labor Party (ALP), we identify as
feminine while the Liberal/National Party (LNP) are seen as more conservative and
traditional. Caro continues to assert that we see the feminised ALP as being linked
with reforms to nurturing and socially just endeavours such as health, education and
the environment while more aggressive masculine issues such as the defence force,
economy and border protection are better handled by the LNP (Caro, 2014).
Interestingly Caro then goes on to state that globally the only (and few) successful
female politicians are those who come from the masculine conservative parties and
take a hardline approach to leadership. She notes Margaret Thatcher and Angela
Merkel as examples of this. Neither of these women pushed a highly feminist
agenda. Contrastingly to Gillard who had a record number of women in cabinet,
Thatcher had an all-male cabinet (Hussein, 2013). Although perceived as less
masculine than Thatcher, Merkel has been routinely given names such as “Iron
Frau” and “Iron Chancellor” (Strong-Boag, 2013). When viewed within Fletcher’s
theory of gendered leadership this suggests that the so ‘female advantage’ is a myth
and that in order to be a successful female leader a woman must ‘do gender’ or
more specifically ‘do masculinity’.
If, as the above referenced authors suggest, a woman must ‘do masculinity’ in order
to thrive professionally the question must be raised about those who are seen as
bringing feminine traits to their leadership roles. According to Cox (1996) the
interpersonal skills and outwards appearances of women in senior leadership
positions are given undue attention and criticism in a manner that does not apply to
men. Cox goes on to note that these criticisms are often used to provide
commentary around a woman’s emotional state and ability to lead professionally
(1996, p. 63). This was certainly the case when Julia Gillard assumed the prime
ministership. Coming from the (as Caro notes) ‘mummy’ side of politics, the ALP,
Gillard was criticised publically for her hair, her lifestyle, her choice of clothing, and
her emotional state. In her autobiography, Julia Gillard recounts being called
“hysterical” on many occasions, a word, she says, which “men facing anger from a
woman so often choose” (Gillard, 2014, p. 298). Fellow parliamentarian Bill
Heffernan described her as “deliberately barren” with the implication that her status
as a childless female made her unfit for office (Lette, 2013, p. 80). Heffernan is not
on the record describing any childless male parliamentarians in this way. During one
interview an empty fruit bowl in the background was used as a metaphor to prove
that the Prime Minister was a bad homemaker (Razer, 2013, p. 107). At a Liberal
fundraiser for parliamentarian Mal Brough, items on the menu mockingly depicted
Gillard’s body. Although this was not perpetrated by Brough, rather than overtly and

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firmly denounce it as inappropriate or vulgar, he simply excused it as a “poor joke”
and “prank” and emerged from the situation unmarred (Ford, 2013, p.242). During an
anti-carbon tax levy protest then opposition leader Tony Abbott was photographed
grinning whilst standing in front of signs which read “Ditch the Witch” and a number
of other disrespectful and revolting comments in reference to Gillard. Interestingly
these personalised criticisms did not just come from men. In August 2012 prominent
feminist Germaine Greer was speaking about Gillard’s skills as a negotiator “it
happens to be what she’s good at” and a political leader on the ABC’s Q&A program.
Throughout her dialogue Greer spoke highly of Gillard as an effective operator in her
role as the most senior policy maker in the country. However, Greer ended her
commentary by criticising Gillard’s choice of clothing saying “what I want her to do is
get rid of those bloody jackets…every time she turns around you’ve got that strange
horizontal crease…you’ve got a big arse Julia, just get on with it”.
It is evident from these public examples and numerous others (comments made by
highly influential commentator Alan Jones, vulgar headlines and cartoons presented
in both social and mainstream media) that Gillard faced an unprecedented amount of
criticism. The frequent use of the words ‘bitch’, ‘slut’ and ‘whore’ indicate that these
criticism were largely aimed at (and some suggest incited by) her gender. Whilst the
argument can be made that male politicians have also been judged on appearance
and personality rather than policy, it is my contention, in line with Fletcher’s theory of
the ‘resiliency of heroic individualism’ that this argument simply makes gendered
violence both acceptable and easy to ignore. Commentators point to negative
commentary about current Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s ‘budgie smugglers’ or
former Prime Minister John Howard’s eyebrows as evidence that the attacks on
Gillard were not unique to her as a female. However, as Ford (2013) argues, these
criticisms were vastly different. Abbott’s swimwear and Howard’s eyebrows were not
used as evidence that the men were unfit to lead the country. In fact, when we
contrast her conduct with some of the scandals (Berlusconi’s underage sex scandal,
Clintons affair with an intern, Nixon’s phone bugging, Rudd’s pink batts) that have
undone, and in some cases mealy inconvenienced, other male leaders it is almost
ludicrous to suggest that she was unfit to lead.
Theoretically this narrative suggests that in 2014, after the advent of Australia’s first
female prime minister and the instance of increasing numbers of women in the
workforce, Fletcher’s concepts of ‘doing gender’ and ‘the resiliency of heroic
individualism’ are both relevant and present. Even with reference to Gillard, who
aforementioned commentators described as being a leader from the more feminised
side of politics, there is the assertion that in order to attain leadership of the ALP she
had to ‘do gender’. While speaking on a panel around feminism, commentator
Brooke Magnanti said “She has had to come up against such a male dominated

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system, she has had to play the game to perfection to get where she is” (Q&A,
2013). Just as masculinity has become conflated with organisational and cultural
policies and practices, so too has the opposite occurred. According to Ford, “The
ridiculing of women…the undermining of them via reference to their bodies, sexual
practice and history, womanhood and appearance, has become so commonplace in
a free-speaking society that, even when such comments are directed to the freaking
prime minister, they are dismissed as harmless fun” (Ford, 2013, p. 245). While
many point to favourable statistics around participation of women in the workforce as
a sign that we can now consider ourselves equal, this thinking, according to Ford
(2013), covers a subtle backdrop of the need to ‘do gender’ making it easy and
commonplace for people to ignore the gendered discrimination that is occurring and
reinforcing masculine norms. Indeed when recounting her time as prime minister of
Australia Gillard stated (in response to the gender based sexist treatment she
endured) “It seemed like sexism had become normalised. It was just the way things
were for me as prime minister.” (Gillard, 2013, p. 334)
It is evident from the Gillard experience that there is a bias against female leadership
in the political system. However, as previously noted the context of this essay is
female leadership in education. The rational for first addressing the lack of female
leadership in political sphere lies in the fact that this is the sector that influences and
dominates social commentary through the media. Gillard made strong reference to
this in her recent book, My Story (2014) where she called the Australian media “a
bastion for males” noting that in her view it is near impossible for a woman to be the
editor of a newspaper or CEO of a media company (Gillard, 2014, p. 296). She
justified this opinion by stating that no daily newspaper in Australia currently has a
female editor and that neither News Corp Australia nor Fairfax has ever had a
female CEO (Gillard, 2014). In an interview with Ray Martin to promote the release
of her biography Gillard described (many of) the journalist in the Canberra Press
Gallery as brutal, unethical and willing to resort to low-handed tactics to shoot her
down (Channel Nine, 2014). An outsider may look at Gillard’s gendered assertions
about the media and suggest that the coverage of her period of leadership was less
about bias news corporations and more a case of coloured reporting on an
ineffective prime minister. It should be noted that in addition to the challenges of
being the first female prime minister, Gillard was tasked with managing a (widely
documented) destabilised government and was elected as leader of a hung
parliament which meant that not only did she need to carefully monitor and managed
the members of her own party she also need to form alliances and make
compromises with a range of minor parties and independents. Despite this she
passed 566 pieces of legislation, 85% of which she was able to attain with the
support of the opposition (Cox, 2013). To put this figure in context, this is significantly
more legislation then was passed in the (LNP) Howard Government’s final term (520
pieces of legislation) (Ireland, 2013). The Howard Government had complete

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command of the parliament with a majority in both the House of Representatives and
the Senate (Gillard, 2014, p. 209). While reading aforementioned slander about
Gillard it is easy to forget that (as Greer suggested before criticising her outfits) she
was a very effective prime minister.
It is also relevant to note the media coverage of Gillard’s famed misogyny speech.
This speech received international praise in countries such as the United States,
Britain and France where it was referred to as “the most outspoken attack on sexism
in political history”. However, the speech was written off by much of the Australian
mainstream media as a disaster. Respected Australian journalist Lenore Taylor was
quoted as saying this reaction was a result of male dominance of newspapers (Lette,
2013, p. 84). With this negative commentary permeating through society it is little
wonder that according to a 2014 survey only 1 per cent of young women aspire to a
future in politics. Even more confronting is that 33 per cent of women said it would be
easier to get their ideal job if they were male and 50 per cent stated that sexism
affects their career path (Leaver, 2014). Globally, western women today are also
less likely to categorise themselves as “Leaders”, “Visionaries” or “Self-confident”
(Sandberg, 2013, p. 7). It is not just young women who view women as less
equipped for leadership but also young men. In an experiment conducted by a
professor at Columbia Business school male and female students were given near
identical Harvard Business School case studies to read about a successful venture
capitalist. The only difference in the case studies was the gender of the venture
capitalist. Half the students were given a the case study for Heidi while the other half
were given an identical case study with but with the gender changed to a male, that
of Howard. While the students rated the two case study subjects equally on their
accomplishments the students who read the Howard case study rated the subject
more appealing and likable than the students who read the Heidi case study. Heidi
came across as selfish to both the male and female students. According to Sandberg
(2013, p. 98), this case study shows that “success and likeability are positively
correlated for men and negatively correlated for women”.
In addition to dominating perceptions through the media, political organisations also
dictate policies (through law making and agenda setting) around leadership. They
largely control the institutions which dictate the way that society operates (Cox,
1996). The public school sector is funded by the federal government however in the
private sector Cope and Kalantzis (2009) note a shift from state run institutions to a
deregulated system professionally controlled by special interest groups. They
observe an increase in the privatisation of schools to a more self-regulated system
that operates more like a business than a service.

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The primary school education sector is heavily dominated by female employees.
According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, data from 2011 showed that 91 per
cent of education aides are female. Overall, 70 per cent of all teaching staff in
Australia are female, however, women represent less than half of all school
principals (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012). Similar data was also recorded in
the 2010 Staff in Australia’s Schools survey which highlighted an
underrepresentation of women in leadership positions. It showed that at the primary
level 81 per cent of teachers are female while only 57 per cent of school leaders
(principals as well as senior staff) are women (McKenzie, Rowley, Weldon & Murphy,
2011). The Australian Bureau of Statistics highlights “work and family balance” as
the key barrier that impinges women across all workplaces in Australia from seeking
promotion and taking on leadership positions (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012).
While this is undoubtedly a factor in the unbalanced gender quota in senior
leadership in the primary school education sector, I believe it is important to
understand the role that gender plays more widely when put in the context of school
leadership. With regard to work and family balance, the education sector has one of
the highest proportions (across surveyed occupations) with paid maternity leave
entitlements (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008). It is difficult to measure the
overall generosity of the education sectors maternity and family leave entitlements
due to the fragmentised nature of Australia education situation. Unlike countries such
as New Zealand which have a centralised education system. Australia has 24
education authorities covering private, independent and public education in each of
the eight states and territories (Wildy, Clarke, & Cardno, 2009). However, according
to gender equality advocate and founder of Women’s Agenda, Angela Priestly,
women in education and training have much better paid maternity leave conditions
than other women-dominated industries with an average duration of 13 weeks. This
is also better than the national average of 9.7 weeks paid maternity leave (Priestly,
2013). Taking this into account combined with the saturation of female employees in
the field overall it is difficult to imagine that (unlike other industries) work family
balance entirely accounts for the under representation of women in leadership
positions in schools.
When considering the role gender plays in the ability and willingness of women to
seek positions of leadership it is important to analyse the role of a leader in
Australian primary schools. In the following paragraphs I aim to look at the defining
characteristics of leadership in the Australian education sector and analyse these
characteristics in relation to Fletcher’s framework around gender roles and ‘doing
gender’.
The Principals Australia Institute is the (government funded) national organisation
set up to fund leadership development among Australian principals and school

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leaders. One of its leadership initiatives has been the Leaders Lead: Strengthening
the Australian school project which was rolled out in 2001-02. This brought together
school leaders from throughout Australia for a discourse on quality leadership. An
outcome of this discourse was the consideration of the complexity of school
leadership and the need to promote “functional knowledge and skills to carry out
everyday tasks and a people-focused approach that draws on individual and
collective experiences of people in their day-to-day experience” (Wildy et al., 2009,
p. 168). This model represented a shift away from the idea that leadership is based
largely on positional authority and towards a model focused on student centred
learning as priority Wildy et al., 2009, p. 169). From this discourse a leadership
framework emerged which underpins all the programs undertaken by the Principals
Australia Institute. The framework is based on the following five propositions:
 Leadership starts from within
 Leadership is about influencing others
 Leadership develops a rich learning environment
 Leadership builds professionalism and management capability
 Leadership inspires leadership actions and aspirations in others
(Principals Australia Institute, 2014)
According to Wildy et al (2009, p. 169), “implicit in the framework is the nexus
between the professional, interpersonal and personal demands of leadership…”
Characteristics of this model, such as the shift away from positional authority, the
collaborative people-focused approach and the focus on learning through inspiring
leadership aspirations in others are in line with what Fletcher (2004) identifies as the
key distinguishers of postheroic leadership (leadership as practice: shared and
distributed; leadership as social process: interactions; and Leadership as learning:
outcomes). Postheroic leadership, according to Fletcher, imbues more feminised
traits such as “empathy, community, vulnerability, and skills of inquiry and
collaboration” (Fletcher, 2004, p. 650) and is, in theory, more open to the ‘female
advantage’ (Fletcher, 2004). The guidelines set by the Principals Australia Institute
were put in place more than a decade ago, however, the imbalance between female
employees as proportionate to female leaders in the primary education sector
suggests, that the ‘female advantage’ has not materialised under the Principals
Australia Institute framework. Fletcher asserts that ‘the resiliency of heroic
individualism’ prevents traits seen as female in gender, such as “growing people”,
from overcoming the underlying heroic images of leadership (Fletcher, 2004).
According to the Queensland College of Teachers one of the key responsibilities of
teachers is to grow learners by “preparing young people to lead successful and
productive lives”. By this very definition teaching is deeply rooted in what Fletcher
terms as “feminine-linked images” (Fletcher, 2004, p. 651). Contrastingly when one
looks at the traditional images of a school principal they are seen as powerful and
masculine. In fact the term principal was historically known as “headmaster”. This
change in terminology while reflecting the progressive nature of society also reflects

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the historical heroic positioning of the role as masculine in our culture (Wildy et al.,
2009).
In addition to the postheroic language used in the Principals Australia Institute
leadership framework it is also relevant to look at the language used in the current
selection criteria of advertised vacancies for leadership positions in primary schools
throughout Australia. In order to analyse the stated attributes sought after in school
leaders, a small sample of key selection criteria for advertised senior leadership
roles in public primary schools across Australia were analysed (appendix 1). These
positions were selected at random based on availability and schools were de-
identified. They include:
 Two Queensland principal positions from different regions of the state
 One Victorian deputy principal position
 Three New South Wales principal positions from different regions of the state
From this analysis using Fletcher’s definitions of “the skills and attributes needed to
enact postheroic leadership – things like collaboration, sharing, and
teamwork…aligned in our mind’s eye with displays of femininity” (Fletcher 2004, p.
653) a number of feminine-linked images were drawn out:
 “Demonstrated strong interpersonal skills and the capacity to develop and
sustain productive relationships within and beyond the school community”
 “Highly developed skills in leading and managing change including the
leadership of others in the process of change”
 “A highly developed capacity to motivate staff, develop their talents and build
an effective team”
 “Exemplary values pertaining to personal qualities of objectivity, sensitivity
and integrity”
 “Ability to coach and mentor staff…”
 “Demonstrated highly effective leader who is approachable, visible and
collaborative with outstanding interpersonal skills…”
In appendix 1, the selection criteria highlighted in yellow can be linked to traits
desirable under postheroic leadership model. This accounts for more than half of the
selection criteria. It is evident that these feminine-linked traits are desirable,
however, the (proportional) lack of women filling these leadership positions serves to
add further merit to Fletcher’s (2004) concept of the ‘resiliency of heroic
individualism’.
In this assignment I have attempted to use the social and media commentary of Julia
Gillard’s prime ministership as a case study to highlight some of the challenges

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gender presents with regard to leadership. Using Fletcher’s (2004) work as a
theoretical framework I suggest reasons that extend beyond the pressures of
family/work balance as to why the primary education sector is under represented
(relative to the overall number of female employees) by females in leadership
positions. One conclusion within Fletcher’s (2004) model is that the number of
women participating in the primary school system is cloaking the relative lack of
women in the upper echelons of leadership. It is also possible to conclude that the
feminine traits that are in the public discourse as being desirable to postheroic,
transformational leadership are in fact less desirable than the historical and
unspoken masculine traits of heroic leadership, traits which have led to ‘doing
gender’ or more accurately ‘doing masculinity’ and organisational culture being
conflated. A third possible conclusion that can be drawn, connected directly with
case study of Julia Gillard as our first female prime minister, is that females as
leaders, no matter how effective, will be judged on their physical attributes and
gender rather than their ability to lead an organisation. This is perhaps best
illustrated by the lack of young women aspiring to leadership and the high number of
women who believe they would have a more successful career if they were male
(Leaver, 2014). In an article examining women’s views on leadership internationally
Adams suggests that “successful transformation of women’s access to leadership
requires changes in how women perceive their status in society and in how societies
support women’s emergence to leadership” (Adams, 2009, p. 223). As the numerous
gender-laced accounts of Gillard’s leadership in the Australian media as well as
Columbia Business School’s Heidi/Howard experiment shows us, there is a need to
address the media’s portrayal of women in leadership across gendered lines. In
addition to this there is also a need to conduct further research and analysis of
female (and male) motivations and deterrents for entering leadership positions within
the Australian primary school system. While data is available, there is a lack of
research and analysis surrounding under-representation of females in such
leadership positions. When viewed in Fletcher’s (2004) theory of ‘resiliency of heroic
individualism’ this may be due to the fact that simply having a high proportion of
women in the industry hides the need to investigate why there are not more women
in key leadership positions. Based on these conclusions the following
recommendations have been drawn both in relation to women in positions of
leadership in primary schools and more broadly around the representation of women
in leadership in the wider community:
 A review of the mainstream media’s portrayal of women in the media and
guidelines created around the portrayal of all people on their merit rather than
their appearance or gender when reporting news (as opposed to opinion)
articles.
 The formation of a ‘women in education leadership’ mentor program (if one
does not privately exist) either within the Principals Australia Institute or
another representative body. One possible model to consider is that of Chief
Executive Woman which earlier this year joined with a group of Australia’s

TessJabbour
most senior chief executives and directors to launch the new management
model The Leadership Shadow which “helps leaders to listen, learn and lead
on the issue of diversity by understanding the impact of their personal actions
in the workplace”. The model aims to send the right signals around gender
diversity in the work place (Kitney, 2014).
 A survey of both female and male teachers across Australia to find out their
attitudes towards leadership and barriers they see as impeding their abilities
to reach any desired positions of leadership. Such a survey should include
questions directly relating to gender and leadership style. Such questions may
provide more insight into whether a feminine leadership style contributed to
their effectiveness or they felt the need to ‘do gender’.
 A continued focus and performance measurement on leadership qualities as
outlined by the Principals Australia Institute in line with transformational
leadership.

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