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36
Neo-liberalism and the crisis
• Neo-liberalism did not create the economic crisis
• Quite the opposite: the crisis created the need for
the neo-liberal ideology – as a response to the crisis
• It was the internal contradictions in capitalism
itself which led to the crisis – a systemic crisis
• Neo-liberalism won hegemony also due to the lack of
resistance from the trade union and labour movement
37
Considerable redistribution from wages
to profits played a decisive role
for the development of the financial crisis.
The purchasing power became too weak
to buy all the goods and services
which were/could be produced.
This was partly compensated for through
increased loaning, which together with massive
speculation resulted in
a gigantic financial bubble.
A crisis of overproduction
38
The war on workers (wage share)
Lohnquoten in der EU15, in Deutschland, den USA und Japan, 1975-
2006
62
64
66
68
70
72
74
76
78
80
82
1975
76
77
78
79
1980
81
82
83
84
1985
86
87
88
89
1990
91
92
93
94
1995
96
97
98
99
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
in%derBIPzuFaktorkosten
EU-15 USA Japan Deutschland75
Quellen: European Economy , 6/2002 und 6/2006, jew eils Statistical annex, table 32
39
Financial capital and GNPTrillion$
40
Capital’s need for expansion
• Surplus of capital (financial capital)
• Desperate hunt for profitable investments
• Public sector the biggest potential
• Unparalleled financial speculation
• ‘Globalisation’ is not a law of nature –
it is the result of deregulation and
capital’s strategy for expansion
41
The social partnership ideology I
• A true-born child of the class compromise
• The result of a very specific historic development
in which the balance of power shifted towards labour
• Capitalists felt their interests threatened and
gave in to workers demands to damp their radicalism
• The need for popular support in the Cold War against
Soviet Union contributed in the same direction
• The result: 20 years of unprecedented social progress
42
The social partnership ideology II
• Social progress was less and less seen as a result
of certain power relations in society
• It was the compromise itself – social peace and
social dialogue – which led to social progress
• This contributed to depoliticising, deradicalising
and demobilising the working class/trade unions
• Changed the character of social democracy – from a
class movement to a mediator between the classes
43
Regulation of capital
Fixed
exchange ratesCapital control
Regulation of
investments
Trade protectionism
Labour legislation Huge public sector
Private capital
44
The turning point
• The 1970s: crisis in the world economy
and a continued deep crisis of capitalism
• The triumph of neoliberalism and the
following restructuring of global capitalism
• Deregulation - abolishment of capital control
• Immense shift in the balance of power
(and it’s all about power, stupid)
• The breakdown of the class compromise
45
The neoliberal offensive
Fixed
exchange ratesCapital control
Regulation of
investments
Trade protectionism
Labour legislation Huge public sector
Private capital
46
The neoliberal offensive
Capital control
Regulation of
investments
Trade protectionism
Labour legislation Huge public sector
Private capital
47
The neoliberal offensive
Regulation of
investments
Trade protectionism
Labour legislation Huge public sector
Private capital
48
The neoliberal offensive
Trade protectionism
Labour legislation Huge public sector
Private capital
49
The neoliberal offensive
Labour legislation Huge public sector
Private capital
50
The neoliberal offensive
Labour legislation Reduced public sector
Private capital
51
The current situation
Attacks on labour legislation Reduced public sector
Private capital
52
What went wrong?
• The social pact was not a stable situation
• A compromise in a concrete historical situation
• Tactical compromise became the final aim
• Basic power relations remained in tact
• The ideology of the social pact deradicalised
• Taken by surprise by the neo-liberal offensive
53
Labour movement in crisis
• Deep political-ideological crisis on the left
• System criticism is more or less non-existent
• Few attempts at mobilising for a power struggle
• No efforts to curb the power of financial capital
• The labour movement is losing trust, since it
has supported the policy which led to the crisis
• Left parties in governments have been a failure
54
«Neither society nor democracy»
«In the last decade European social democracy has
ceased to be about either society or democracy.
In government it has embraced liberal economic
principles that undermined solidarity and association.
Along the way the idea of the common good has
been lost and there is no vision of a 'Good Society'.»
«The Future of European Social Democracy»
published by the social democratic Social Europe Journal
55
Is there an alternative solution?
• The crisis gives an opportunity to disarm
financial capital and regulate the markets
• The public sector should be used to damp the
effects of the crisis and stabilise the economy
• A radical redistribution of wealth is necessary
• Only the trade union movement has the
potential to push solutions in this direction
• Potential is one thing, practice something else
– a formidable mobilisation will be necessary
56
Need agency and strategies
• We need alternatives, but not without also
considering agency – who is going to carry out
the struggles – social forces, alliances
• Wishful thinking and arm-chair theories,
alternatives and models are easy to produce
• What is realistic, what is possible, how do we
prioritise – and how to we get there (strategies)?
• This is too little discussed on the left today
57
Right wing populism/extremism
• The capitalist crisis creates a real basis for
alienation, exclusion, discontent and polarisation
• Workers feel betrayed by their ‘own’ politicians
• The extreme Right supports all discontent
and channels it in perverted political directions
• The only alternative: A policy of the left
which politicises the discontent and channels
it into real fights for collective solutions
58
A strategy for the unions
• Alternative analyses – a system-critical view
• Building of new, broad social alliances
• Development of concrete alternatives
• Due to the party political misery, trade unions
must take a broader political responsibility
• Develop solidarity across all borders
• Create democratic and action-oriented unions
prepared for the confrontations which will come
59
Emancipation is our goal!
• The (positive) effects of a class compromise can
never be more than a temporary achievement
• Emancipatory social policies presuppose
a huge shift in the balance of power in society
• Today, we demand too little and accept too much
• As authoritarian rule and oppression increase, our
response has to be bolder and more radical
• If the right to strike is restricted or banned, trade
unions have to win back the right in practise
60
A minimum programme
• Fight austerity – defend our public services!
• Redistribute our wealth – Let the rich pay!
• Cancel public debt created by the financial crisis!
• Socialise banks and financial institutions!
• Defend democracy – break with trade & fiscal pacts!
• Unify the environmental with the social struggle
• Organise, mobilise and meet the confrontations!
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives
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The Financial Crisis, Lecture 9: Progressive & Radical Alternatives

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  • 36. 36 Neo-liberalism and the crisis • Neo-liberalism did not create the economic crisis • Quite the opposite: the crisis created the need for the neo-liberal ideology – as a response to the crisis • It was the internal contradictions in capitalism itself which led to the crisis – a systemic crisis • Neo-liberalism won hegemony also due to the lack of resistance from the trade union and labour movement
  • 37. 37 Considerable redistribution from wages to profits played a decisive role for the development of the financial crisis. The purchasing power became too weak to buy all the goods and services which were/could be produced. This was partly compensated for through increased loaning, which together with massive speculation resulted in a gigantic financial bubble. A crisis of overproduction
  • 38. 38 The war on workers (wage share) Lohnquoten in der EU15, in Deutschland, den USA und Japan, 1975- 2006 62 64 66 68 70 72 74 76 78 80 82 1975 76 77 78 79 1980 81 82 83 84 1985 86 87 88 89 1990 91 92 93 94 1995 96 97 98 99 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 in%derBIPzuFaktorkosten EU-15 USA Japan Deutschland75 Quellen: European Economy , 6/2002 und 6/2006, jew eils Statistical annex, table 32
  • 39. 39 Financial capital and GNPTrillion$
  • 40. 40 Capital’s need for expansion • Surplus of capital (financial capital) • Desperate hunt for profitable investments • Public sector the biggest potential • Unparalleled financial speculation • ‘Globalisation’ is not a law of nature – it is the result of deregulation and capital’s strategy for expansion
  • 41. 41 The social partnership ideology I • A true-born child of the class compromise • The result of a very specific historic development in which the balance of power shifted towards labour • Capitalists felt their interests threatened and gave in to workers demands to damp their radicalism • The need for popular support in the Cold War against Soviet Union contributed in the same direction • The result: 20 years of unprecedented social progress
  • 42. 42 The social partnership ideology II • Social progress was less and less seen as a result of certain power relations in society • It was the compromise itself – social peace and social dialogue – which led to social progress • This contributed to depoliticising, deradicalising and demobilising the working class/trade unions • Changed the character of social democracy – from a class movement to a mediator between the classes
  • 43. 43 Regulation of capital Fixed exchange ratesCapital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  • 44. 44 The turning point • The 1970s: crisis in the world economy and a continued deep crisis of capitalism • The triumph of neoliberalism and the following restructuring of global capitalism • Deregulation - abolishment of capital control • Immense shift in the balance of power (and it’s all about power, stupid) • The breakdown of the class compromise
  • 45. 45 The neoliberal offensive Fixed exchange ratesCapital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  • 46. 46 The neoliberal offensive Capital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  • 47. 47 The neoliberal offensive Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  • 48. 48 The neoliberal offensive Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  • 49. 49 The neoliberal offensive Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  • 50. 50 The neoliberal offensive Labour legislation Reduced public sector Private capital
  • 51. 51 The current situation Attacks on labour legislation Reduced public sector Private capital
  • 52. 52 What went wrong? • The social pact was not a stable situation • A compromise in a concrete historical situation • Tactical compromise became the final aim • Basic power relations remained in tact • The ideology of the social pact deradicalised • Taken by surprise by the neo-liberal offensive
  • 53. 53 Labour movement in crisis • Deep political-ideological crisis on the left • System criticism is more or less non-existent • Few attempts at mobilising for a power struggle • No efforts to curb the power of financial capital • The labour movement is losing trust, since it has supported the policy which led to the crisis • Left parties in governments have been a failure
  • 54. 54 «Neither society nor democracy» «In the last decade European social democracy has ceased to be about either society or democracy. In government it has embraced liberal economic principles that undermined solidarity and association. Along the way the idea of the common good has been lost and there is no vision of a 'Good Society'.» «The Future of European Social Democracy» published by the social democratic Social Europe Journal
  • 55. 55 Is there an alternative solution? • The crisis gives an opportunity to disarm financial capital and regulate the markets • The public sector should be used to damp the effects of the crisis and stabilise the economy • A radical redistribution of wealth is necessary • Only the trade union movement has the potential to push solutions in this direction • Potential is one thing, practice something else – a formidable mobilisation will be necessary
  • 56. 56 Need agency and strategies • We need alternatives, but not without also considering agency – who is going to carry out the struggles – social forces, alliances • Wishful thinking and arm-chair theories, alternatives and models are easy to produce • What is realistic, what is possible, how do we prioritise – and how to we get there (strategies)? • This is too little discussed on the left today
  • 57. 57 Right wing populism/extremism • The capitalist crisis creates a real basis for alienation, exclusion, discontent and polarisation • Workers feel betrayed by their ‘own’ politicians • The extreme Right supports all discontent and channels it in perverted political directions • The only alternative: A policy of the left which politicises the discontent and channels it into real fights for collective solutions
  • 58. 58 A strategy for the unions • Alternative analyses – a system-critical view • Building of new, broad social alliances • Development of concrete alternatives • Due to the party political misery, trade unions must take a broader political responsibility • Develop solidarity across all borders • Create democratic and action-oriented unions prepared for the confrontations which will come
  • 59. 59 Emancipation is our goal! • The (positive) effects of a class compromise can never be more than a temporary achievement • Emancipatory social policies presuppose a huge shift in the balance of power in society • Today, we demand too little and accept too much • As authoritarian rule and oppression increase, our response has to be bolder and more radical • If the right to strike is restricted or banned, trade unions have to win back the right in practise
  • 60. 60 A minimum programme • Fight austerity – defend our public services! • Redistribute our wealth – Let the rich pay! • Cancel public debt created by the financial crisis! • Socialise banks and financial institutions! • Defend democracy – break with trade & fiscal pacts! • Unify the environmental with the social struggle • Organise, mobilise and meet the confrontations!