THE EUROVISION PAPER

Othering, Eurovision and Geopolitical Bloc Voting
Introduction
This essay will discuss the geopolitical utility of voting patterns in the Eurovision Song Contest. It will
argue that because of the dislocation of identity in the Balkan region, the voting patterns of Balkan
countries participating in Eurovision are a form of expression of political antagonisms, in which
dislocation and political antagonism are based upon the work of Laclau and Mouffe. It will begin by
introducing theories of geopolitics which will help set up a context for the existing ethnic dislocation
such as Kuus's critical geopolitics and Rasch's “othering” in addition to some insight from popular
geopolitics and critical border studies. Using critical geopolitics and border studies, the paper will show
how the borders of Balkan states do not fully reflect the ethnic identities within those states, calling to
attention the extent of political representation for minorities in these countries. It will then present
voting exchanges from the past decade and outline the means by which that data can be used as a
representation of political antagonisms. What this paper intends to conclude is that the voting patterns
of countries in the Balkan region create a representation of the region's positioning in the greater
European continent as well as how Eurovision is used as an outlet of expression for minorities in
Balkan countries.
Definition of Terms and Theories
Laclau and Mouffe define antagonism as “the limit of all objectivity” (1985 p. 110), meaning it
prevents one from fully achieving one's identity. It is the relation of one identity against another, and
without the one the other could not exist (Biglieri & Perello, 2011, p. 51). Dislocation is then “a
freedom of a structural fault which can only construct an identity through acts of identification”
(Laclau, 1990 p. 60). They are each “successive stages in the access to full representation” (Laclau,
2004 p. 319) however with that being an impossibility according to Laclau and Mouffe, society is left
with the antagonisms that come with creating identities to develop a sense of other. Representation will

be defined as mediated versions of places and spaces as discussed by Dittmer (2010, p. 47). The song
contest provides a platform for this to occur as it is a “space in which through playful yet sustained
engagement we learn to position ourselves in a wider cultural field” (2010 in Adams, 2012, p. 306).
The discussion of borders is undoubtedly relevant to the discussion of not only the political state of the
Balkans, but also the discussion of dislocation. Kuus' descriptions of borders relate to the concept of
dislocation and antagonism as “geographical claims about cultural borders and homelands are central to
narratives of national identity” (2010, p. 687) creating the dichotomy between a collective “us” and
“them” which establishes an identity and justifies it through the threat of a “them” compromising said
identity. This concept also ties into Rasch, who brings up an example of imperial powers representing
a “unity of Christendom and civilization over against a heathen... external world” (2003, p. 126). This
concept will be an important detail to note when taking into account how there may be distinct political
and cultural differences between the former Yugoslav states, however, when they are faced with a
greater opposite they will band together based upon the similarities that they do have. Although the
microcosm for a short amount of time has reached a type of consensus, they are still continuing the idea
of antagonism. It is through such regional dislocations and subsequent antagonisms that voting blocs
come to exist in the Eurovision Song Contest. While two countries in a region may not have seen eye to
eye in the real political world, they may share similar customs or a similarities in musical styles. That
familiarity then creates a dislocation between the region and the rest of the European continent, thus
enabling regional fragmentation and, to some extent, preventing Western European hegemony.
Dislocation and Identity in the Balkans
The borders which were created post-Yugoslavia have proven to be falsely representative of the cultural
identities within the new states created, not only due to the political antagonisms and ethnic
scapegoating which came about immediately after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, but also as a result of

the displacement of persons during the Bosnian Crisis. As a result of the significant amount of ethnic
Serbs and Croats – which combined outnumber the Bosniak population (CIA World Factbook) –
Bosnia & Herzegovina most notably has a political system whose parties are on clear ethnic lines.
These have led to political difficulties. At the end of the 20th
Century when all of the displaced persons
in the region as well as Bosnian refugees were returning to their homes only to discover that land
claims had been altered, the ethnic breakdown and cultural environment – in the case of Zvornik – and
the local governments – in the case of Jajce in the Republika Srpska – were giving conflicting reports
as to what measures should be taken and whether the returnees were entitled to take their property back
(Dahlman and O' Tuathail, 2005 pp. 251, 255). This relates to Rumford's discussion of a lack of
recognition of borders by the public (2012, p. 892). Further, just as Rasch outlines in his use of religion
in the self/other distinctions (2003, p. 139) Religious differences are a major cause of dislocation
between the former Yugoslav states, particularly Bosnia, Serbia and Croatia, and these led to conflicts
of interests with respect to governance (Dogan, 2007, p. 76). Political antagonisms come about through
the necessity of the ethnic Serbs and Croats to differentiate from the Bosniak population.
Serbia and Croatia both have recognized ethnic minority populations. Croatia recognizes 22 minorities
within its borders and they are allocated a small amount of seats in the Croatian parliament (Tatalovic,
2007, p. 53), whereas Serbia does not have any political requirements for ethnic minorities (Bechev,
2011 p. 34). These minorities do not necessarily always get along, as Croatians and Serbians share a
resentment for each other's ethnic minorities within their own territory, as well as a general mutual
resentment of their traditions and habits (Bugarski, 2012, p. 266). There is a great importance for all the
former Yugoslav countries to be distinct to one another in spite of the similarities. As borders were
created through the dissolution of Yugoslavia, and even the separation of Montenegro from Serbia,
national identities that were to specifically represent the Croats, Serbs, Montenegrins etc. have been

established within the borders of the countries (p. 230). These differences in areas such as language are
virtually unidentifiable but ensure dislocation from neighbouring states to promote a national identity.
Even with these minority divisions, music has always been a form of collective identity for the
Balkans. This musical identity was impervious to the antagonisms prevalent in the area. In the 1990s at
the height of the crisis in Bosnia, Serbian-based turbofolk was popular across the region despite the
heavy pro-Serbian nationalistic undertones within the music (Baker, 2008, p. 747-8). It is the
transcendence of music which calls back to times past (Boskovic, p. 58), as well as a Balkan music
scene interspersed with music from across the region which allows the Balkans, in spite of prominent
political differences, to unite and create a political antagonism through a mediated space where
representations of countries and their positioning in the greater scheme of Europe can be observed.
The Balkans in the Eurovision Song Contest
Before going into the case study, here are some details regarding the rules and the voting procedure.
Participating countries in the contest allocate points to the 10 songs in the grand final which received
the most votes from either a public televote or a combined jury and public vote. Points go from 1-7,
and then 8, 10 and 12 for the three songs which received the most votes. The public is not allowed to
vote for their own country (EBU, 2012, pp. 2, 3). For this case study, voting exchanges between former
Yugoslav countries from 2004 to 2012 were compiled as 2004 was the first contest to introduce a semi-
final qualification process, as well as being the first contest in which all the former Yugoslav countries
participated. There are other countries that are considered members of the Balkan voting bloc however
for the sake of simplicity only the voting exchanges between countries that are considered the former
Yugoslavia were included. Appendix 1 provides charts showing how each participating country cast
their votes each year.
In most cases, the highest possible amount of points (8, 10, 12) are given from one former Yugoslav

country to a fellow country in the region, and there is only one instance where a country did not receive
any points from a former Yugoslav country. A near-constant occurrence in the voting data is Serbia's
refusal to give Croatia the highest possible points, with the exception of 2005 where it gave Croatia the
highest amount of points of the eligible countries in the region. This is an indicator of antagonism,
mostly from Serbia towards Croatia. Since Serbs are the largest ethnic minority in Croatia and Bosnia
& Herzegovina (CIA World Fact Book), it is not surprising that Serbia regularly received 12 and 10
points from them. Cases in which FYR Macedonia did not give top points to its former Yugoslav
neighbours were often the result of giving their 12 points to Albania, a country that has a large ethnic
minority within Macedonian borders. What has ensured the success of some countries within the
Balkan region (namely: Serbia & Montenegro 2004, Bosnia & Herzegovina 2006, and Serbia 2007,
2008, 2012) is the presentation of an “ethnic” song: a traditional or folk-based piece which resonates
with the feeling of “Yugonostalgia” which most of the region felt in the wake of heightened
antagonisms. The shared musical scene allowed for already established artists (Bosnia & Herzegovina
2009, 2011 and Serbia 2012) to succeed in receiving points from the region as well. While ethnic
minorities do have a form of expression by supporting their ethnicity rather than their location, in spite
of the political antagonisms which exist within the region the pop-cultural similarities allow for the
region to dislocate from the rest of Europe through their general shared experience and create an
expression of political antagonism against the greater continent.
Conclusions
Due to the song festival context and the Balkan region's dislocation from Europe on a small scale,
Rasch's concept of the self/other dichotomy is reduced, however at the same time heightened on a
larger scale. In a sense it is fascinating that a country such as Serbia who was largely responsible for
the atrocities during the Bosnian crisis would be so well received in the rest of the region, however

once again the fact that there is a greater “them” outside of the Balkan region has created reason
enough for the voting exchange to occur as it does, and despite the call for an exclusively individual
identity within most of the region the cultural similarities still exist enough for a general Balkan
identity to persist. It is Kuus' idea of “regionness” which comes to mind as it touches on regional
integration and differentiation as well as the socioeconomic and cultural processes (2010, p. 587) which
are evident through Balkan participation in Eurovision.
Ultimately the political antagonisms evident in the voting patterns of the Balkan region at Eurovision
show how the antagonism which existed in the microcosm of the region through differentiation, the
establishment of recognized minorities and otherwise becomes an antagonism between the region and
the greater European continent. Much work has been done regarding whether voting blocs exist in the
Eurovision Song Contest and formulas to prove these patterns have been made, however the existence
of voting patterns has merely been taken at face value and accepted and not been used as a source for
understanding the relationships and the larger antagonisms and identity politics between the differing
regions in Europe. Hopefully in the future the Eurovision Song Contest can be used more as an
indicator of political currents and a sign of how relations in Europe may be changing or strengthening.

Appendix
The following charts are the distribution of points between former Yugoslav states from 2004 to 20121
.
2004 (public vote) To B&H To CRO To FYROM To SRB&MON
From B&H - 10 8 12
From CRO 10 - 5 12
From FYROM 4 5 - 10
From SRB&MON 6 5 12 -
From SLO 10 5 7 12
2005 (public vote) To B&H To CRO To FYROM To SRB&MON
From B&H - 12 7 10
From CRO 10 - 8 12
From FYROM 3 8 - 10
From SRB&MON 4 10 7 -
SLO 8 12 5 10
2006 (public vote) To B&H To CRO To FYROM
From B&H - 12 8
From CRO 12 - 8
From FYROM 12 10 -
From SRB&MON 12 10 8
From SLO 12 10 6
2007 (public vote) To B&H To FYROM To SRB To SLO
From B&H - 8 12 7
From CRO 10 8 12 7
From FYROM 4 - 12 6
From MON 7 10 12 8
From SRB 8 10 - 5
From SLO 8 10 12 -
1 Voting Results acquired from http://www.diggiloo.net

2008 (public vote) To B&H To CRO To SRB
From B&H - 10 12
From CRO 12 - 10
From FYROM 5 2 10
From MON 10 2 12
From SRB 12 3 -
From SLO 10 8 12
2009 (public/jury vote) To B&H To CRO
From B&H - 12
From CRO 12 -
From FYROM 10 0
From MON 12 8
From SRB 12 5
From SLO 10 6
2010 (public/jury vote) To B&H To SRB
From B&H - 12
From CRO 10 8
From FYROM 6 7
From SRB 12 -
From SLO 4 8
2011 (public/jury vote) To B&H To SRB To SLO
From B&H - 10 12
From CRO 7 8 12
From FYROM 12 8 10
From SRB 12 - 10
From SLO 12 10 -

2012 (public/jury vote) To B&H To FYROM To SRB
From B&H - 12 10
From CRO 10 8 12
From FYROM 7 - 10
From MON 6 8 12
From SRB 5 12 -
From SLO 7 6 12

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