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A Critical Review of Hong Kong’s Democracy:
What Does the Future Hold For Democracy in Hong Kong?
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I. Introduction
This year I had the opportunity to study and intern in Hong Kong through the
international field program at the New School. I interned for the National Democratic
Institute, a Washington D.C. based United States funded organization, which helps to
promote democracy in Hong Kong. The institute works very closely with pro-democratic
parties in the hopes of finalizing Hong Kong as a more democratic state. During my time
there, I became immersed in the functions of the Hong Kong government and their
political undertakings. This included meeting with politicians, such as: the elected
member of the Tai Po district council, Wong Chun-Wai (Jimmy), who gave me insight
into the current political climate in Hong Kong. His statements persuaded me to believe
that the Hong Kong government is not working close enough with the people of Hong
Kong in establishing a more democratic state. I was also able to participate in marches
1 Picture taken from The CIA’s World Fact Book,
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/HK.html

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and protests for quicker progression of democracy, as well as, witnessing how the
Legislative Council functions by being present at the passing of the Race Discrimination
Bill. My major project while in Hong Kong was to produce information surrounding the
current functional constituency.
Much controversy surrounds the functional constituency because only half of its
members are elected. My argument is that this set up is not democratic and the Hong
Kong government should consider alternative methods. Another project I worked on was
to present a timeline of important facts and information about the political parties in
Hong Kong and their members. What I discovered showed many strong ties to Beijing.
These experiences have given me a better understanding of the inner-workings of the
Hong Kong government, specifically the functional constituency.
The National Democratic Institute stressed the importance of universal suffrage
for Hong Kong because they viewed this voting right as a fundamental necessity for
democracy in Hong Kong. It became important for me to understand why they chose this
approach when discussing the future of democracy in Hong Kong. The concept of
democracy has for many years been labeled as a “Western” ideological political concept;
however, with the spread of globalization, many ideas once thought “Western,” have
been proven to be a shared set of ideas (i.e., security, human rights). These shared set of
ideas have shown to be vital to democratic countries because history has shown that
democracies do not go to war against each other.
Politicians such as Democrat Party Albert Ho and organizations such as The
National Democratic Institute and The Association for Asian Research have stated that
the progression of democracy has taken steps back because of Beijing’s constant date

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changes instituting universal suffrage. The Committee on Elimination of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW 1999), however, has showed that democracy is growing in
Hong Kong with respect to women and education. This is important to look at because
policies concerning human rights are necessary for the progression of democracy in Hong
Kong. The organization, Freedom House, has produced data over the course of ten years
which presents the Hong Kong democratic movement as stagnant. This is shown by no
improvements within their status of “Partly Free”, as well as no improvements in political
rights and civil liberties.
I have therefore written this thesis in the hopes of understanding more fully the
debates surrounding these arguments. Some causes for debate include: the Chief
Executive having the lowest public approval rating since the beginning of his term in
office, the date for universal suffrage being pushed to 2017, and an arguable decline in
political mobilization. In opposition to the negative, there have been great improvements
in the areas of human rights, women’s rights, and education. While in Hong Kong, I was
present during the passing of the Race Discrimination Bill, which many minorities called
for. This law is important because Hong Kong has a growing number of migrant workers
and refugees from neighboring countries, specifically the Philippines, Vietnam, and
India, who emigrate to Hong Kong due to political and religious tolerance. The chart on
the next page provides statistical data regarding investigations into illegal immigration
tactics. This data, provided by the Hong Kong Government2, shows that their efforts in
combating illegal entry into Hong Kong is effective. It also provides us with promising
2 http://www.immd.gov.hk/ehtml/facts_4.htm

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information about the number of employers of illegal workers prosecuted. The stricter
these policies, the safer the environment for foreign workers will be.
2007 2008
Forged travel documents detected 1,598 1,423
Mainland illegal immigrants apprehended repatriated 3,175 2,460
Illegal workers prosecuted ^3,811 #3,682
Employers of illegal workers prosecuted 221 295
No. of prosecution instituted 12,042 11,225
^ including 1,993 prosecuted for illegal employment and 1,818 prosecuted for involving
in immoral activities; # including 1,955 prosecuted for illegal employment and 1,727
prosecuted for involving in immoral activities.
Hong Kong is working carefully in addressing the need for stronger social
development, such as: improved human rights policies, better education, safer labor laws
and protective regulations for the treatment of women. From my observations in Hong
Kong, there are many opportunities for civilians and foreigners to voice their concerns
through open public fora. These public fora provide attention to these specific issues,
which ultimately results in changes made within the legal system, as was the case with
the Race Discrimination Bill. Before the passing of the Race Discrimination Bill, many
minorities and refugees partook in various social and political movements to spread the
word about the issue of race discrimination. The process leading up to the bill being
passed was met with much skepticism from various minority organizations. The issue
was that although the new bill would address many of the needs of minorities, it would
ultimately lack linguistic translations within hospitals in Hong Kong. Interviews

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conducted by news media that day stated that people who do not speak Mandarin,
Cantonese or English do not get the best medical care because they are unable to
successfully communicate information about their condition. This has resulted in
foreigners not being diagnosed properly. In addition, many foreigners stated to media
outlets that they therefore do not go to emergency hospitals because of the language
barrier. Minorities and refugees have again taken to the streets in the hopes that they will
once again be heard and their amendment be passed to include linguistic translations for
those present and living in Hong Kong.
The Hong Kong Government’s main focus, however, is within the economy. The
government employs a growing staff of officers and secretaries (eleven posts beginning
March 31, 20103) in managing and organizing economic development through the
creation and upkeep of land. The Planning and Lands Branch of the Development
Bureau4 is in charge of all land development projects in Hong Kong. The aim is to
“facilitate Hong Kong’s continual development through effective planning and use of
land, a steady and sufficient supply of land, efficient registration of land, promoting and
ensuring building safety and timely maintenance, and facilitating urban renewal.”5 The
amount of money necessary to complete these tasks has steadily increased. The
estimated amount of money required in “2009–10 for the salaries and expenses of the
Planning and Lands Branch is $308,957,000. This represents an increase of $11,098,000
over the revised estimate for 2008–09 and of $224,871,000 over actual expenditure in
3 http://www.devb-plb.gov.hk/eng/business/estimates.htm
4 http://www.devb-plb.gov.hk/eng/home/index.htm
5 http://www.devb-plb.gov.hk/eng/business/estimates.htm

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2007–08.”6 As we can see, the issue of land is a vital component of governmental policy
and procedure. It plays a prominent role within the government. Luckily, the people of
Hong Kong are able to voice their concerns and issues about the planning and use of land
through open public fora.
Amartya Sen, winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize in Economic Science, takes the
position that economic growth is a component of a functioning democracy; however in
order for lasting economic growth, social development must first be obtained. “A great
many people in different countries of the world are systematically denied political liberty
and basic civil rights. It is sometimes claimed that the denial of these rights helps to
stimulate economic growth and is ‘good’ for rapid economic development” (Sen 1999,
15). It may prove to be “good” for economic growth, but Sen stresses that in the long
term it will prove to be a deterioration of the economic and social framework. This is
still yet to be seen in Hong Kong.
Hong Kong’s economy has rapidly grown over the years due to the government’s
capitalist and free market ideologies. I argue that this was made possible by the denial of
political and civil rights; the functional constituency plays a major role in this rapid
economic growth as well. Many business people hold positions within the functional
constituency, which may allow for specific laws to pass in their favor.7 Although this
may stimulate the economy, the ultimate result in Hong Kong has led to a democratic
decline. I can make the argument that the set-up of the functional constituency is not
conducive to a democracy because only half of its members are elected by the people.
Also, members holding these seats may not have the best interest of the Hong Kong
6 Ibid.
7 List of the Fourth Legislative Council is on page 27.

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people at heart, but rather their own self interests. This continues to be a heated debate,
with many constituents in their own parties divided over the issue.
Some constituents say that the functional constituency should be removed
immediately in order for democracy to flourish, while others say that it is a valuable
political instrument to Hong Kong’s economic success. To further add to the division,
others recommend that the functional constituency needs to be amended in order to allow
all seats to be universally voted upon. Another critical point is that Hong Kong does not
have a minimum wage for employees (however, domestic workers have a minimum
allowable wage8). As a result, employers are able to pay whatever they deem appropriate
for their workers. This has led to many minorities receiving unfair wages, as well as,
working long hours without any days of rest. Up until a few years ago, some employees
(mainly domestic workers) were not given a day of rest. They were able to resolve this
issue by grassroots movements; however no changes have occurred concerning a set
minimum wage for the public. By passing a law to set a minimum wage, Hong Kong can
prevent employers from taking advantage of their workers.
This thesis will develop three opposing viewpoints, as well as a critique on their
arguments. These arguments are: that Hong Kong is at a point where it can decline,
increase, or remain stagnant in democratization. It is imperative that the Hong Kong
government respond to the needs of the people, so that they can move towards
implementing universal suffrage. The concept of democracy has been met with much
skepticism from the political conservatives in Hong Kong. It is their claim that
“democratization will hurt stability by bringing about political confrontation and hurt
8 Minimum Allowable Wage (MAW) will be discussed later on in the paper.

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prosperity by bringing about a welfare state” (Ngok 2007, 5). When discussing the
principal ideas of democracy, it is important to understand what democracy means to the
people of Hong Kong. It is not enough to simply use the term, but one needs to truly
understand how it will impact their lives. Hong Kongers understand democracy as
universal suffrage and Hong Kong being controlled and ruled by the Hong Kong people.
Neither of these aspects have been fully met or obtained. Hong Kong has many external,
as well as, internal forces holding them back from democracy. One example of an
external force is China, due to the fact that China has many political and economic
interests in Hong Kong. As a result, it is my opinion that China does not act in the best
interest of Hong Kong.

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II. Defining Democracy
The idea of democracy is a righteous one. Some of the strongest nations, such as
The United States and The United Kingdom, are democracies because they institute
policies which are inclusive and representative of all their people. By instituting
democratic ideals, the people of Hong Kong will be closer to universal suffrage, and
therefore closer to attaining the freedoms they desire. Sen is an avid believer that
democracy equates to freedom. His views have inspired and caused democratic change
all over the world, specifically in India. His understanding of both economic and social
development is crucial to the development of democracy. His use of the term freedom is
portrayed in five concepts: “(1) political freedoms, (2) economic facilities, (3) social
opportunities, (4) guaranteed transparency and (5) protective security” (Sen 1999, 38).
These “freedoms” are interconnected and complementary. They are capable of
enhancing the capabilities of an individual, as well as, developing the country as a whole.
Democracy incorporates many concepts that may not be completely
comprehended by those who are not familiar with its use. These concepts are sometimes
hard to express in words because it may mean different things to different people. The
concepts of democracy are sometimes lost or miscommunicated due to language and
translation issues. The poet Carl Sandburg explains the difficulties of understanding
what democracy means in the following quote:
“Of course we can’t answer the question, “What is democracy?” smooth
and easy like we answer, “Where is the Union Station?” or “Which way to the
post office?” Yet we know as definitely where democracy is not as we do where
the Union Station is not or the post office is not” (Padover 1963, 9).
Although it may be hard to explain what democracy is, it is sometimes easier to
explain what democracy is not. Sen refers to this as “unfreedoms”. He states that these

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“unfreedoms” arise when there are “violations of voting privileges or other political or
civil rights”, as well as “inadequate opportunities,” (Sen 1999, 17) such as the lack of
education and healthcare. Padover states that those who understand democracy, “know
that it is one of the noble political inventions of mankind, and that there is no substitute
for it if one wants to avoid cruelty and instability, and that its very difficulties offer a
challenge worthy of the civilized people” (Padover 1963, 9). However, the concepts of
democracy may seem very difficult to grasp.
Scholars such as Siu-Kai Lau, Hsin-Chi Kuan and Larry Diamond have argued
that the concepts of democracy are foreign to those not educated in the “West”. They
argue that democracy is a “Western” concept, formulated by “Western” thinkers and
scholars, thus making it difficult for those from outside “Western” thought to
comprehend. The Hong Kong Chinese has had insufficient understanding or a “partial
vision” of democracy, focusing on instrumental values of democratic reform rather than
seeing democratic participation as a right in itself (Lau and Kaun 1995, 3-24). Surveys in
the 1980s and 1990s showed that while the Hong Kong Chinese had a satisfactory level
of political knowledge, they usually had low political efficacy and thus seldom
participated in political affairs (Lau and Kuan 1995, 3-24). Senior Fellow at the Hoover
Institute at Stanford University and co-director of the International Forum for Democratic
Studies of the National Endowment of Democracy, Larry Diamond, believes in this
concept as well. He states that, “freedom and democracy are not universal values but
rather Western concepts; culture limits how far they can travel” (Diamond 2008, 17).
Joshua Muravchik, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, points out just
how strange the idea of democracy was for the Japanese: “When the concept of rights

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was imported into Japanese politics in the late nineteenth century, it was so foreign that it
was not easily translated into Japanese: It required a compound word consisting of four
characters to express it.” 9 History has shown that Japan was able to “maintain their
unique Japanese tradition and culture, while at the same time build a strong democracy
that has stood the test of time.”10 One argument for Japan’s democratization is that
international economic and political pressure forced them to democratize. This argument
is also shared by Rana Mitter, a University Lecturer in the History and Politics of Modern
China at the University of Oxford, and a Fellow of St. Cross College. She has stated that,
“Western political influence did change Asia” (Mitter 2008, 17) and “exposure to the
outside world was one of the major factors that has marked the growth of freedom in
Asia” (Mitter 2008, 90). The West was able to do this by importing concepts such as
nationalism and Social Darwinism.
Even though democracy has helped many countries, Samuel Huntington
(Huntington 1991, 9) believes that not all democracies are true democracies. At first
glance a country may seem to have some qualities of a democracy, such as open and free
elections. “Elections, open, free, and fair”, Huntington states, “are the essences of
democracy” (Huntington 1991, 9). However these so-called “open, free, and fair”
elections may be met with “inefficient, corrupt, shortsighted, irresponsible, special
interest groups, which are incapable of adopting policies demanded by the public good”
(Huntington 1991, 10). There are also people who misunderstand what democracy truly
means, and/or use its name for acceptance and inclusion by the international community.
Another point that Huntington touches upon is the benefits of democracy. He states that,
9 The New York Times, “Rade, Détente… and Immigration”, June 30, 1974.
10 Ibid.

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“democracy has implications for international relations” (Huntington 1991, 29). This is
agreeable because “the spread of democracy in the world means the expansion of a zone
of peace in the world” (Huntington 1991, 29); that is, democracies do not go to war with
one another. This probably has to do with shared values about respect for human life,
tolerance of differences, and the desire to improve one’s standard of living. “These
values are believed to make democratic peoples reluctant to fight wars, in which lives are
lost and property is destroyed, unless the citizens of the democracies believe there are no
alternatives” (Sharansky 2004, 76).
Franco Marsico11, a political and economic analyst, suggests that if the United
States’ true agenda was to promote democracy throughout the world (i.e., The Middle
East), then the United States should not be associated with inhumane countries, such as
China. Marsico thinks that the United States relationship with China is one of
“convenience”. He argues that democracy may be a guise to achieve monetary means.
Under the mask of democracy, the United States allows American interests to thrive in a
capitalistic world. He argues that the United States is not the perfect model of
democracy, but rather one of a “capitalistic corporate state”, which allows corporations to
rule as entities that are capable of purchasing policies. This kind of corporate democracy
causes the individual’s rights and freedoms to become an afterthought.
Marsico believes that when a country is rapidly industrializing, many of the hard
working individuals are exploited to achieve economic means. For many people living in
developing countries who at first had nothing and now have a steady job and income,
devalue themselves by tolerating inhumane working conditions just to keep their steady
11 Interviews conducted March 9 and June 20, 2009 at Greenbriar Global in Armonk, NY.

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jobs and survive. Some argue that they are better off than when they originally started.
For these people, the cost of democracy is great because it means biting the hand that
feeds them. Many of them do not want to take the risk of losing their jobs and going
against their government, no matter how corrupt it may be. However, Marsico states that
this “exploitation” is necessary for democracy because as these individuals slowly begin
to save money and are able to purchase luxuries, such as an education, they will begin to
want a better life, one that allows freedoms of the individual. In time, Marsico supposes,
the individual will see that their freedoms are limited and start to demand more rights,
thus eventually leading to democratic change.
During my time in Hong Kong, I experienced many of the minorities living there
demanding for change. Many workers were “exploited”, until they banded together and
fought for their rights. After numerous encounters with the same domestic workers, they
were able to confide in me and talk about the abuses which were done unto them. This
included no days of rest, physical and mental abuse, long hours, and very low pay. The
most common form of abuse was physical. They stated that they preferred to work for
“Western employers” because they said that “they were treated better and paid better than
local Hong Kong employers.” I believe this happened because Western employers are
more familiar with human rights and democracy. One incident was brought to the
attention of The National Democratic Institute, where a domestic worker fell unconscious
due to the fact that she was working long hours. Her only means of transportation was
her bicycle because the family refused to let her use the family automobile. This incident
is one of many abuses done unto domestic workers in Hong Kong. Luckily, there are
organizations, such as Amnesty International, which helps many of these workers

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understand their rights. These workers also participate in protests and marches in order
to have their issues and concerns addressed by the Hong Kong government. Due to the
constant outcry of inhumane working conditions, all domestic workers are now given a
mandatory day of rest. The grassroots movement has become beneficial to the
progression of democracy in Hong Kong.
It is not easy to say that democracy can be quickly transported to all parts of the
world. There are many cultural and social characteristics which need to be acknowledged
and incorporated into the equation first. Democracy should be viewed as a set of ideals
that allows an individual specific human rights. Human rights is a strong component of
democracy and I truly believe that democracies in the Asian countries are possible;
however, in order for this to occur, it is important to present democracy in terms
understandable to the people, as well as, take the time to explore what democracy means
to these people. Only when we address the ideas and concerns of the people can
democracy truly become beneficial. I noted before that democracy for Hong Kong
represents universal suffrage and being ruled for and by the Hong Kong people.12 The
adoption of universal suffrage has been continually neglected. As it now stands,
universal suffrage will be implemented within Hong Kong in 2020; however all the chief
executive needs to say is that the Hong Kong people are not ready for universal suffrage
in order for it to be moved to another date, as what recently occurred in 2008.
Universal suffrage was supposed to have been implemented starting this past year
(2008), but it was instead pushed to 2012 and then 2017, because the Hong Kong people
were supposedly “not ready”. Universal suffrage is an important concept for democracy
12 Civic Exchange and the National Democratic Institute express this view.

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and without it Hong Kong will never be a complete and true democracy. Ironically, the
2008 Chinese Olympic theme song used the lyrics, “we’re ready”. In Hong Kong, the
song was used at marches and protests against the denial of universal suffrage. The fact
that the Hong Kong people are demanding universal suffrage and are being ignored is an
embarrassment to Beijing. I also believe that The United States should be more pro-
active in promoting and supporting universal suffrage in Hong Kong because
international and economic pressures may lead to policy changes in China and ultimately
in Hong Kong. Sadly, the National Democratic Institute had to close its China office this
past summer (2008), due to lack of funding. After speaking with the director of the
China office numerous times, he explained to me the difficulties of having a pro-
democratic, United States Government organization in China. He stated that he
constantly felt as though he was being watched. In one incident, his office was broken
into and research and information was stolen. “Despite all its lofty rhetoric about
promoting democracy, the White House has been strangely indifferent to developments in
Hong Kong (under the Bush Administration) -- dangerously indifferent, given China's
continued menacing of Taiwan and the way Washington's silence over Hong Kong might
be interpreted, or misinterpreted, by Beijing.”13 The silence of The United States allows
for China to continue meddling in the affairs of Hong Kong.
13 The American Prospect, “Spreading Democracy Thin”, Michael Steinberger,
September 10, 2004.
http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=spreading_democracy_thin

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III. Historical background of Hong Kong
The history of Hong Kong is important to look at because it may present us with
some understanding of the current democratic issues. It was first ruled over by China,
then Britain, and then returned to China with the stipulation that it would be ruled by the
Hong Kong people for the Hong Kong people. What I discovered during my research is
that many historians, such as Lau and Ngok, present Hong Kong in many different lights:
1) that the British system (specifically Governor Patten) introduced many aspects of
democracy to Hong Kong, 2) that the British rule has left Hong Kong in a state of limbo,
3) and that the current Chinese control over Hong Kong does not allow for the growth of
democracy to perpetuate.
The British rule in 1898 to the handover in 1997 shows a progression of
democracy in Hong Kong. The British government first suppressed the democratic
movement, while later on, individuals such as Governor Patten, promoted democracy in
Hong Kong. However, it has been argued that the concepts of democracy were
threatened long before Governor Patten was in office. Both Western and Asian scholars
claim that the presence of Confucianism may have been an underlying force in
preventing democracy to develop in parts of Asia. Sen, in particular, has provided insight
into the relationship between a leader and his people, which presents a counter-argument
to the belief that Confucianism is an eroding mechanism for democracy. It is necessary
to explore these historical perspectives and the role that religion has played in politics
because these factors still have prevalence today. In fact, Mitter has determined that the
pre-modern Asian societies are no longer a “Confucian society”, however, “significant
cultural influences have remained” (Mitter 2008, 920).

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Scholars, such as C.K. Lau, have argued that Confucianism may have resulted in
the pacifism of the Chinese in Hong Kong. “For many years, until 1982, the chapter on
constitution in the Hong Kong year book published by the British government said: ‘The
British government’s policy towards Hong Kong is that there shall be no fundamental
constitutional changes for which there is, in any event, little or no popular pressure’”
(Lau 1997, 31). Mitter claims that Confucianism is more than a religion or ethical
system/system of norms. “In its all-pervasiveness and its flexibility and adaption to
circumstances, it is somewhat analogous to the role of Judeo-Christian norms in Western
societies, where even those who dispute or reject those norms still find themselves shaped
by them, consciously or not” (Mitter 2008, 7). These Confucian ideas were strongly
present within politics in both China and Hong Kong during the early 20th century.
Confucian ideas about the make-up of the state significantly determined how the people
would be ruled during this period. “Hierarchy was not only present, but essential: the
body politic was held to be a metaphorical extension of the family; the people did not
have inherent rights as individuals or even as a collective body” (Mitter 2008, 19).
Confucianism teaches the belief of harmony within the society and the family. It
also teaches to value order over chaos; therefore the argument is that Confucianism does
not allow for an individual to go against their leader or ruler. These ideas tend to show
that Confucianism is not consistent with democratic values because it gives greater
importance to the group rather than the individual. Mitter expresses these same thoughts
as well. She states that “in the Confucianism world, all men were not equal” (Mitter
2008, 14).

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Many scholars, particularly Sen, insist, however, that there are some aspects of
Confucianism that are democratic. For instance, Sen writes, “Confucianism did not
recommend blind allegiance to the state”, but rather “admonition to oppose a bad
government” (Sen 1999, 235). However, how realistic would it be for peasants to
question the authority of their leader? I highly doubt such interrogations into the
legitimacy and accuracy of a ruler’s leadership did occur. I suspect that such an act
would result in punishment or death. In fact, Mitter states that although it was the
people’s “duty to speak out when injustice was done by those in power, the truth was that
“the Chinese system did not institutionalize protection for those who spoke out in this
way and that could make open dissent a morally virtuous but personally perilous
undertaking” (Mitter 2008, 88). John Bryan Starr, president of both the Yale China
Association and the China Institute in New York City, also notes that “carrying out this
obligation (duty to speak out) might prove fatal” (Starr 2001, 206).
Hahm Chaibong, a leading scholar of Confucianism states that “Confucianism
was still a system of monarchy, but it generated a tradition of ‘opposition to despotism’
and ‘suspicion of state power,’ which could be interpreted as a precursor to liberalism,
and quite possibly democracy” (Chaibong 2004, 102 and 105). I believe that
Confucianism may have generated a thought process similar to that of democracy;
however, the truth is that democratic concepts and ideals are still not present in many
parts of Asia. As a result of the current Chinese environment, democracy has been
unable to flourish in many parts of the world (i.e., Hong Kong, and Russia). Protests
against the government have resulted in chaos, which was evident in the Tiananmen
Square protests in April 1989. During this time, students assembled to voice their

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concerns about freedom of the press and democracy in a peaceful manner, however, what
resulted was a deadly military assault on June 4th, 1989. Starr believes that “the massacre
in Beijing in June 1989 was a major turning point, however, not only in public attitudes
in Hong Kong, but also in the relations among Beijing, Hong Kong, and London” (Starr
2001, 259). The international community was shocked by the force and aggression of the
Chinese government. An outcome of this event resulted in, “several political groups
being founded in Hong Kong in 1989 that have subsequently evolved into formal
political parties” (Starr 2001, 259), which are still present today. Martin Lee and Szeto
Wah were the two most prominent voices of the democratic movement at this time.
Although the Hong Kongers were trying to implement democracy, they were still held
back by the policies instituted by the British during their time of rule.
The British rule in Hong Kong brought with it a system and order by which to
govern; however it suppressed the ways that Hong Kongers could become involved in
their government. Democracy during this time was nonexistent in Hong Kong.
Governor David Trench defended Hong Kong’s lack of democracy as follows:
“There is no one brand of politics, or one line of policies, which is right
for all places at all stages of development. And wherever you are and whenever
you are there, you must select the best course of action for that time and place in
that set of circumstances and these become your politics or your policies” (Cited
in Rear 1971, 55).
Lack of democracy was also perpetuated by the British enactment of the Crown colony
government. “A key feature of the ‘Crown colony government’ is the complete absence
of any popular element in the administration; this was to ensure effective control over the
seized territory” (Lau 1997, 24). Under the Crown colony government, there were no
free elections because the Hong Kong people were not given the right to vote (Lau 1997).

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Voting was a privilege granted only to those having British nationality. A reason why the
British suppressed democratization was that the “Chinese in Hong Kong always
outnumbered the British” (Lau 1997, 25). The British did not want to give the power
over to the majority. Thus, during this period, the colony of Hong Kong did not support
universal suffrage for all people. “Hong Kong's transition to Chinese rule began in 1984
with the Sino-British Joint Declaration, in which London agreed to return the entire
colony to China in 1997.”14 Although Hong Kong was given back to China, Chinese
leader Deng Xiaoping pledged to respect the “one country, two systems” formula.
“Under the 1984 agreement, London and Beijing drafted a constitution for Hong Kong
known as the Basic Law. It was adopted by the Chinese National People's Congress
(NPC) in 1990, and was set to take full effect in 1997.”15 China played an intricate role
in formulating the constitutional rights of all the Hong Kong people. They did this by
having persuasive power within political parties and the economy.
According to Lau, the last governor of Hong Kong, Governor Christopher Patten,
worked at promoting transparency and accountability in Hong Kong during his four and a
half year term in office. He made himself accessible to the media and pushed for a
quicker progression of democracy in Hong Kong. He was able to do this by issuing a
“series of extensive conservations with people in Hong Kong, probing for their views on
whether and how the government should be restructured in the five years remaining”
(Starr 2001, 261). His first major policy achievement upon arrival to Hong Kong was
“effectively expanding the size of the electorate from 21 functional constituency seats to
14 Freedom House,
http://www.freedomhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cfm?year=2008&
country=7527&pf
15 Ibid.

21. 21
30,” (Lau 1997, 48) thus creating nine new constituencies. He proposed that the
“franchise for these constituencies cover all working persons” (Lau 1997, 48). He
continually lobbied to “abolish all appointed seats on the district boards and municipal
councils” (Lau 1997, 48).
Mitter described him as a “democratic politician rather than a civil servant”. His
work in introducing a “much wider voting right in Hong Kong’s highly limited elections,
infuriated Beijing, who regarded this act as a breach of the spirit if not the letter of the
handover agreement” (Mitter 2008, 100). Since Governor Patten worked unilaterally
without consulting Beijing on any of these changes, Beijing did not look favorably on
him and neither did the British. And although Governor Patten had proposed a series of
recommendations, support slowly diminished. Starr associates two factors to the decline
of interest in pro-democratic reforms and proposals:
“First, the political activism stirred up by reactions to the Beijing massacre was
relatively short lived, and although sizable crowds turned out to mark the anniversary of
the event every year, for most of the rest of the year, the Hong Kong public was more
comfortable being an interested spectator than an active political participant. Second,
with more and more Hong Kong firms dependent on the links with the mainland, China
found it easier to disengage the business community from support for democratization”
(Starr 2001, 261).
The year 1997 marked a turning point in Hong Kong history because it was given
back to China, not the native Hong Kongers. Governor Patten was no longer in office
and The Basic Law was formulated. The Basic Law allowed and restricted government
in many ways. “The Basic Law called for the election of a chief executive and a
unicameral Legislative Council.”16 However good their intentions, these two bodies of
government do not represent what a democracy should be today. As you will see in the
16 Ibid.

22. 22
proceeding chapter, there are many undemocratic aspects represented within the roles of
both the chief executive and the Legislative Council. It is my view that complete
democracy will come to Hong Kong as soon as the roles and functions of both the chief
executive and legislative council are universally elected.
The major claim of the Basic Law was that universal suffrage was the "ultimate
aim" for Hong Kong (The Basic Law of the Hong Kong SAR of the People’s Republic of
China). However, with China regaining back control of Hong Kong in 1997, it was
evident that universal suffrage was going to be something that the Hong Kong people
would need to fight for. The Basic Law also stated that Hong Kong would be ruled by
the Hong Kong people for the Hong Kong people. Although this was articulated, the
reality is different. The Basic Law took China somewhat out of the equation because it
loosened China’s grip on Hong Kong, however, China’s influence was still greatly felt on
both the economic and political spheres. Hong Kong was taking positive steps by now
allowing all Hong Kongers to become active participants in political parties and
government positions. During this period, democratic ideals began to spread and political
parties began to grow; however a democracy was far from being established.

23. 23
IV. Democracy is declining in Hong Kong
"We are extremely disappointed — you could say we are furious — about this
decision in ruling out 2012," Democrat Party chairman Albert Ho told Hong Kong
government-run RTHK radio station. "The wishes of the Hong Kong people have
been totally ignored."17
The above quote shows the dissatisfaction of Democrat Party chairman Albert Ho
with the Hong Kong government. His reaction to the chief executive’s ruling on
universal suffrage is shared by many constituents in democratic parties. The organization
that I interned for dealt with the same dissatisfaction. It is their opinion that democracy
in Hong Kong will never be complete until universal suffrage is enacted and changes
within the Legislative Council are made. Speaking with members of pro-democratic
parties strengthened my perception that democracy was decreasing. In this section I will
discuss how the British did not make efforts to democratize Hong Kong, as well as how
present governmental policies and laws have hindered the progression of democracy,
specifically the functional constituencies, the chief executive, and the Legislative
Council. It is also important to express the close relationship and influence with China
that still continues in Hong Kong.
The British and the Chinese
The British influence is still felt within Hong Kong. The native Hong Kongers
were introduced to the British system of government, as well as the English language,
and although they adopted many British features, they still were able to maintain their
unique Asian culture, which included: language, religious beliefs, and family values.
More importantly the British, through Governor Patten, presented democracy as a
17Associated Press, “Hong Kong Granted Greater Democracy”, Cassie Biggs, December
29, 2007.

24. 24
possible reality. His strong policy recommendations for democratization are still
discussed amongst party leaders, such as Regina Ip. Although Governor Patten presented
the hope of democracy, not all British politicians thought it was necessary.
During the beginning of the British rule over Hong Kong, the idea of protesting as
a right was never introduced, and since the people of Hong Kong were never made aware
that they could voice their concerns in protest, they continued living under the British
rule until 1997. Although the Confucian ideas and beliefs were present in Hong Kong at
the time, the civilians did not assemble and protest for more freedoms. They did not need
the British to tell them that they could protest because they already knew they could;
however they were quite possibly frightened by what may result from it. Tiananmen
Square left a powerful message to all those living in Asia: if you go against your leader,
you will be brought down. Has this thinking changed much in China since then? I argue
no, because Freedom House has shown that it has in fact grown worse.
Recently, dissenters of the Chinese government, such as Hu Jia, have been
imprisoned. Hu Jia was awarded the Sakharov Prize for Freedom by Europe in October
2008 due to his human rights advocacy.18 Mr. Hu, a Buddhist, has dedicated himself to
many noble issues, including championing the legal rights of Chinese citizens and
promoting greater democracy. His activism quickly made him a target and in 2006, he
spent 168 days under house arrest as well as constant harassment by the Chinese
government.19 He was saved from a far worse fate because of international pressure,
specifically from Europe.
18 New York Times, “Leading Chinese Advocate of Democracy in Human Rights Wins
EU Prize”, Jim Yardley, October 24, 2008.
19 Ibid.

25. 25
In Hong Kong, the Chinese influence can been felt within the government and the
economy, as well as culture and religion. The Central Intelligence Agency states that
Hong Kong “has become increasingly integrated with mainland China over the past few
years through trade, tourism, and financial links. The mainland has long been Hong
Kong's largest trading partner, accounting for nearly 49% of Hong Kong's exports trade
by value in 2008.” 20 It has also been argued by Ma Ngok that although China facilitates
in the economic development of Hong Kong, they are ultimately holding Hong Kong
back from becoming a full democratic state. “Hong Kong’s democratization process was
constrained by the two sovereign masters, China and Britain, with the Hong Kong people
unable to participate in the negotiations over its future” (Ngok 1997, 8). It has also been
stated by Ming Sing that if the Hong Kong democracy movement had enough
mobilization power, it would be able to force the Chinese state into more concessions on
the pace of democratization (Sing 2004).
The Chinese government is a major constraint and the weakness of the civil
society and political society act as a major factor for the failure of the democracy
movement (Sing 2004). It is in the interest of China that Hong Kong does not become
democratic. China’s way of solidifying their control is through close ties with many
political parties in Hong Kong. Chief Executive Donald Tsang has been linked to pro-
Beijing parties, and is advised by many Chinese government officials. He recently stated
that, “Universal suffrage will take place in March 2017. It is a matter of law... but we
must be able to choose a candidate who is acceptable for China.”21 The prior chief
20 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/HK.html
21 The Daily Telegraph, “China will always control Hong Kong’s democracy”, Gordon
Rayner, November 23, 2008.

26. 26
executive, Tung Chee-hwa, “claimed that the Hong Kong public needs time to learn
about democracy” (Starr 2001, 269). No surprise, he was a strong supporter of the
National People’s Congress (NPC) in China, and referred to Hong Kong’s
democratization as becoming an “indulgent Western society” (Starr 2001, 265).
The Chinese influence is detrimental to the progression of democracy on many
levels. China has a strict code of censorship, as well as many human rights abuses. It is
not enough to say that international pressures will correct these injustices. “The Chinese
government is the primary constraint for Hong Kong; the weakness of civil society and
political society, marked by the presence of the bourgeoisie as an anti-democratic
element and internal divisions within the opposition are the major factors for the failure
of the democracy movement and any hope for change within the government.”22
The Legislative Council and the Functional Constituencies
The major project that I was working on while interning at the National
Democratic Institute was to comprise a report on the functional constituencies and
present the ways in which they are not conducive to the democratization process. What I
discovered was that the setup of the Hong Kong government gave favoritism towards
China and big business and stifled the growth of political parties by allowing only
Independents to run for the position of chief executive. The slow deterioration of
political parties, specifically pro-democratic parties, allows for pro-Beijing interests to
take charge. Moreover, there continues to be divisions within political parties
themselves, which adds to the fractured political state of Hong Kong.
22 webb-site.com, “Corporate voting in HK elections”, November 28, 2005.
http:website.com/articles/corpvote.htm

27. 27
“The Functional Constituencies were first created in 1985 to establish a
framework for political, economic and social resources to grow. Its introduction was part
of an overall plan to develop a representative government in Hong Kong. The original
idea for establishing them was to introduce into the Legislative Council individuals who
had specific professional expertise in certain areas on the assumption that such
experience would help legislative work” (Loh and Civic Exchange 2006) and promote
economic development. Marsico greatly believes that Hong Kong was correct in
introducing the functional constituencies to Hong Kong because it led to rapid economic
growth; however, it also suppressed the individual. The “specific professional expertise”
came at a time when Hong Kong was believed to be fragile, and these “experts” would
provide the best intelligence for growth and development in Hong Kong. However noble
the task, the end result proves that the functional constituency does not provide
transparency and accountability to the people of Hong Kong. The list below, taken from
the Hong Kong Government’s website23, shows the members of the Fourth Legislative
Council (2009-2013). Many of them are proactively pushing for democratization in
Hong Kong.
President: Hon Jasper TSANG Yok-sing, GBS, JP (Hong Kong Island+)
Members: Hon Albert HO Chun-yan (New Territories West+)
Ir Dr Hon Raymond HO Chung-tai, SBS, S.B.St.J., JP (Engineering*)
Hon LEE Cheuk-yan (New Territories West+)
Dr Hon David LI Kwok-po, GBM, GBS, JP (Finance*)
Hon Fred LI Wah-ming, JP (Kowloon East+)
Dr Hon Margaret NG (Legal*)
Hon James TO Kun-sun (Kowloon West+)
Hon CHEUNG Man-kwong (Education*)
Hon CHAN Kam-lam, SBS, JP (Kowloon East+)
Hon Mrs Sophie LEUNG LAU Yau-fun, GBS, JP (Textiles & Garment*)
Hon LEUNG Yiu-chung (New Territories West+)
23 http://www.legco.gov.hk/english/index.htm

28. 28
Dr Hon Philip WONG Yu-hong, GBS (Commercial - Second*)
Hon WONG Yung-kan, SBS, JP (Agriculture and Fisheries*)
Hon LAU Kong-wah, JP (New Territories East+)
Hon LAU Wong-fat, GBM, GBS, JP (Heung Yee Kuk*)
Hon Miriam LAU Kin-yee, GBS, JP (Transport*)
Hon Emily LAU Wai-hing, JP (New Territories East+)
Hon Andrew CHENG Kar-foo (New Territories East+)
Hon Timothy FOK Tsun-ting, GBS, JP (Sports, Performing Arts, Culture
and Publication*)
Hon TAM Yiu-chung, GBS, JP (New Territories West+)
Hon Abraham SHEK Lai-him, SBS, JP (Real Estate and Construction*)
Hon LI Fung-ying, BBS, JP (Labor*)
Hon Tommy CHEUNG Yu-yan, SBS, JP (Catering*)
Hon Albert CHAN Wai-yip (New Territories West+)
Hon Frederick FUNG Kin-kee, SBS, JP (Kowloon West+)
Hon Audrey EU Yuet-mee, SC, JP (Hong Kong Island+)
Hon Vincent FANG Kang, SBS, JP (Wholesale & Retail*)
Hon WONG Kwok-hing, MH (New Territories West+)
Hon LEE Wing-tat (New Territories West+)
Dr Hon Joseph LEE Kok-long, JP (Health Services*)
Hon Jeffrey LAM Kin-fung, SBS, JP (Commercial - First*)
Hon Andrew LEUNG Kwan-yuen, SBS, JP (Industrial - First*)
Hon Alan LEONG Kah-kit, SC (Kowloon East+)
Hon LEUNG Kwok-hung (New Territories East+)
Hon CHEUNG Hok-ming, SBS, JP (New Territories West+)
Hon WONG Ting-kwong, BBS (Import and Export*)
Hon Ronny TONG Ka-wah, SC (New Territories East+)
Hon CHIM Pui-chung (Financial Services*)
Prof Hon Patrick LAU Sau-shing, SBS, JP (Architectural, Surveying and
Planning*)
Hon KAM Nai-wai, MH (Hong Kong Island+)
Hon Cyd HO Sau-lan (Hong Kong Island+)
Hon Starry LEE Wai-king (Kowloon West+)
Dr Hon LAM Tai-fai, BBS, JP (Industrial - Second*)
Hon CHAN Hak-kan (New Territories East+)
Hon Paul CHAN Mo-po, MH, JP (Accountancy*)
Hon CHAN Kin-por, JP (Insurance*)
Hon Tanya CHAN (Hong Kong Island+)
Dr Hon Priscilla LEUNG Mei-fun (Kowloon West+)
Dr Hon LEUNG Ka-lau (Medical*)
Hon CHEUNG Kwok-che (Social Welfare*)
Hon WONG Sing-chi (New Territories East+)
Hon WONG Kwok-kin, BBS (Kowloon East+)
Hon WONG Yuk-man (Kowloon West+)
Hon IP Wai-ming, MH (Labor*)
Hon IP Kwok-him, GBS, JP (District Council*)

29. 29
Hon Mrs. Regina IP LAU Suk-yee, GBS, JP (Hong Kong Island+)
Dr Hon PAN Pey-chyou (Labor*)
Hon Paul TSE Wai-chun (Tourism*)
Dr Hon Samson TAM Wai-ho, JP (Information Technology*)
* Functional Constituency
+ Geographical Constituency
After the handover in 1997, “only half of the seats in the Legislative Council were
elected by functional constituencies. The functional constituencies, commonly known as
the FC’s, as a method of election hurt party development in the following ways:
the franchises for most FC’s were so narrow, that almost no party help was
needed for mobilization of voters; party allegiance can be a liability for candidates
in FC elections especially if the party platform runs counter to sectoral interests;
therefore since about 1998 about half of the FC members in Legco were
Independents” (Ngok 1997, 142).
Since research into the functional constituency is still ongoing, much debate continues as
to whether or not the FC’s should stay or go. Critics of the functional constituencies in
Hong Kong explain that “there is an incentive to focus on narrow, particular interests of
small specialized constituencies, which neglect the broad, common, shared interests that
professional people have” (Brown and Robinson 1998, 12). Functional constituencies
favor special interests over public interests. Marsico describes this set up as conducive to
capitalistic means because it may represent corruption and favoritism towards big
business; the Hong Kong people are not incorporated into the equation and receive no
direct benefit.
Christine Loh from Civic Exchange, a pro-democratic non-governmental
organization based in Hong Kong, does not find any evidence for often employed
arguments to justify the existence of the functional constituencies in Hong Kong (Loh
and Civic Exchange 2006, 331). “The fact that Hong Kong’s electoral system gives votes
to corporations and business interests in the functional and Election Committee

30. 30
constituencies is an oddity. More controversy surrounds the fact that votes are not
restricted to domestic firms—foreign firms are allowed to vote in the functional
constituencies through designated representatives who are permanent Hong Kong
residents as well” (Rabushka and Newman 1998). The debate continues with discussion
surrounding the future of the functional constituency. Some politicians say that the
functional constituency needs to be removed immediately in order for democracy to
flourish, while others say that it is a valuable political instrument to Hong Kong’s
economic success. To further add to the division, some say that the functional
constituency needs to be amended to allow all seats to be universally voted upon.
The political parties included in this debate are broken down into several separate
groups. These groups do not include the many Independents who decide to run without
the backing of any specific political ideology. Some of the political parties in Hong
Kong are: The Democratic Party, The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong
Kong, The Liberal Party, The Frontier, The Association for Democracy and People’s
Livelihood, The Hong Kong Progressive Alliance, and Independents. There are also
other pro-People’s Republic of China (PRC) groups. All of these groups are able to run
and hold seats in the functional constituency. During the 2000 to 2004 term,
Independents held the most seats (13) in the functional constituency (Ngok, 2007, 122).
The chart on the following page describes the breakdown of the functional constituency.

31. 31
* Chart taken from DeGolyer.
As seen on the chart, 80% of all functional constituency voters elect 20% of the
functional constituency seats (six), while 20% of functional constituency voters, some
46,000 or 1.4% of the entire geographical voter franchise, elect 80% of the functional
constituency seats (24) (DeGolyer 2008). Today, the Legislative Council is the
unicameral lawmaking body with 60 members serving four-year terms, except the first
term which is two years (The Basic Law of the Hong Kong SAR of the People’s Republic
of China, Article 69). Half of the members are directly elected from geographical
electoral districts by universal suffrage, while the remaining half is returned from
functional constituencies. Interestingly, within Article 68 of The Basic Law, it claims
that, “The ultimate aim is the election of all the members of the Legislative Council by

32. 32
universal suffrage”; however, the steps in order to get to that point are never articulated.
In fact, the goal for universal suffrage has been continually pushed to a later date. “On
December 29, 2008 Beijing decreed that the next election for the executive, in 2012,
would not be by universal suffrage. It said a direct vote could take place in 2017 -- but
only if Beijing first approves the system to be devised for it, which it says should include
the pre-approval of all candidates. Full democracy for the Hong Kong legislature, which
currently chooses only half its seats by a popular vote, would be delayed until at least
2020 (Keatley 2008)”. Beijing control’s the fate of universal suffrage and ultimately
democracy for Hong Kong. China and Hong Kong have a father-son relationship, which
results in Hong Kong ultimately to ask permission from China for any and every
procedure and policy. The Hong Kong people are not able to rule as they please. Instead
government elites promote the wishes of Beijing, while ignoring the cries of the Hong
Kong civilians.
The Chief Executive
Universal suffrage remains a continued issue faced by the chief executive. The
power to grant universal suffrage rests with him, but many have argued that China’s
control over the chief executive will never result in democratization. Therefore, Beijing
is the only power in allowing universal suffrage in Hong Kong. This, of course, is unfair
and unjust. The Hong Kong people believe they are ready. To prove that they are ready,
many protesters in Hong Kong have continued to use the Chinese Olympic Game’s song,
which have the lyrics, “we’re ready”. This song had a great impact at protest events
because it proved that if China decided to host the Olympic Games because they saw
themselves to be “ready”, Hong Kong should therefore be allowed to voice their belief

33. 33
that they too are “ready” for universal suffrage. China is capable of change and their
continued control over Hong Kong’s political system is disrespectful to the Hong Kong
people.
The position of the chief executive is met with many difficulties because of the
process by which the individual (which has up to this point only been held by a man) is
brought into power. Many pro-democratic parties believe that the power he/she holds is
absolute and therefore not conducive to a democracy. “Since the first poll, in 1997, the
race for chief executive has been a solo, straightforward, affair. First a candidate needs
100 nominations from the 800-member election committee made-up primarily of pro-
Beijing loyalists and representing different aspects of society; then the 800 get to vote.”24
The chief executive should be a representative of the people, working in their best
interest, without influence from outside parties; however, that is not the case. It seems
more and more evident that the chief executive makes decisions based on what will
please Beijing. Many pro-democracy camps have argued that, “the method of election
for the chief executive is not conducive to a ruling party, specifically because it was ruled
in the Chief Executive Election Ordinance that the chief executive could not be a member
of any party. With the system not allowing a ruling party, the chief incentive for forming
and joining political parties is gone. People with political ambition may refrain from
joining political parties and even parties will in effect jeopardize their chances of getting
appointed into policy commissions or other executive positions” (Rabushka and Newman
1998, 59). As a result, many politicians run as Independents. This does not support party
growth or the development of democracy, rather it fragments political parties.
24 World Politics Review, “Universal Suffrage headlines Hong Kong elections”, Luke
Hunt, March 22, 2008.

34. 34
Article 56 of the Basic Law states the “chief executive, also known as the CE, can
overrule a majority opinion of the Executive Council in the case of which he only needs
to put the specific reasons on record.” This means that if he chooses to do so, “the CE
can practically rule as a dictator and ignore the opinions of all others in the executive
branch. The CE is the chief, if not the sole decision maker, directly answerable to the
Central Government” (Rabushka and Newman 1998, 59). Donald Tsang, the chief
executive of the Hong Kong Administrative Region, has been known to have close ties
with the Beijing government, as well as, the lowest satisfaction rating among the Hong
Kong people. He recently said that “whilst his successor will be chosen by the people,
that choice must be ratified by the Central Party.”25 He also stated that “candidates in
elections for Chief Executive must have Beijing's approval.”26 The chart on the
following page27 provides the breakdown of the Hong Kong government. It presents the
chief executive with the highest level ranking government position, with control over all
sectors of society.
25 The Daily Telegraph, “China Will Always Control Hong Kong’s Democracy”, Gordon
Rayner, November 23, 2008.
26 Ibid.
27 Effective July 1st, 2007; chart taken from the Hong Kong Government web site.

35. 35

36. 36
Women and Education
Although women in Hong Kong are allowed to participate in voting and elections,
there are still limitations. “By the numbers, women are far from attaining political parity
in Hong Kong. They currently hold just 11 Legco seats and less than a quarter of the
spots on the policymaking Executive Council. Even the two largest political parties have
few women at their upper echelons. The typical pattern (as seen with Anson Chan and
Regina Ip) is for female candidates to run as an Independent.”28 Many politicians run as
Independents because they are not seen as loyal to any one group or party and it is the
only way they can be elected as the chief executive. The position of the chief executive,
the highest ranking government official, is still held by only men. There are still issues
within the setup of the government. “Concern has been expressed over Hong Kong's
electoral system, which appears to be a structural obstacle to the fair representation of
women in government. Another issue is whether there is indirect discrimination within
the functional constituencies, since women are under-represented in those bodies from
which candidates are drawn” (CEDAW 1999). Discrimination on the grounds of gender
is an underlying societal handicap. In a recent survey of 1,530 people aged 15 or above
(of which 53.5% were female and 46.5% were male) conducted by the Women’s
Commission29 in Hong Kong, from January to February 2009 on society’s view on
gender, they found that:
50.1% strongly agreed and somewhat agreed that “women should
put more emphasis on family than career”;
33.2% strongly agreed and somewhat agreed that “men are more
knowledgeable about politics than women”;
16.7% strongly agreed and somewhat agreed that “women are
28 Newsweek Magazine, “A Lasting Impression”, George Weifritz, October 22, 2007.
29 http://www.women.gov.hk/eng/research/research.html

37. 37
relatively less capable of making important decisions than men”.
These findings are alarming and prove that gender mainstreaming and education is still
lacking in Hong Kong. The education system needs to address gender issues because it is
evident by this survey that education on gender issues within in the home is hindering to
a woman’s psyche. The Women’s Commission stated that, “gender stereotyping in
the education arena has long lasting impacts on the development of women and men and
therefore cannot be ignored.”30
During my time at the National Democratic Institute, we welcomed many guests
and visitors interested in democracy in Hong Kong. One particular incident stands out
more than others. One day, a group of high school students came into our building
inquiring about how democracy functions within the Hong Kong government. To my
astonishment, I found out that none of these children had been taught about the Hong
Kong Government and its functions. More startling is that these schools do not foster any
type of government and politics organizations, such as student government. I think that it
is imperative that children be taught the functions of their government, as well as,
becoming representatives and leaders within their schools. Student government-type
organizations prep children and young adults to believe that they are capable of one day
running for office. However, political consciousness in a post-colonial society is fraught
with difficulty. Often the education system of a former colony focuses more on the
politics of the colonial power rather than that of itself. As a consequence, there is often
very little knowledge of one’s own country. The current educational system is an
30 Ibid.

38. 38
outgrowth of the colonial educational systems. Thus, changes in the curriculum take
time.
Hong Kong possesses both local and international schools. The education system
in Hong Kong is very selective and discriminatory. Students are grouped into schools
according to their academic merit, and therefore, interact with students who possess the
same level of intellect. This is not relative in the real world. Students need to learn how
to interact with different students, who possess different levels of intellect. “The sense of
equity in school standards is very weak in Hong Kong, even though the outcry for
fairness and justice ranks high in the political arena for almost all other social issues”
(Cheng 2005). I truly believe that there is a connection between the education of
government and politics in schools at an early age and the children’s future involvement
in government and politics later in life.

39. 39
V. Democracy is increasing in Hong Kong
Democratic ideas are not new to Asia. In fact, democracy in Asia was not always
met with opposition. In August 18, 1980, Deng Xiaoping presented an eloquent
statement on the benefits of democracy. He said that democracy would “help pool
collective wisdom for economic development, assure a smooth leadership concession,
recruit new and more able cadres into local posts, restrict over centralization of power
and consequent bureaucratic immobility, and prevent the making of hasty decisions by
cadres.” It would “discourage corruption and prevent the reemergence of a dictatorship.”
It would also “promote the smooth development of our modernization drive” (Nathan
1985, 224). These statements were made by the late leader of the Communist Party in
China (CPC). It is evident that the concepts of democracy were understood in the early
1980’s, and although China remains a “Not Free” country, as determined by Freedom
House, there have been many promising policies. The Chinese Communist Party has
continued to “implement democracy with Chinese characteristics in 2007, appointing the
first non-party government ministers since the 1970s, passing significant legislation after
public consultation, and allowing the most open debate on economic and political reform
since 1989.”31 It has been argued that as China begins to democratize, the Hong Kong
democratization movement will begin to take on more speed. The relationship shared by
China and Hong Kong allows for each country to experience both the benefits of
democracy and the detriments of communism. It is my belief that as time goes on, China
will see that the benefits of democracy outweigh the benefits of communism.
31 Freedom House,
http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=363&year=2008&country=7372

40. 40
The position taken by Hoover Institute economist, Henry S. Rowen, former
chairman of the National Intelligence Council, is that a gradual transition to democracy
will develop in China due to economic development and growth (Diamond 2008, 231).
This is important because the stronger democracy becomes in China, the stronger
democracy will be in Hong Kong. China is responsible for many policies and regulations
in Hong Kong. Beijing controls the limitations of the chief executive and dictates to him
what is and is not permissible. Case in point: Beijing’s continued push back of universal
suffrage, despite overwhelming support from both democratic parties and organizations.
The Legislative Council and the Functional Constituency
The function and purpose of the functional constituency in Hong Kong has
resulted in many heated debates amongst party leaders. In this section I will explain the
ways in which the functional constituency can co-exist with the progression of
democracy. It is important to look at all possible scenarios concerning the functional
constituency, so that the best plan of action is taken.
Since the transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the prevailing justification for
maintaining the functional constituency has been preserving prosperity and stability. The
Hong Kong Government states that “full weight should be given to representation of the
economic and professional sectors of Hong Kong society which are essential to future
confidence and prosperity” (Hong Kong Government, 1984b, 4). This strengthens
Ngok’s belief that “the FC system could be considered a ‘corporatist’ structure that
institutionalized representation of business, industrial and professional groups from the
less formal system of appointment to a formal method of election in Legco” (Ngok 2007,
37). The argument is that oversea corporations flock to Hong Kong due to the power

41. 41
given to corporate business because of the functional constituency. The Hong Kong
Government may believe that by removing the functional constituency, corporations will
move their business elsewhere, but it is evident that the capitalistic attitude in Hong Kong
is welcoming to overseas corporations and a change in the functional constituency would
not discontinue interaction between both parties.
Continued discussions over the future of the functional constituency have been
met with much debate. “A wide range of proposals have already been offered on how to
handle the functional constituencies, including changing the number of functional
constituencies and altering their voter eligibility requirements so that every Hong Kong
voter could vote for at least one functional constituency Legco member” (Martin 2008).
These amendments would significantly quicken the democratic steps in Hong Kong,
possibly allowing for the chief executive to be universally elected one day.
Another recent proposal is to add ten more seats to the Legislative Council.
According to Regina Ip, there is a large measure of consensus on the possibility of
expanding Legco to 70 seats. The advantages would be: size of population, mounting
workload, and increased opportunities to groom political talent. The Standing Committee
of the National People’s Congress said in December, 2007, that “Legco must have the
same proportion of directly elected legislators from geographical constituencies as
functional ones.”32 It seems as though the government elites are cautious to implement
any drastic changes within the functional constituencies and Legco, despite political
debate.
32 South China Morning Post, “A Bigger Pie”, Regina Ip, July 7, 2008.

42. 42
The dialogue has continued and many politicians have found positive ways in
allowing for the functional constituency to exist, while making them more democratic.
One concept is by creating more functional constituencies. Some have argued “that it
would be more reasonable to add FC’s representing important occupations or segments of
our society whose voices are being under-represented in the legislature” (Martin 2008).
The three ways to do this would be by: “splitting existing ones (those which embrace
more than one occupation into smaller ones); adding more functional constituencies
representing new professions; and adding more seats to the existing functional
constituency of district councilors” (Martin 2008). This would allow for more people to
be represented, while allowing more people to participate in the process. Those against
functional constituencies have claimed that once new FC’s have been added it would be
hard to get rid of them. Regina Ip disagrees. “Former governor Chris Patten had no
problem getting rid of the last ten officials appointed as Legislative Councilors in one fell
swoop in 1995. When universal suffrage for the Legislative Council elections is
introduced in 2020, if a ‘one person, two votes’ system as in Japan and Taiwan is
introduced, functional representatives can stand for election in a single, city-wide
constituency by forming lists for election by proportional representation. There is no
reason why additional FC’s cannot convert themselves into geographical constituency
representatives under a broadened system in 2020” (Martin 2008). Both the SAR
government and the National People's Congress have insisted that “any increase in
legislators elected in constituencies by universal suffrage must be matched by an increase
in legislators chosen by the functional constituencies.33 The process to make the
33 South China Morning Post, “Ratio of Directed Elected Legco Seats Won’t Rise: NPC

43. 43
functional constituencies and the Legislative Council more democratic has been met with
some opposition. However, the fact that such a debate exists and challenges the
government elites, is another step towards ultimate change in favor of democracy. These
types of debates allow for dialogues to occur on the individual level.
Human Rights
The concept of human rights is a crucial fundamental of democracy. Hong Kong
is considered one of the most humane states in Asia. I am therefore measuring the level
of human rights in Hong Kong as an indicator of how democratic Hong Kong truly is.
Since there is a growing number of minorities living and working in Hong Kong, it is
essential to see if policies reflect the proper levels of human rights necessary to consider
it democratic.
While I was in Hong Kong I had the opportunity to see the process of the “Race
Discrimination Bill” enacted into law. From marches in the street, to public forua, to the
legislative building, I was witness to this historical event that finally granted equal rights
to all minorities. Although the bill was largely accepted by all, there was an element
missing. The bill did not address the fact that language is still a major barrier for many
foreigners living and working in Hong Kong. This can be viewed as discriminatory and
not inclusive to all peoples living in Hong Kong. As it now stands, there are no
translators in hospitals or translators present at the signing of contracts. Many minorities
still feel discriminated by the bill; however progress has been made and amendments in
favor of including translators at both hospitals and contract signings is probable in the
near future. Continued marches and protests in favor of including these two amendments
Standing Committee to Reject Pan-Democrats’ Compromise Plan”, December 29, 2007.

44. 44
has had major news coverage, and although changes to the bill have not yet been made,
minorities are pushing for their agenda and are making their voices heard.
Domestic workers in Hong Kong also have a minimum allowable wage (MAW).
The Hong Kong government states that, although the “MAW is subject to periodical
review, employment contracts made on or after 10 July 2008, should be no less than
HK$3,580 per month. For contracts made before that date, an employer should pay the
helper throughout the contract period wages not less than the rate specified in the
standard employment contract.”34 The Labour Relations Division of the Labour
Department handles all cases relating to employee entitlement and works in assisting
domestic workers in receiving any unpaid wages. If an employer does fail to pay wages
to the helper “within seven days from the due date of payment, he/she is: required to pay
interest on the outstanding amount of wages to the helper; and liable to prosecution and,
upon conviction, to a fine of HK$350,000 and to imprisonment for three years.”35 These
laws and regulations have provided great assurance to many domestic workers. The
Hong Kong government is addressing the needs and concerns of these people, and is
doing so with great care.
Women and Education
The growth of democracy in Hong Kong has given way for many women to
participate in their government. From participating in local elections, to running for
political office positions, opportunities for women to become involved in their
community has become a growing movement. Democracy empowers women to voice
their opinions and speak out about injustices done unto them and their community. Bilkis
34 http://www.labour.gov.hk/eng/public/wcp/FDHguide.pdf
35 Ibid.

45. 45
Vissandjee touches upon this connection (democracy=empowerment) and shows how a
quota system allows for the women’s perspective to be heard (Vissandjee et al. 2005). A
quota system may be the first opportunity to get women’s perspectives heard; however, I
do not think it is the solution to the problem. It can be useful at the onset and just like
affirmative action it can be slowly dissolved when it successfully completes its purpose.
Women in Hong Kong today are well educated and possess the will and drive to
compete with their counterparts. I truly believe that without the progression of
democracy in Hong Kong, women would not have the opportunities they have today.
Secretary for Labour and Welfare, Mr. Matthew Cheung Kin-chung strongly believes in
this concept as well. He recently stated during a June 10, 2009 Press Release that:
“Since 2002, the Administration has, with the assistance of the Women's
Commission (WoC), applied the Gender Mainstreaming Checklist (the Checklist) to 30
policy or programme areas which are of relevance to women. The Checklist was
developed by WoC to facilitate government officials to take into account the perspectives
and needs of the two genders in the formulation of policies and programmes. This is to
ensure that women and men have equitable access to, and benefit from, society's
resources and opportunities, thus promoting women's advancement and fostering gender
equality and harmony in the long run. Apart from adopting the Checklist, officers from a
number of bureaux and departments have also applied the gender mainstreaming concept
in the course of their work, taking into account the needs and perspectives of both
genders. The Administration will continue to apply the Checklist to more policy areas
and promote the gender mainstreaming concept.”36
Education has also played a vital role in the social development and progression
of democracy and equal rights of women in Hong Kong. Education allows all people to
understand and develop their own thoughts about situations, as well as becoming
involved in changing them for the better. “Experts say Hong Kong women owe their
political rise to the introduction of compulsory nine-year education in 1978, which
opened pathways for girls that now lead to top universities” (CEDAW 1999). Mandatory
36 http://www.lwb.gov.hk/eng/legco/10062009_1.htm

46. 46
education enhances a community because it diversifies their economy and raises the
standard of living. “In the 2008/09 school year, there are 601 primary schools, 527
secondary day schools and 61 special schools.”37
Women today participate actively and openly within their society. Another
impressive development is the dramatic expansion of higher education. “Since 2002,
when a reform document only hinted at exploring the feasibility of establishing
community colleges in Hong Kong, many of them have emerged, due totally to non-
government initiatives. In only four years (2002-2006) the enrolment of students in
higher education has achieved a quantum leap from 30% of the relevant age group to
65%” (Cheng 2005). Higher education is one of the first steps towards democratization
and the Education Commission38 in Hong Kong has been working towards reforming and
analyzing the current education system to make it function better.
Hong Kong has also worked toward understanding gender differences. “The Sex
Discrimination Ordinance, enacted in 1995, rendered unlawful discrimination on the
grounds of sex, marital status or pregnancy in specified areas of activity including
employment, education, provision of goods, facilities, services and premises, club
activities and the government. The Ordinance outlawed sexual harassment and
discriminatory practices. It was also unlawful to publish or cause to be published any
advertisement which was discriminatory” (CEDAW 1999). This ordinance helped
women realize that the law was on their side.
All of these factors have led to more women involvement and participation in
political parties. For example, “women now lead two small parties, hold the Legco
37 http://www.edb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID=139&langno=1
38 http://www.e-c.edu.hk/eng/reform/index_e.html

47. 47
presidency, and consistently top public-approval surveys.”39 Two women who hold
much influence in Hong Kong is Anson Chan and Regina Ip. “Anson Chan, deputy to
Hong Kong's last British governor and first Beijing-appointed leader, entered the election
to push for universal suffrage. Regina Ip, a career civil servant, also favors one-person,
one-vote elections—but insists she would be better able to convey Hong Kong's
democratic yearnings to China's top leaders” (CEDAW 1999). These two women have
been the face of the women’s political movement and although Anson Chan no longer
holds a position in office, she continues to make her present felt.
39 Newsweek Magazine, “A Lasting Impression”, George Weifritz, October 22, 2007.

48. 48
VI. Democracy is stagnant in Hong Kong {5-7}
The view that democracy is stagnant in Hong Kong, does not have many
supporters, however, I came across an article titled, “Freedom in the World 2007:
Freedom Stagnation Amid Pushback Against Democracy” by Arch Puddington. This
article explained a current worrisome phenomenon. Their findings prove that, “the
percentage of countries designated as ‘Free’ have failed to increase, and that these trends
may be contributing to a developing freedom stagnation” (Puddington 2007). Hong
Kong was currently evaluated as being “partly free”, giving them a rating of 2 for civil
liberties and 5 in political rights.40 I believe that although Hong Kong has been
advancing towards civil liberties, they are lacking in political rights. This equates as a
standstill within the progression of democracy. Below is a ten-year ratings timeline for
Hong Kong conducted by Freedom House. It uses political rights and civil liberties as
indicators in determining whether or not Hong Kong is “Free”.
1997
PF
1998
PF
1999
PF
2000
PF
2001
PF
2002
PF
2003
PF
2004
PF
2005
PF
2006
PF
PR: 6,
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 3
PR: 5
CL: 2
PR: 5
CL: 2
PR: 5
CL: 2
*Timeline 1, PR: Political Rights, CL: Civil Liberties, PF: Partly Free
As we can see in timeline 1, Hong Kong has not made much progression in the
areas of political rights. Political rights are crucial for the progression of democracy in
Hong Kong. It is my belief that once the setup of the functional constituencies, the
40 1 represents the most free and 7 the least free rating. The ratings reflect an overall
judgment based on survey results.

49. 49
legislative council and the chief executive are changed, Hong Kong will move in status
from a “partly free” to a “free” territory. Another factor that perpetuates this stagnation is
the Beijing presence in Hong Kong politics. Standing Committee Chairman Wu
Bangguo said in June 2007 that Hong Kong will have the ''exact amount of rights as
granted by central government'' and that it ''cannot fully endorse westernized
democracy.”41 This has brought great difficulty to the democracy movement in Hong
Kong. The Hong Kong people look to Hong Kong as one day being fully ruled by the
Hong Kong people, a promise that was told to them by China.
Chief Executive Donald Tsang does not listen to civil society, but rather to
Beijing. He recently stated in October 2007, during a radio program, that democracy was
linked ''in extreme to the cultural revolution of the 10 years of chaos China experienced
under Mao Zedong in the 1960s. He apologized the next day in a statement, but he
declined to respond to media questions.”42 A survey released in 2007 by the Hong Kong
Journalists Association came across some startling discoveries. “Of the journalists
surveyed, 58% said they though press freedom had declined since the handover. Among
those journalists who thought things had gotten worse, 72% thought self-censorship was
the biggest problem.”43 Recently in 2009, Hong Kong continued to slip towards “Partly
Free” as Beijing exerted growing influence over the media.44 China’s censorship of the
media has had a great impact upon the Hong Kong people, specifically students;
41 Asian Economic News, “Focus: 2007, a Year of Stagnant Political Growth for Hong
Kong”, December 29, 2007.
42 Ibid.
43 The China Blog, “Self Censorship in Hong Kong”, Austin Ramzy, February 11, 2009
44 Freedom House,
http://www.freedomhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cfm?year=2008&
country=7527&pf

50. 50
however, in another recent survey conducted by The Hong Kong Journal, “in June 2008
for the first time more Hong Kong residents chose to identify themselves as Chinese than
for any other identity. In previous surveys, those who made this choice tended to support
pro-Beijing parties and the Hong Kong government” (DeGolyer 2008). This surge of
pride and patriotism is believed to have occurred due to the fact that China hosted the
2008 Olympics. The fact that more Hong Kongers are identifying themselves as Chinese
and are favoring Chinese nationalism over Hong Kong nationalism, may prove to be
detrimental to democracy in Hong Kong.
The fact that Hong Kong increases some personal freedoms while limiting others,
maintains the view that Hong Kong is a democratically stagnant region. There has never
been a complete shift from “Partly Free” to “Free” status in Hong since 1997. Neither
has there been any significant shift in the political rights of Hong Kong. The fact that
civil liberties in Hong Kong has decreased is also alarming. On the positive side, Hong
Kong has made significant advancements in the areas of human rights, women’s rights
and education. These three areas have given hope to the continuance of the democracy
movement.

51. 51
VII. Conclusion with future fieldwork set-up
Hong Kong is currently at a critical juncture. Many factors have contributed to
the slow pace of democracy. I have argued throughout the paper that democracy in Hong
Kong is decreasing due to the role of the chief executive, the setup of the functional
constituency and the legislative council. Recent surges in Chinese pride have also added
to favoritism in China. Beijing continues to press their agenda upon the Hong Kong
people and have pushed the date for universal suffrage to 2020. Today, the people of
Hong Kong must look towards the possibility of China no longer being part of the
equation. The year 2020 will present Hong Kong with much advancement in democracy.
It will also provide many opportunities for the common citizen in expressing themselves.
Their participation in the voting process will significantly change and alter their history.
It is evident that China’s presence will not provide Hong Kong with the hope of
universal suffrage, fair elections, and just laws. The Hong Kong elites might value
China’s economic opportunities as more important than democracy, but I beg to differ.
In order for Hong Kong to move forward they must institute the ideals set forth by Sen.
He claimed that democracy should be the first priority and a necessary tool, which will
eventually provide economic stability and opportunities for all. It is unfortunate that for
many years now Hong Kong has tried to master economic strategies under the guidance
of China, rather than foster democratic understanding in the education system.
In conclusion, I would also like to present a framework for future fieldwork set in
Hong Kong. I want to address all the issues concerning whether or not Hong Kong is
increasing, decreasing, or stagnating, by surveys and interviews done on the ground. I
believe it is necessary to speak with students from all educational levels and backgrounds

52. 52
in order to understand what their political knowledge of Hong Kong is. Despite all the
continued debate, I consider the future for Hong Kong as still positive; however, the time
to institute the proper modifications are now. Evidence has proven that democracy in
Hong Kong is slowly deteriorating because of unjust actions taken by the chief executive
and Beijing. Hong Kong needs to be controlled and ruled by the Hong Kong people for
the Hong Kong people. Beijing should play no part in Hong Kong politics.
In order for the future fieldwork to be administered properly, there needs to be a
complete and total understanding of what democracy means to the people of Hong Kong.
It is true that universal suffrage is the major component, but I wonder if there are more
critical concerns shared by the Hong Kong people. There also needs to be a closer look
into the educational system in Hong Kong. Students and teachers should be interviewed
to better understand their daily curriculum and research must be done to show whether or
not Hong Kong has made a conscience effort in teaching and preparing their children
properly for the political world.
Politicians in Hong Kong, specifically pro-democratic camps, have presented the
view, that the Hong Kong education system is more focused around students being able
to find jobs once they graduate school, rather than introducing them to a life of public
service. Research needs to be conducted to discover if this is true since political
participation has been arguably low. I also think that speaking with the Women’s
Commission in Hong Kong would also be beneficial in understanding how women view
themselves today. This might help in understanding why women’s participation within
government and politics in low. In response to these findings, the Hong Kong
Government should be publicly more accepting of women in these positions.

53. 53
It is important to look at all of these aspects of Hong Kong life because in
understanding their culture and way of life, it will prove to be easier in presenting
policies that will make a difference. Although access to the chief executive and the
Legislative Council might be difficult, it is essential to know their perspectives on these
topics as well. Hopefully, the international community realizes the significance of Hong
Kong’s current political state and supports the Hong Kong people in their struggle for
democracy.

54. 54
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