The research paper was written by Haroon Rashid a known figure titlled as Will politicians take politics to the Tribal region and published in a Research Journal of Fata Research Center Volume 2.
Will Politicians Bring Politics to FATA? by Haroon Rashid (2012 December, Tig...fatanews
1) Politicians have been barred from FATA since Pakistan's creation in 1947, though religious parties operated freely. Recent reforms allow political parties but progress has been slow.
2) While the goal was to defeat extremism and mainstream FATA, over a year later major politicians and parties have not held public rallies in FATA due to fear and reluctance.
3) Critics argue real change requires leaders like the President to visit FATA and encourage other politicians, though security remains an issue in some areas. The absence of political voices allows militants greater influence over the local population.
This document summarizes the security situation in the eastern Terai region of Nepal, with a focus on Jhapa and Morang districts. It finds that political transitions in Nepal have empowered marginalized groups like Madhesis, but also created opportunities for criminals and instability. Madhesi communities have strong ethnic identities and will seek greater political representation, but conflicts exist within Terai society along lines of religion, caste, gender and class. Both Jhapa and Morang districts face cross-border crimes but Jhapa has been less affected by the ongoing conflicts. Overall, lasting peace in the region will require both political solutions and social/economic development that unites diverse communities.
The voices of the majority of Afghans are simply not heard nor heeded in the corridors of power in Kabul, Washington, New York, and Brussels. Inevitably, much of the policy discussion about Afghanistan in the country and around the world focuses on the big picture. While not claiming to be statistically representative
of the Afghan population, Take the Guns Away highlights the views of some Afghans, including farmers, teachers, housewives, and shopkeepers.Their views should, as much as any other, influence the many decisions facing Afghanistan
This document summarizes the accomplishments of CDM Lambigit from 2010-2011, including being the first region to organize various bodies and hold assemblies. It discusses building the movement through political education events and recruiting new members. Goals for 2011 include organizing all 22 districts in the region and achieving 500 dues-paying members per district. Challenges include making the group politically significant and ensuring representation at the national level.
Political Parties in Pakistan; A Long Way AheadNazeer Mahar
This document discusses political parties in Pakistan and the need for reforms. It notes that while democracy has increased globally over the past few decades, confidence in political parties is declining. In Pakistan specifically, voter turnout has dropped by 21.6% between 1970 and 2002 elections. Political parties have only been in power democratically for 27 of Pakistan's 57 years, and the frequent dismissal of governments and legislatures by military regimes has denied political parties the space to develop. The document calls for reforms at the state, party, and civil society levels to strengthen political parties and democratic governance in Pakistan.
Pakistan has a long history of political instability due to factors such as corruption, the role of the military in politics, weak opposition, and media involvement in politics rather than policy issues. Major political parties include PML-N, PPP, PTI, PML-Q, ANP, JI, and MQM. Corruption is widespread, with politicians seen as the biggest source of graft. The military has intervened directly in politics and governance on multiple occasions over the decades. Opposition parties focus more on gaining power than solving public problems. Media advancement depends on the type of civilian or military government but it also prioritizes political battles over policy.
Will Politicians Bring Politics to FATA? by Haroon Rashid (2012 December, Tig...fatanews
1) Politicians have been barred from FATA since Pakistan's creation in 1947, though religious parties operated freely. Recent reforms allow political parties but progress has been slow.
2) While the goal was to defeat extremism and mainstream FATA, over a year later major politicians and parties have not held public rallies in FATA due to fear and reluctance.
3) Critics argue real change requires leaders like the President to visit FATA and encourage other politicians, though security remains an issue in some areas. The absence of political voices allows militants greater influence over the local population.
This document summarizes the security situation in the eastern Terai region of Nepal, with a focus on Jhapa and Morang districts. It finds that political transitions in Nepal have empowered marginalized groups like Madhesis, but also created opportunities for criminals and instability. Madhesi communities have strong ethnic identities and will seek greater political representation, but conflicts exist within Terai society along lines of religion, caste, gender and class. Both Jhapa and Morang districts face cross-border crimes but Jhapa has been less affected by the ongoing conflicts. Overall, lasting peace in the region will require both political solutions and social/economic development that unites diverse communities.
The voices of the majority of Afghans are simply not heard nor heeded in the corridors of power in Kabul, Washington, New York, and Brussels. Inevitably, much of the policy discussion about Afghanistan in the country and around the world focuses on the big picture. While not claiming to be statistically representative
of the Afghan population, Take the Guns Away highlights the views of some Afghans, including farmers, teachers, housewives, and shopkeepers.Their views should, as much as any other, influence the many decisions facing Afghanistan
This document summarizes the accomplishments of CDM Lambigit from 2010-2011, including being the first region to organize various bodies and hold assemblies. It discusses building the movement through political education events and recruiting new members. Goals for 2011 include organizing all 22 districts in the region and achieving 500 dues-paying members per district. Challenges include making the group politically significant and ensuring representation at the national level.
Political Parties in Pakistan; A Long Way AheadNazeer Mahar
This document discusses political parties in Pakistan and the need for reforms. It notes that while democracy has increased globally over the past few decades, confidence in political parties is declining. In Pakistan specifically, voter turnout has dropped by 21.6% between 1970 and 2002 elections. Political parties have only been in power democratically for 27 of Pakistan's 57 years, and the frequent dismissal of governments and legislatures by military regimes has denied political parties the space to develop. The document calls for reforms at the state, party, and civil society levels to strengthen political parties and democratic governance in Pakistan.
Pakistan has a long history of political instability due to factors such as corruption, the role of the military in politics, weak opposition, and media involvement in politics rather than policy issues. Major political parties include PML-N, PPP, PTI, PML-Q, ANP, JI, and MQM. Corruption is widespread, with politicians seen as the biggest source of graft. The military has intervened directly in politics and governance on multiple occasions over the decades. Opposition parties focus more on gaining power than solving public problems. Media advancement depends on the type of civilian or military government but it also prioritizes political battles over policy.
This document summarizes an analysis of the manifestos of eight major Pakistani political parties regarding their stances on population issues. The analysis assessed how much importance each party places on population growth and related topics. It found that most parties do not give significant attention or priority to population issues in their manifestos. The analysis was conducted to create a baseline of parties' commitments and to inform recommendations for improving incorporation of population topics in future manifestos.
The new government in Burma will likely face challenges in shifting the country's direction. While some signs point to potential democratic reforms, the military regime has successfully maintained power for decades. Future leaders may gradually adopt more open attitudes, but preserving the status quo remains the safer bet given the military's entrenched strength and resistance to change.
The Myanmar Elections: Results and Implications MYO AUNG Myanmar
Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°147
Yangon/Brussels, 9 December 2015
I. Overview
The 8 November elections were a major waypoint in Myanmar’s transition from authoritarian
rule. Holding a peaceful, orderly vote in a context of little experience of
electoral democracy, deep political fissures and ongoing armed conflict in several
areas was a major achievement for all political actors, the election commission and
the country as a whole. The victorious National League for Democracy (NLD) needs
to use the four-month transitional period before it takes power at the end of March
2016 wisely, identifying key appointees early so that they have as much time as possible to prepare for the substantial challenges ahead.
The document discusses challenges facing development in Northeast India, including historical issues, political unrest, and identity crises among indigenous groups. It proposes solutions like increasing government outreach to tribal communities, expanding political representation of Northeast states, and providing identity documents to help indigenous peoples feel more connected to the Indian nation. The key implementation elements are raising awareness through government officials and stakeholders like NGOs, while the hoped for impacts are greater community engagement, political stability, and economic growth in the Northeast.
This document discusses the differences between democracy and dictatorship in Pakistan. It argues that some dictatorships, like those of Ayub Khan and Musharraf, were able to achieve high economic growth rates and development projects. However, democracies in Pakistan have accumulated a large amount of debt and failed to improve people's lives. While democracy is important, the rulers in Pakistan's democracies have abused power and failed to establish rule of law or equality. Overall, the document questions whether democracy or dictatorship has been better for Pakistan's development and people.
The document is the text of a speech delivered by Her Excellency Mrs. ‘Funmi Olayinka, Deputy Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria, at the annual lecture of Women in Management and Business. [1] It discusses the low level of participation of women in Nigerian politics despite constitutional protections guaranteeing political participation and international agreements ratified by Nigeria. [2] It notes that women constitute about 49% of Nigeria's population but hold less than 5% of important decision making positions, with an average of only 0.05% representation in the national assembly. [3] The speech aims to analyze the causes of this situation and propose ways to increase women's political participation in Nigeria.
This document discusses defining success in Afghanistan. It argues that success is establishing a stable political order, security situation, and indigenous security forces that can prevent Afghanistan from being a safe haven for terrorists with reduced international support. While progress has been made in security, political progress has been slower. Improvements to Afghan governance through greater local participation are needed. Challenges include corruption, Pakistani sanctuaries for insurgent groups, and the seasonal nature of the conflict means the true test of progress will come in summer 2011. Continued support for the current strategy is recommended.
The document discusses the role and history of major political parties in Pakistan. It provides background information on each party, including the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML-N), Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pakistan Muslim League (Q) (PML-Q), Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and Awami National Party (ANP). It notes that the PPP is the largest party and has been active since 1967, while the PML-N is the second biggest party led by Nawaz Sharif. The PTI was founded by Imran Khan in 1996 and has emerged as a counterweight to the PPP
Situation of governance in pakistan by Rahat ul-aainRahat ul Aain
This document analyzes governance issues in Pakistan from a managerial perspective and suggests reforms. It identifies several problems with Pakistan's bureaucracy, including inability to promote welfare, elitism, and inefficiency. Other issues discussed include overemphasis on technology without substance, mismanagement of human capital, lack of consultation on reforms leading to resistance, lack of indigenous policymaking, need to reform intelligence agencies to address militancy and terrorism, and exploitation of Pakistan's economy and resources by international agencies. The document argues that comprehensive reforms are needed across Pakistan's governance systems to address these problems.
The document discusses the political situation in Pakistan, focusing on the rivalry between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and opposition leaders Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri. Khan and Qadri have led large protests in Islamabad demanding Sharif's resignation due to allegations of election rigging. The protests have led to deaths and the arrest of over 100 protesters. The military, led by Army Chief Raheel Sharif, is playing a mediating role and has urged both sides to refrain from violence. However, the political situation remains uncertain.
FATA Local Governance Reforms: Long Road to Nowhere? (report, October 2012, U...fatanews
Summary
Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) remain mired in an archaic century-old system of indirect governance that provides space in which militant movements have thrived.
President Asif Ali Zardari recently announced the FATA Local Governance Regulation 2012, establishing a system of local councils in the troubled tribal region.
Although the regulation is disappointingly vague, and retains the sweeping prerogatives of the central government, it appears to have been driven in part by the army’s interest in building civilian governance capacity in conflict-torn areas.
The governments of Pakistan and the United States, along with local and international stakeholders, should advocate for continuity of implementation, insist on party-based local council elections, encourage experimentation within the bounds of the regulation, link the new councils to existing development structures, press the government to articulate a longer-term political vision for the FATA, and be realistic about the necessity of the army’s active involvement in shaping governance policy in the tribal areas.
About this Brief
Joshua T. White was a 2011–12 Jennings Randolph Peace Scholar at the U.S. Institute of Peace. He holds a Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University, and conducted a portion of this research in conjunction with a generous grant from the American Institute of Pakistan Studies. Shuja Ali Malik received his M.Sc. in International Relations from Quaid-e-Azam University, and works as a producer at an Urdu-language news service in Islamabad. The views expressed in this brief do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Institute of Peace, which does not take policy positions. Subscribe to our email newsletter at http://eepurl.com/qnf75
This document summarizes a PhD dissertation on local self-government in Nepal's Western Development Region from 1990 to 2002. It includes an overview of the study's objectives, methodology, findings, and recommendations. The study examined constraints on accountable, responsible local governance. It found issues like a lack of autonomy over finances and staffing, unclear roles and functions, irregularities in project implementation, weak institutional capacity, and declining citizen participation. Structural constraints like central control over local posts also hindered decentralization. The study recommends strengthening local bodies' financial and administrative autonomy, building capacity, clarifying concepts of autonomy, and reducing parallel institutions to improve local governance.
- The document analyzes the governance challenges faced by Benazir Bhutto's government from 1988-1990 in Pakistan. It discusses issues like the fragile parliamentary position of PPP, hostile relations with the opposition and military, and center-provincial tensions.
- Key issues included weak civil-military relations as the military did not want PPP in power, hostile relations with the opposition alliance IJI, and tensions between the central government and provinces like Punjab.
- These challenges undermined Benazir Bhutto's ability to strengthen democracy and establish good governance during her first term as Prime Minister of Pakistan.
The document discusses reforms to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. It notes that FATA's over 5 million residents lack basic rights and the region has faced violence. Proposed reforms include merging FATA into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province or creating a separate FATA province. Locals are divided on the options, with educated youth favoring merger and some political leaders favoring a separate province. However, both proposals face challenges in implementation and past similar reforms in other regions show mixed results. The author argues that long-term, sustainable reforms require an indigenous approach that has local support and addresses FATA's unique needs.
The consequences of the wrong actions in the right directionSUN&FZ Associates
It is not that those who mattered in corridors of political power were not timely advised to put Pakistan’s derailed political process back on track. It is also not that the so-called establishment did not acknowledge and consider the set of suggestions which were submitted for its consideration and appropriate action. Then what went wrong?
An exclusive political review of excerpts from an article published in the daily Jang Lahore on 18th and 19th April, 1990 and an analysis of what is happening in Pakistan now and how that can be corrected!
INDIA'S DOMESTIC POLITICS AND ITS IMPACT ON THE REGIONAL INTEGRATION PROCESS ...Manzoor Naazer
Regional integration theorists believe that a core state plays a crucial role in the growth of regionalism. The
policies and priorities of states are shaped by its internal politics. Thus, India’s domestic politics is worth-exploring in the
context of South Asian regionalism. South Asia once formed a single administrative, economic and political unit was divided
on communal lines due to the concerns of its Muslim community. The status and position of Indian Muslims constituting the
largest religious minority in India and the one-third of overall Muslim population in South Asia can have far reaching impact
on the process of regional integration in South Asia. Their integration into Indian state and society can serve as a centripetal
force for European modeled regional integration in South Asia. In this context, the paper explores the status of Muslim
minority in India and its impact on the process of regional integration in South Asia.
This report analyzes data on security incidents and civilian casualties in Syria from January to October 2015 to determine which armed groups are causing the most harm. The key findings are:
1) The Government of Syria initiated the majority (72%) of security incidents and caused the most civilian casualties (77%), including the vast majority (81%) of women and children killed.
2) Opposition armed groups initiated 14% of incidents but caused 7% of civilian deaths. ISIS initiated 7% of incidents and caused 10% of civilian deaths.
3) Civilian populations most at risk are those living in opposition-controlled areas targeted by government forces, particularly in Rural Damascus, Aleppo, and Idlib governorates.
Fata political regime changing legal administrative status of tribal areasSalman
The document discusses the benefits of meditation for reducing stress and anxiety. Regular meditation practice can help calm the mind and body by lowering heart rate and blood pressure. Studies have shown that meditating for just 10-20 minutes per day can have significant positive impacts on both mental and physical health over time.
Political development in federally administered tribalSalman
The paper titled as Political Development in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA): A step to Minimizing and Radicalization written by Umar Sajjad and was published in Research Journal of Fata Research Center Name as TIGAH Volume 3
This document summarizes an analysis of the manifestos of eight major Pakistani political parties regarding their stances on population issues. The analysis assessed how much importance each party places on population growth and related topics. It found that most parties do not give significant attention or priority to population issues in their manifestos. The analysis was conducted to create a baseline of parties' commitments and to inform recommendations for improving incorporation of population topics in future manifestos.
The new government in Burma will likely face challenges in shifting the country's direction. While some signs point to potential democratic reforms, the military regime has successfully maintained power for decades. Future leaders may gradually adopt more open attitudes, but preserving the status quo remains the safer bet given the military's entrenched strength and resistance to change.
The Myanmar Elections: Results and Implications MYO AUNG Myanmar
Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°147
Yangon/Brussels, 9 December 2015
I. Overview
The 8 November elections were a major waypoint in Myanmar’s transition from authoritarian
rule. Holding a peaceful, orderly vote in a context of little experience of
electoral democracy, deep political fissures and ongoing armed conflict in several
areas was a major achievement for all political actors, the election commission and
the country as a whole. The victorious National League for Democracy (NLD) needs
to use the four-month transitional period before it takes power at the end of March
2016 wisely, identifying key appointees early so that they have as much time as possible to prepare for the substantial challenges ahead.
The document discusses challenges facing development in Northeast India, including historical issues, political unrest, and identity crises among indigenous groups. It proposes solutions like increasing government outreach to tribal communities, expanding political representation of Northeast states, and providing identity documents to help indigenous peoples feel more connected to the Indian nation. The key implementation elements are raising awareness through government officials and stakeholders like NGOs, while the hoped for impacts are greater community engagement, political stability, and economic growth in the Northeast.
This document discusses the differences between democracy and dictatorship in Pakistan. It argues that some dictatorships, like those of Ayub Khan and Musharraf, were able to achieve high economic growth rates and development projects. However, democracies in Pakistan have accumulated a large amount of debt and failed to improve people's lives. While democracy is important, the rulers in Pakistan's democracies have abused power and failed to establish rule of law or equality. Overall, the document questions whether democracy or dictatorship has been better for Pakistan's development and people.
The document is the text of a speech delivered by Her Excellency Mrs. ‘Funmi Olayinka, Deputy Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria, at the annual lecture of Women in Management and Business. [1] It discusses the low level of participation of women in Nigerian politics despite constitutional protections guaranteeing political participation and international agreements ratified by Nigeria. [2] It notes that women constitute about 49% of Nigeria's population but hold less than 5% of important decision making positions, with an average of only 0.05% representation in the national assembly. [3] The speech aims to analyze the causes of this situation and propose ways to increase women's political participation in Nigeria.
This document discusses defining success in Afghanistan. It argues that success is establishing a stable political order, security situation, and indigenous security forces that can prevent Afghanistan from being a safe haven for terrorists with reduced international support. While progress has been made in security, political progress has been slower. Improvements to Afghan governance through greater local participation are needed. Challenges include corruption, Pakistani sanctuaries for insurgent groups, and the seasonal nature of the conflict means the true test of progress will come in summer 2011. Continued support for the current strategy is recommended.
The document discusses the role and history of major political parties in Pakistan. It provides background information on each party, including the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML-N), Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pakistan Muslim League (Q) (PML-Q), Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and Awami National Party (ANP). It notes that the PPP is the largest party and has been active since 1967, while the PML-N is the second biggest party led by Nawaz Sharif. The PTI was founded by Imran Khan in 1996 and has emerged as a counterweight to the PPP
Situation of governance in pakistan by Rahat ul-aainRahat ul Aain
This document analyzes governance issues in Pakistan from a managerial perspective and suggests reforms. It identifies several problems with Pakistan's bureaucracy, including inability to promote welfare, elitism, and inefficiency. Other issues discussed include overemphasis on technology without substance, mismanagement of human capital, lack of consultation on reforms leading to resistance, lack of indigenous policymaking, need to reform intelligence agencies to address militancy and terrorism, and exploitation of Pakistan's economy and resources by international agencies. The document argues that comprehensive reforms are needed across Pakistan's governance systems to address these problems.
The document discusses the political situation in Pakistan, focusing on the rivalry between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and opposition leaders Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri. Khan and Qadri have led large protests in Islamabad demanding Sharif's resignation due to allegations of election rigging. The protests have led to deaths and the arrest of over 100 protesters. The military, led by Army Chief Raheel Sharif, is playing a mediating role and has urged both sides to refrain from violence. However, the political situation remains uncertain.
FATA Local Governance Reforms: Long Road to Nowhere? (report, October 2012, U...fatanews
Summary
Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) remain mired in an archaic century-old system of indirect governance that provides space in which militant movements have thrived.
President Asif Ali Zardari recently announced the FATA Local Governance Regulation 2012, establishing a system of local councils in the troubled tribal region.
Although the regulation is disappointingly vague, and retains the sweeping prerogatives of the central government, it appears to have been driven in part by the army’s interest in building civilian governance capacity in conflict-torn areas.
The governments of Pakistan and the United States, along with local and international stakeholders, should advocate for continuity of implementation, insist on party-based local council elections, encourage experimentation within the bounds of the regulation, link the new councils to existing development structures, press the government to articulate a longer-term political vision for the FATA, and be realistic about the necessity of the army’s active involvement in shaping governance policy in the tribal areas.
About this Brief
Joshua T. White was a 2011–12 Jennings Randolph Peace Scholar at the U.S. Institute of Peace. He holds a Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University, and conducted a portion of this research in conjunction with a generous grant from the American Institute of Pakistan Studies. Shuja Ali Malik received his M.Sc. in International Relations from Quaid-e-Azam University, and works as a producer at an Urdu-language news service in Islamabad. The views expressed in this brief do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Institute of Peace, which does not take policy positions. Subscribe to our email newsletter at http://eepurl.com/qnf75
This document summarizes a PhD dissertation on local self-government in Nepal's Western Development Region from 1990 to 2002. It includes an overview of the study's objectives, methodology, findings, and recommendations. The study examined constraints on accountable, responsible local governance. It found issues like a lack of autonomy over finances and staffing, unclear roles and functions, irregularities in project implementation, weak institutional capacity, and declining citizen participation. Structural constraints like central control over local posts also hindered decentralization. The study recommends strengthening local bodies' financial and administrative autonomy, building capacity, clarifying concepts of autonomy, and reducing parallel institutions to improve local governance.
- The document analyzes the governance challenges faced by Benazir Bhutto's government from 1988-1990 in Pakistan. It discusses issues like the fragile parliamentary position of PPP, hostile relations with the opposition and military, and center-provincial tensions.
- Key issues included weak civil-military relations as the military did not want PPP in power, hostile relations with the opposition alliance IJI, and tensions between the central government and provinces like Punjab.
- These challenges undermined Benazir Bhutto's ability to strengthen democracy and establish good governance during her first term as Prime Minister of Pakistan.
The document discusses reforms to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. It notes that FATA's over 5 million residents lack basic rights and the region has faced violence. Proposed reforms include merging FATA into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province or creating a separate FATA province. Locals are divided on the options, with educated youth favoring merger and some political leaders favoring a separate province. However, both proposals face challenges in implementation and past similar reforms in other regions show mixed results. The author argues that long-term, sustainable reforms require an indigenous approach that has local support and addresses FATA's unique needs.
The consequences of the wrong actions in the right directionSUN&FZ Associates
It is not that those who mattered in corridors of political power were not timely advised to put Pakistan’s derailed political process back on track. It is also not that the so-called establishment did not acknowledge and consider the set of suggestions which were submitted for its consideration and appropriate action. Then what went wrong?
An exclusive political review of excerpts from an article published in the daily Jang Lahore on 18th and 19th April, 1990 and an analysis of what is happening in Pakistan now and how that can be corrected!
INDIA'S DOMESTIC POLITICS AND ITS IMPACT ON THE REGIONAL INTEGRATION PROCESS ...Manzoor Naazer
Regional integration theorists believe that a core state plays a crucial role in the growth of regionalism. The
policies and priorities of states are shaped by its internal politics. Thus, India’s domestic politics is worth-exploring in the
context of South Asian regionalism. South Asia once formed a single administrative, economic and political unit was divided
on communal lines due to the concerns of its Muslim community. The status and position of Indian Muslims constituting the
largest religious minority in India and the one-third of overall Muslim population in South Asia can have far reaching impact
on the process of regional integration in South Asia. Their integration into Indian state and society can serve as a centripetal
force for European modeled regional integration in South Asia. In this context, the paper explores the status of Muslim
minority in India and its impact on the process of regional integration in South Asia.
This report analyzes data on security incidents and civilian casualties in Syria from January to October 2015 to determine which armed groups are causing the most harm. The key findings are:
1) The Government of Syria initiated the majority (72%) of security incidents and caused the most civilian casualties (77%), including the vast majority (81%) of women and children killed.
2) Opposition armed groups initiated 14% of incidents but caused 7% of civilian deaths. ISIS initiated 7% of incidents and caused 10% of civilian deaths.
3) Civilian populations most at risk are those living in opposition-controlled areas targeted by government forces, particularly in Rural Damascus, Aleppo, and Idlib governorates.
Fata political regime changing legal administrative status of tribal areasSalman
The document discusses the benefits of meditation for reducing stress and anxiety. Regular meditation practice can help calm the mind and body by lowering heart rate and blood pressure. Studies have shown that meditating for just 10-20 minutes per day can have significant positive impacts on both mental and physical health over time.
Political development in federally administered tribalSalman
The paper titled as Political Development in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA): A step to Minimizing and Radicalization written by Umar Sajjad and was published in Research Journal of Fata Research Center Name as TIGAH Volume 3
Women's initiative of learning & leadership.Salman
The 2013 elections marked an increase in women’s participation in mainstream
politics in Pakistan. Not only did more women compete in the elections than ever
before, the 2013 election results saw a record 214 women elected to national and
provincial assemblies. However, although all the main parties have women’s wings,
men still dominate the leadership ranks, and many experienced women were denied
the chance to contest directly for seats in parliament. Of the new women entrants
in 2013, only 16 were elected in general seats; the rest entered parliament through
reserved slots. As a result, this new numerical strength has not translated into women
having decision-making influence or serving in key government positions.
Integrating Pakistan’s Tribal Areas into the National PictureSalman
The paper titled as Integrating Pakistan’s Tribal Areas into the National Picture written by Laiq ur Rehman & Waqas Idrees and was published in a Research Journal of Fata Research Center Name as TIGAH V3
Child Rights in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan: A...Salman
The paper titled as Child Rights in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan: Analyses and A Way Forward written by Arshad Mahmood and was published in a Research Journal of Fata Research Center Name as TIGAH V3
Political violence and extermism in Pakistan. Political violence in different regions of Pakistan like panjab, balochistan, kp, Gilgit baltistan, Sindh
A decade-long Maoist insurgency in Nepal killed over 15,000 people and displaced thousands. This conflict disrupted Nepal's socio-economy and altered traditional values. However, it positively influenced grassroots communities by transforming the traditional caste system and empowering excluded groups. The initial Maoist demands reflected civil society concerns, though socialism is not viable in today's world where human rights must be guaranteed. Recently, both the Maoists and government found common ground in establishing an assembly to abolish the monarchy. The current dialogue presents an opportunity for the Maoists to join mainstream politics if they accept democracy. For peace talks to succeed, the Maoists must commit to a multi-party system to
The document discusses the Naxalite movement in India. It provides background on the origins of Naxalism in 1967 and describes the movement's goals of establishing a classless society and dismantling the current political system. It outlines some of the major Naxalite attacks in 2010 and lists the demands of the Naxalites, which include releasing political prisoners and recognizing tribal land rights. The document also summarizes the Indian government and Congress party's perspectives on addressing Naxalism through negotiations while tackling root causes of deprivation.
This document summarizes the paradox of political parties in Pakistan. It discusses how political parties have become a commodity for unconstitutional rulers to gain legitimacy, resulting in public disenchantment. It also outlines internal deficiencies of Pakistani political parties, such as a lack of internal democracy and issue-oriented policies. Reforms are needed to professionalize parties, establish public funding, and enable effective opposition participation to strengthen democracy.
Political Reforms in FATA: Will it End Militancy? (Sayed Wiqar Shah 2012)fatanews
This document summarizes a working paper about political reforms in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. It discusses the history of FATA's governance under British colonial rule and its continuation after independence. It notes the high levels of militancy and presence of al-Qaeda and Taliban in FATA. Recent political reforms aim to introduce mainstream political activities, but their implementation faces issues. The document explores questions around how various stakeholders may react and whether the reforms can help end the current militancy in the region.
Pakistan's political situation is unstable and faces many problems. Major issues include rampant corruption among politicians, the influential role of the military in government, opposition that prioritizes gaining power over solving problems, and a biased media focused on propaganda. Unstable governments have resulted from military dictatorships, dissolution of assemblies, and no democratically elected prime minister completing their full term until 2013. Corruption, military interference, weak institutions, and socioeconomic issues like terrorism and unemployment have hindered Pakistan's political development and prevented stable governance.
This document summarizes a discussion between Mahalingam M. and Dr. Denison Jayasooria on issues related to the Malaysian Indian community and politics. Dr. Jayasooria compares the leadership styles of former and current heads of the Malaysian Indian Congress. He also comments on recent racial slurs in Malaysia, the growing racial divide under the current government, the destruction of historical Hindu-Buddhist sites, and the role of Puan Sri Janaky Athi Nahappan in the Malaysian independence struggle and MIC party.
The Failure of the Muslim League in Post-Colonial Pakistan: A Critical Apprai...AJHSSR Journal
Objectives: The main objective of this research paper is to highlight the causes of the failures of Muslim
League in Pakistan, of which it was the founding party. It examines the role played by the politicians and
bureaucracy which became the dominant actor in national power politics.
Methodology: This is a qualitative research entirely based on literature survey from library data collected from
books and articles.
Significance: Nations states in developing societies were a legacy of colonial rule. The catastrophic world wars
of the European metropolis had spillover effects in developing countries, where colonialism was replaced by
communism and nationalism among post-colonial peoples. The political parties who led anticolonial nationalist
movements employed demonstrations, agitation, and mobilization at broader level for their intentions, but
without the existential enemy of the colonial oppressor they were prone to division and faced numerous
incidentals, natural and hostile challenges, particularly in the case of Pakistan, whose birth was deliberately
sabotaged by British imperialism as well as Indian nationalism. Nevertheless, the Muslim League was
essentially successful in its fundamental aim of creating a Muslim state in South Asia and began to administer it
after independence. This study explores the character and role played by the post-colonial political parties,
especially the Muslim League, whose consequences left the effects on dictatorship generally and on politics
particularly that have shaped the development of South and Central Asia ever since.
Conclusion: Throughout the history of Pakistan, democratic forces have not been permitted to enhance their
political power due to the continual interventions by bureaucrats and military dictators. When the military took
over the political and democratic institutions of Pakistan, the elected representatives in power could not actually
wield their influence. On the other hand, in alliance with the military, the bureaucracy has repeatedly reaffirmed
its stranglehold on state affairs, thereby subjugating those who ostensibly wield political power, and effectively
controlling them.
Local Government in FATA: Failures, Challenges, Prospects (FATA Research Cent...fatanews
ISLAMABAD, April 22, 2014: The tribal people demanded immediate extension of local governments system to tribal territories to mainstream the Federally Administered Tribal Areas both politically and socially with rest of the country.
This was the crux of a Study Report titled "Local Government in FATA: Past Failures, Current Challenges and Future Prospects" launched by Islamabad-based think tank - FATA Research Center - at a local hotel here on Tuesday.
The report is prepared after conducting extensive surveys, interviews and round tables conferences with different stakeholders including tribal people, elders, political and legal experts, academia, media men and government officials.
Speaking at a launching ceremony as a chief guest, Federal Minister for State and Frontier Regions (SAFRON) Lt Gen (R) Qadir Baloch, said the findings of the report are manifesting the fact that tribal people are politically aware and demanding participation in affairs of the state through democratically elected bodies.
The minister elaborated that we haven't decided yet about the date of conducting local bodies elections in entire of Pakistan and will introduce the local government system in FATA before its elections.
Pakistan has a long history of political instability due to factors such as corruption, the role of the military in politics, weak opposition, and media involvement in politics. Major political parties include PML-N, PPP, PTI, and MQM. Corruption is widespread, with politicians seen as the biggest source of graft. The military has intervened directly in politics through multiple martial laws and indirectly through actions like the NRO. Opposition parties focus more on gaining power than solving public problems. Both civilian and military governments have tried to control media. Unless these systemic issues are addressed, Pakistan's political situation will remain unstable.
We mix up national / international politics, religion and the ongoing Great Game in and around Pakistan and across the globe. It is a common fashion to blame Zia-ul-Haq, Religion and Maulvis for everything from Russian invasion and defeat in Afghanistan to 9/11 and from acts of terrorism across the globe to target killing in different parts of the country. In Pakistan all the public movements demanding a change were very smartly hijacked by invisible manipulators. In different circumstances Bhutto, Zia-ul-Haque and Pervez Musharraf were used as popular political, religious and moderate TOOLS by INVISIBLE STRATEGIC PLANNERS who INDIRECTLY rule the country through the elected and unelected rulers as their FRONTMEN. When these front men create a mess a new front man comes forward with an agenda reflecting most popular demand of the day. Is it necessary to throw out a government to bring change? How many governments have we already thrown out and where do we stand? What is the guarantee that the results after getting rid of this government will not be the same?
This document is an introduction to a collection of speeches by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto from 1970-1971 as Pakistan was transitioning from military rule to democracy. The introduction provides background on Ayub Khan resigning as President and handing power to General Yahya Khan. It then summarizes some of Bhutto's key speeches and policies during this time period, including advocating for Islamic socialism, opposing military rule, and campaigning for democracy and economic reforms to help the poor and working classes. Bhutto and his Pakistan People's Party swept elections in West Pakistan due to their message and inclusion of candidates from all classes.
This document is an introduction to a collection of speeches by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto from 1970-1971 as Pakistan was transitioning to democracy. It provides background on Ayub Khan resigning amid chaos and handing power to Yahya Khan, who declared martial law. It then summarizes that despite Yahya Khan's opposition, Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party swept polls in West Pakistan due to their message connecting with ordinary people. The introduction sets up that the document contains many of Bhutto's campaign speeches as he worked to educate the people about political and economic reforms, including Islamic Socialism which was part of the vision of Pakistan's founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
This document is an introduction to a collection of speeches by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto from 1970-1971 as Pakistan was transitioning from military rule to democracy. The introduction provides background on Ayub Khan resigning as President and handing power to General Yahya Khan. It then summarizes some of Bhutto's key speeches and policies during this time period, including advocating for Islamic socialism, opposing military rule, and campaigning for democracy and economic reforms to help the poor and working classes. Bhutto and his Pakistan People's Party swept elections in West Pakistan due to their message and inclusion of candidates from all classes.
This document summarizes an interview with Professor Robert H. Taylor, an expert on Myanmar politics, about the politics of ethnicity in Myanmar. Some key points:
- Prof. Taylor wrote a recent monograph arguing that failing to depoliticize ethnicity in Myanmar could be "disastrous" for its constitutional order.
- Ethnicity has become deeply entrenched in Myanmar politics due to factors like colonial policies that reified ethnic groups, and its continued politicization after independence unlike in other Southeast Asian countries.
- The politics of ethnicity is one of the biggest challenges to Myanmar's democratic transition process, as it was a cause of failure in the 1950s as well.
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in MyanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
Myanmar Policy Briefing | 16 | September 2015
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar
Recommendations
• The 2015 general election presents an important opportunity to give political
voice to Myanmar’s diverse ethnic nationality communities and empower them to
pursue their aspirations, provided that it is genuinely free and fair.
• If successfully held, the general election is likely to mark another key step in
the process of national transition from decades of military rule. However the
achievement of nationwide peace and further constitutional reform are still
needed to guarantee the democratic rights, representation and participation of all
peoples in determining the country’s future.
• Although nationality parties are likely to win many seats in the polls, the impact of
identity politics and vote-splitting along ethnic and party lines may see electoral
success falling short of expectations. This can be addressed through political
cooperation and reform. It is essential for peace and stability that the democratic
process offers real hope to nationality communities that they can have greater
control over their destiny.
• Inequitable distribution of political and economic rights has long driven mistrust
and conflict in Myanmar. The 2015 general election must mark a new era of
political inclusion, not division, in national politics. After the elections, it is vital
that an inclusive political dialogue moves forward at the national level to unite
parliamentary processes and ethnic ceasefire talks as a political roadmap for all
citizens.
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বাংলাদেশের অর্থনৈতিক সমীক্ষা ২০২৪ [Bangladesh Economic Review 2024 Bangla.pdf] কম্পিউটার , ট্যাব ও স্মার্ট ফোন ভার্সন সহ সম্পূর্ণ বাংলা ই-বুক বা pdf বই " সুচিপত্র ...বুকমার্ক মেনু 🔖 ও হাইপার লিংক মেনু 📝👆 যুক্ত ..
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The temple and the sanctuary around were dedicated to Asklepios Zmidrenus. This name has been known since 1875 when an inscription dedicated to him was discovered in Rome. The inscription is dated in 227 AD and was left by soldiers originating from the city of Philippopolis (modern Plovdiv).
Beyond Degrees - Empowering the Workforce in the Context of Skills-First.pptxEduSkills OECD
Iván Bornacelly, Policy Analyst at the OECD Centre for Skills, OECD, presents at the webinar 'Tackling job market gaps with a skills-first approach' on 12 June 2024
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Tigah v2
1. TIGAH,
TIGAH, A JOURNAL OF PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT
Volume: II, December 2012, FATA Research Centre, Islamabad
Tigah
Will politicians take politics to the Tribal region?
Haroon Rashid
*
Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari in a historic
announcement on 14 August 2011 allowed all national and
regional political parties to start their activities in FATA - the
militancy-hit tribal region. The aim was to help defeat the
"militant mindset." These reforms were meant to usher in an era of
democratisation, mainstreaming and de-marginalisation of the
tribal areas in the political, socio-cultural and economic spheres.1
But have they achieved any significant results since then? The
answer unfortunately is disappointingly - ‘No’. The progress is
very slow. Some trifling movement has been made but the main
target it seems is still far away. The idea of giving tribesmen
much-needed pluralism even now is a far cry. Above all, the top
priority goal of bringing the area into the national political
mainstream is still to be achieved.
Since Pakistan’s creation in 1947, political parties were barred
from entering this strategically important area. However, by
completely ignoring all restrictions, some of the religious parties
not only freely operated there but built a strong support base for
them. The authorities too turned a complete blind eye to these
violations for obvious reasons as they needed cannon fodder for
their armed ventures in Afghanistan.
Such developments laid the foundations of a tribal-society
constantly tilting towards hard-line religion. With little outside
interaction for centuries and intentional introduction of extreme
religious narratives, the ground was made fertile for creating war
machinery – first against the Soviet Union and later against the
United States and its coalition forces in post 9/11 Afghanistan.
*
The author is a renowned Journalist, Political and Security Analyst
working as an Editor at BBC Pakistan.
80
2. Will politicians take politics to the Tribal region?
This narrow, hard-line view is thankfully not a grass root
phenomenon, but a tool in the hands of those who wish to acquire
power. It is quite evident that opposition to US policies in the
region does not mean that the people of FATA support either AlQaeda or the Taliban militants. More than three-quarters of FATA
residents oppose the presence of Al-Qaeda and over two-thirds of
the Pakistani Taliban (60 per cent oppose the Afghan Taliban led
by Mullah Omar) in their region. Indeed, if Al-Qaeda or the
Pakistani Taliban were on the ballot in an election, less than one
per cent of FATA residents said they would vote for either group.2
These political changes, therefore, are considered instrumental
in including the voices of the common masses in the mainstream
political discourse of Pakistan; thus taking back from militant
organisations and foreign jihadists the critical political space that
they have been occupying for over the last three decades. First, it
was the state that opposed any political mainstreaming of FATA
and now the militants have taken up that agenda. This important
region was used to facilitate a low-cost but high impact strategy of
covert warfare. The high price for success of this strategy has been
paid through the blood of the people of the region; which
unfortunately is still continuing.
In fact, the denial of basic human rights such as the freedom of
association spans over the last six decades. But even at this stage
and point in time, no urgency is being felt to speedup
implementation of the reforms. A lot of crucial time has been lost,
and the fault lies not with the people but the indecisive rulers,
overwhelmed security considerations, and persistent reluctance of
bureaucracy. Each of them has its own axe to grind. The denial
mode had been considered beneficial for them, but the last decade
has shown that it’s not any more.
Despite the passage of over a year’s time after the vital
changes in the law, political parties have yet not been able to go in
a big way to cash-in on the hard-fought freedoms in the tribal
areas. Political parties are generally reluctant! Even after over a
year, no mainstream politician from a non-religious political party
81
3. Tigah
has gone into the tribal areas and held a public rally or even an
indoor meeting in a secure environment. They have organized
local chapters and held small and medium-sized rallies, but one
still has to see mainstream central leaders of political parties going
there. Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaaf’s Chief, Imran Khan, did call for a
march against drone attacks to Kotkai, South Waziristan on
October 6, 2012 but the participants returned even before entering
the tribal region. Many say Imran Khan’s party gained a lot of
millage from the rally in terms of popularity but the tribal areas
did not get anything positive out of it.
The FATA organiser of Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaaf’s youth wing,
Naveed Mohmand, says the political administrations of all seven
agencies is against the move and had opposed its implementation
in letter and spirit. He alleges that political gatherings are still
banned and prior permission is mandatory for any political activity
in the tribal areas.
With the changes in the law, it was expected that the
mainstream political parties will have an equal opportunity for
political activities which could help creating a moderate and
balanced society. Political parties are crucial as they assist in
defining people’s positions and beliefs on important issues. The
absence of truly representative voice of tribal people is prime
reason for the want of political parties in the region. One can agree
to an extent about the performance, or lack of it, of these parties in
rest of the country, but that is a separate debate. Their importance
and significance in society cannot be underestimated.
The most ironic fact is that the most powerful politician of the
country, and the one directly administering the tribal region has
himself not been to the area since he took charge as Pakistan’s
president in 2008. President Asif Ali Zardari has refused to be
forced into undertaking a visit to the tribal areas despite severe
criticism in the media. Not only is he the president, he also heads
the ruling and one of the biggest political parties in the country the Pakistan People’s Party. Besides, the most important cap that
he wears is that of the commander-in-chief of the Pakistani armed
82
4. Will politicians take politics to the Tribal region?
forces. He has made some ground-breaking announcements from
the safe environs of his presidency that include amendment in the
laws governing Fata - to let political parties go to the tribal areas.
Some analysts argue that had he gone to the tribal region himself
and made such announcements there, it would have certainly
encouraged other political forces to launch their activities in the
same spirit. They further argue that until the major political parties
overcome their fear and reluctance to go into the tribal areas, no
meaningful political activity would take place in the region.
Some politicians and notables rightfully complain that, “It’s
not just the president even the prime minister and interior minister
have not been there in the last four and a half years. What sort of
confidence they can give to politicians. Until you don’t own your
own people, show them that you care for them, change can’t
come.”3
At present no big military operation is going on in the tribal
areas. One could see military activity on small scale from time to
time, but no big campaign is underway as such. There is a
persistent talk of an impending military action in North
Waziristan, but nothing on the ground is seen to support this
assertion. This inaction does not mean that all is well now in this
volatile area. There are thousands of internally displaced people
and active militants. Security definitely continues to be an issue.
Although militants hold sway over large areas, still there exist
relatively safe places. For any popular politician to go in and meet
people impromptu on large scale or address large rallies may not
apparently be possible but these can be planned easily if there is a
will. “If the state wants, nothing can stop it. There will be risks
and threats of course, but that is true of all of Pakistan in the
current scenario. The state should be there to minimize the risks. It
has to establish its writ by doing so, but if it remains reluctant or
indecisive then it goes in favour of the militants,” says a politician
from the tribal areas. He did not want to disclose his identity for
the fear of security. “Taliban are not that strong that they can stand
against the state,” he added.4
83
5. Tigah
But then there are those who do not find fault with the
government. In the tribal areas, “there is no political government,
but the one run by the security authorities ... who are responsible
for the widespread disappearances of residents suspected of
involvement in the insurgency”, says Maulana Rahat Hussain, a
former senator from a religious political party JUI (F). "As long as
power remains delegated to them, the democratic process won't
work," he maintains.5
Pakistan has deployed so far over a hundred and forty
thousand troops in the tribal region. Until 2001 the troop’s
presence in the area was minimal. However, since than in the last
ten 10 years the number of troops has surged to an unprecedented
level. These combat forces also include the paramilitary Frontier
Corps (FC) personnel; besides thousands of locals recruited from
that area as tribal policemen called levies. Given the difficult
nature of mountainous terrain, the presence of military has not
helped much in restoring the needed stability for restoration of
political and administrative activities. Some local administrators of
areas such as South Waziristan are not able to sit in their offices in
their own tribal areas. “A lot has been damaged and needs to be
put back in order,” remarks a political administration official from
Khyber Agency. “When we can’t go to our offices how could we
ask politicians to come and address rallies?”
The other among big power players are the militants. The
militants operate freely in most of the tribal areas. They are in fact
the de facto and invisible rulers of these areas. They are in a
position to enforce their own decisions, hold their own courts and
award severe punishments. According to the locals, various
militant organisations like the Tehrik-i-Taliban, Lashkar-i-Islam,
the Wana-based Maulvi Nazir group, North Waziristan-based
Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, the Punjabi Taliban and others have
acquired territorial and ideological control over large swathes of
FATA. The working of civilian state institutions in the region is
mostly dependent on the support of either the militants or the
military.6
84
6. Will politicians take politics to the Tribal region?
Religious parties such as the JUI has held political rallies
across the tribal areas, including one at Mir Ali in North
Waziristan, a stronghold of Pakistani Taliban despite threats. Late
Qazi Hussain Ahmed, a leading figure in another religious party
Jama’at Islami (JI), escaped an attempt in Mohmand agency on
October 09, 2012. Reports suggest a burqa-clad woman blew
herself up near his convoy.7 No one claimed responsibility for
these attacks, but it was clear the Taliban did not like some of his
statements against them.
The next general elections are just around the corner. They are
considered very important for the fact that for the first time an
elected government would hold them on time after completing its
constitutional term. Political analysts describe it as a defining
moment in the country’s political history. If at this very critical
juncture, the tribal areas are again left out, it would definitely
undermine overall progress of the country. With no solid security
assurances from the government, political parties have little
interest and inclination to go into these volatile areas. It such a
scenario, it is feared that once again religious political parties will
have an unchallenged playing field in the coming elections.
“All politicians must make it mandatory that they go there. If
they don’t go now the religious elements will again be strong in
this region for the next five years,” Ajmal Wazir agrees.8
According to the census of 1998, the estimated population of
the area was over 3.18 million. But figures in 2000 put the
population at 3.3 million. The number of votes polled in last
general elections was 397593 i.e. 31 per cent.9 Balochistan had the
same ratio of voters’ turnout as in FATA. The large number of
polled votes and a high number of candidates contesting elections
for each National Assembly seat in 2008 elections prove that the
tribesmen have all the urge and keenness to be part of the
democratic process. The number of candidates contesting for a
single seat was more than 20.10
85
7. Tigah
By denying the freedom to political parties to operate in the
tribal areas, one negates the right of these tribal voters to choose
their leaders from a balanced and fair list of candidates. Many say
that they are being denied a fair selection process. The people of
FATA already have no separate legislative assembly; they are
represented in the National Assembly by 12 independent elected
members and in the upper house called Senate by eight senators.
These senators are elected by the 12 MNAs. These members can
talk and make laws for the rest of the country but ironically not for
their own region.
A committee comprising representatives of ten main political
parties of Pakistan has recommended some basic electoral reforms
in FATA, but it has fallen short of asking the government to
ensure peaceful environment for fair elections. It has not accepted
the weaknesses these parties have shown towards active
politicking in the region. The committee comprising
representatives from Awami National Party (ANP), Jamaat-eIslami (JI), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam F (JUI-F), Muttahida Qaumi
Movement (MQM), National Party (NP), Pashtoonkhwa Milli
Awami Party (PkMAP), Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN), Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-e-Azam (PML), Pakistan
People’s Party (PPP) and Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) has pointed
out five very basic steps that the Election Commission of Pakistan,
the registration authority NADRA and other state actors need to
work on to lay the foundation of free and fair elections. Some of
its recommendations suggested increasing Computerized National
Identity Card (CNIC) registration and voter’s registration.11
“Historically disenfranchised, FATA voters deserve increased
efforts to facilitate their participation in the upcoming general
elections,” the committee demands, but it did not specifically
emphasis women voter registration and making sure that they cast
their votes too. The committee has also asked for allowing
internally displaced persons (IDPs) to cast their votes from camps
and host communities for the candidates in their respective home
constituencies. Political parties have also urged government
authorities to ensure that judicial officers from neighbouring
settled districts serve as returning officers and district returning
86
8. Will politicians take politics to the Tribal region?
officers, just as it is planned for elections in the rest of Pakistan.12
The committee has not dwelt at all, and made no recommendations
on the issue of creating conducive environment for launching
election campaign freely.
In line with other recommendations from political parties, the
FATA Committee requests that the ECP ensure polling stations
are within two kilometers of voter’s homes as required by the
Supreme Court. The FATA Joint Committee recommends that the
ECP meet regularly with the leadership of political parties in
FATA to work together in addressing the numerous and complex
electoral challenges.
A major and lethal stakeholder, the Taliban, have already
made it clear that they are against democracy as it is an anti-Islam
system of governance. But in a recent statement they said that they
would come out with a detailed stance close to the election time.
The general impression is that since Taliban won’t contest the
elections as they know they could not get elected their opposition
to elections would continue - meaning more attacks. “We consider
democracy and elections as western systems and hence are not in
their support, but we will make our intentions clear about the
general elections nearer the time,” says Ehsanullah Ehsan, central
spokesman of the banned Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) – the
main umbrella group of militant outfits.13
Analysts say the reforms are generally viewed as positive by
the population but posed a chicken-or-egg dilemma to the voters
and the government. "There are two schools of thought: One says
peace is impossible without democratic reforms; the other says
there's no point to have the reforms unless peace comes first," said
Ashraf Ali, president of the FATA Research Center, an
independent research organization that studies the federally
administered tribal areas.14
This would be the first time political parties would be able to
contest elections openly. Therefore, Answers to these quagmires
have to be found; otherwise FATA would continue to be on fire.
87
9. Tigah
The region needs a comprehensive development plan, but for that
to take place the state has to step in with strong will and establish
peace. This would give confidence to the politicians who can go in
an election campaign freely. Only democracy would lay the
foundations of a strong justice and accountability systems in the
tribal areas. The ball is again in the state’s court, but its will is
visibly weak at the moment. Free and fair elections in FATA
hence could remain an elusive dream.
References
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
Khadim Hussain, October 7, 2012, Daily Dawn.
http://pakistansurvey.org/
Interview with Ajmal Khan Wazir, Sr Vice president PML(Q)
Interview
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/01/30/2615874/partiescampaign-in-pakistans.html
Khadim Hussain, October 7, 2012, Daily Dawn
http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta3/tft/article.php?issue=
20121123&page=2
Interview with Ajmal Khan Wazir, Sr Vice president PML(Q)
Election Commission 2008 Report
Election Commission 2008 Report
Fata Parties PR dated Jan 08, 2013
Fata Parties PR dated Jan 08, 2013
Interview with Ehsanullah Ehsan on telephone (Oct 2012)
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/01/30/2615874/partiescampaign-in-pakistans.html
88