The document discusses mass incarceration in the United States and the Christian Community Development Association's (CCDA) efforts to address this issue. It provides background on the CCDA, an organization founded in 1989 to challenge injustice. The CCDA focuses on mass incarceration, immigration, and education reform. It employs strategies like policy advocacy, community programs, and engaging public officials and citizens to enact change. The document evaluates the CCDA's approaches based on Dennis Hollinger's models of social change, finding the CCDA utilizes prophetic pronouncements, lobbying, Christian relief, evangelism, individual impact, and Christian embodiment.

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Rachel Welty
Dr. Richard D. Crane
THEO 338
10 May 2016
Christian Theology and Mass Incarceration Intersect1
Startling yet true, although the United States’ crime rate has recently fell, our
incarceration rate is now six to ten times higher than that of other industrialized nations (Tonry
qtd. in Alexander 7-8). The reality is that the U.S. can now boast the highest imprisonment rate
in the world; mass incarceration is a tremendous problem (Alexander 6). Acknowledging this
issue’s magnitude, not even a synopsis of mass incarceration in the U.S. can be delivered in a
short composition such as this.2 Further, because mass incarceration possesses many facets,
much of my attention will be specifically given to how mass incarceration affects African
Americans. Mass incarceration is a social justice issue affecting minority populations that must
be confronted and rectified.
Christian Community Development Association: A Network Addressing Mass
Incarceration
Founded by Dr. John Perkins in 1989, the Christian Community Development
Association (CCDA), in the most general sense, dedicates itself to challenging injustice
(Toussaint; “Biblical Justice: Intro”). An unabashedly Christian organization, the CCDA is
1 The first and second steps of my social justice organization paper are included here within my
third step. Neither my first nor second step required changes (I received 20/20 and 70/70
respectively, with no identified areas that needed alteration; so each previous step, if altered, has
only been rearranged for the purpose of a flowing third step. Major changes, again for the
purpose of a cohesive final compilation, are noted accordingly.
My response to step three begins on the bottom of page eleven, and is noted accordingly.
2 The second clause of this sentence, “however, I will do my best to provide a thick description
of the problem in these seven pages” was removed due to its inapplicability to the final paper.

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vivified by God’s heart for justice and the biblical call to live justly, and thus seeks to bring
about justice, reconciliation, and redemption, primarily through advocacy and organizing
(“Biblical Justice: Foundation;” “Biblical Justice: Advocacy & Organizing;” “Vision and
Mission”). Desperate to address the many issues inherent to and as byproducts of poor and
under-resourced neighborhoods, members of the CCDA understand transformation must happen
from within the community (cf. “Philosophy”). As Dr. Perkins and others have recognized,
outsiders who come in to assuage various problems do not effect long-term change
(“Philosophy”). Thus, the CCDA seeks to “inspire, train, and connect Christians who seek to
bear witness to the Kingdom of God by reclaiming and restoring [their own] under-resourced
communities” (“Vision and Mission”).
Platform Issues and Strategies
Considering the exceedingly wide scope of systematic injustice, the CCDA is currently
addressing three specific issues: immigration, mass incarceration, and education reform
(“Biblical Justice: Intro”). Funded to confront these issues from a number of sources, fifty seven
percent of the CCDA’s income comes from event and conference revenue, twenty-seven percent
from grants, about eleven percent from membership dues, almost three percent from individual
gifts, and the remaining two percent is classified as “other income” (cf. CCDA). Despite this
report’s older date, the Evangelical Council for Financial Accountability (ECFA) does not seem
to refute the CCDA’s claims: The ECFA reports 37.5% of the CCDA’s 2014 revenue as cash
donations, almost 0.5% as non-cash donations, about 62% as other revenue (cf. “Christian
Community Development Association”).
Although specific actions endorsed by the CCDA to effect change in the areas of
immigration, mass incarceration, and education reform could not be found, more general

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strategies and beliefs were published: For one, the CCDA addresses the brokenness of the United
States’ immigration system both by working for federal policy change and endeavoring to meet
the more immediate needs of today’s immigrants (“Immigration: Intro;” cf. “Immigration:
Partners”). Partnering with organizations such as Campaign for Citizenship and Evangelical
Immigration Table, the CCDA employs education and leadership development, as well as applies
experiences to the public square to effect the change it seeks (“Immigration: Partners;”
“Immigration: Intro”). Second, the CCDA is well-aware of the growing issue of mass
incarceration and opposes this trend by engaging in “policy advocacy” to alter laws related to
“mandatory minimums, financial gains for drug arrest, convictions and prison bed minimums;”
seeing these issues as major catalysts (Jackson, Gilliard, Walker, et. al). Strongly pushing for
legislative changes, the CCDA also affirms community-based programs which focus on
“prevention, intervention, support for families separated by incarceration, and[/or] reentry”
(“Mass Incarceration: Intro”). As for education reform, the CCDA passionately believes
all people should be able to develop their God-given abilities and gifts to their fullest capacities
in order to further God’s kingdom (“Education Reform: Intro”). Highlighting its abundance of
educators both in and outside the classroom from the earliest ages through high school
graduation, the CCDA’s education practitioners not only serve in hands-on ways by educating
today’s students, but also use their experience to advocate for changes which oppose the injustice
found within the twenty-first century education system (“Education Reform: Who We are and
What We Believe”).
Representatives’ Credentials
Important to note, standing behind their positions and priorities are innumerable qualified
leaders and world-changers. For example, authoring the CCDA’s 2015 White Paper on mass

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incarceration are an accomplished urban youth minister fully submerged in opposing mass
incarceration, a pastor of a CCDA-member church speaking-up against racial and economic
injustice, a nationally-recognized black Christian leader passionate about reconciliation, a former
prisoner challenging mass incarceration, an executive director of a year-long urban ministry
program, a former legal clerk with a deep heart for adjudicated youth, a CCDA-trained pastor
hailing from the black-led, prophetic, freedom movement; and CCDA’s Advocacy and Policy
Engagement Director (“The Hope Dealer;” “Troy Jackson;” Gilliard; Walker; Casselberry;
“Speakers;” Grimes; “Staff”). Although these people may not all hold doctorates or other
degrees of higher education, it is indisputable that these individuals and many others who speak
on behalf of the CCDA are well-qualified to argue the CCDA’s positions, considering their
passions, experiences, and expertise.
Social Change Strategies According to Dennis Hollinger
Reviewing the CCDA’s various efforts alongside Dennis Hollinger’s nine social change
strategies, the CCDA is evidently implementing six of these models: Identified specifically in its
education reform efforts, the CCDA undoubtedly utilizes prophetic pronouncements as it
witnesses for biblical truth in both word and deed (“Education Reform: Who We are and What
We Believe;” “Vision and Mission;” cf. Hollinger 261-62). Evident in its engagement with
education reform, mass incarceration, and immigration, the CCDA also utilizes lobbying,
employing inside lobbying - engaging with public officials - for addressing education reform and
immigration (cf. “Education Reforms: Intro;” cf. “Immigration: Partners;” Hollinger 263), and
outside lobbying - the mobilization of citizens - in its engagement with mass incarceration and its
foundational strategy of listening to the community cf. “Mass Incarceration: Intro;” cf.
“Listening to the Community;” Hollinger 263). Third, the CCDA implements Christian relief,

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specifically in the areas of immigration and mass incarceration, as well as in its foundational
strategy of holism (cf. “Immigration: Intro;” “Mass Incarceration: Intro;” “Wholistic;” cf.
Hollinger 258). Also embodied through its foundational principle of holism, along with the
fundamental strategy of reconciliation, the CCDA utilizes evangelism, not stepping out of the
character of a publicly Christian organization (“Wholistic;” “Reconciliation;” cf. Hollinger 260).
Manifested through Dr. Perkins original three CCDA principles relocation, reconciliation, and
redistribution, the CCDA emphasizes the role of individual impact - all members of the CCDA
are to do justice in their workplaces, communities, and other spheres of influence (“Relocation;”
“Reconciliation;” “Redistribution;” cf. Hollinger 268). Last but not least, the CCDA as a whole
organization certainly implements Christian embodiment as it “[embodies] Christian moral ideals
within [the world’s] own structures and patterns of interaction” (Hollinger 267). Emphasizing
both structural and personal models, the CCDA primarily engages in remedial responses;
however, it does participate in some more preventative strategies as it seeks to combat the
injustice which plagues today’s world.
Mass Incarceration – A Thick Description
So what is mass incarceration and who does it affect? According to the Christian
Community Development Association, mass incarceration is the phenomenon of the colossal
jump in U.S. incarceration rates since 1980 (2016 Locked in Solidarity Event Toolkit).
Alternatively, “mass incarceration” also speaks to the opportunity to benefit financially by
imprisoning people (CCDA). Adopting this many-sided definition, one cannot leave out that
mass incarceration inordinately impacts minority populations. For example, almost fifty percent
of federal and state prisoners are African American, and in some states, nine of every ten drug
offenders are African American (Jackson et al.). This is despite the fact that the percentages of

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those who consume and sell drugs are comparable for people of all colors (U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration qtd. in
Alexander 7; Hari 93). In addition, less than ten years ago, one in 111 white children had a
parent incarcerated, whereas one in forty-two Latino/a and one in fifteen African American
students had one of their parents in jail or prison (Jackson et al.). Also reflecting inequity,
African American women make up forty-six of the female prison population (Jackson et al.).
Finally, although only about one-quarter of U.S. adults meet the criteria for mental illness,
around sixty-four percent of inmates experience mental illness (Segal et al.; Jackson et al.). The
realities mentioned here are not all-inclusive, but they provide a snapshot of the grotesque
injustices afflicted by the U.S. justice system.
Causes of Mass Incarceration
So what generates this outrageous phenomenon? The War on Drugs seems to be one of
the largest contributing factors: When the Reagan Administration declared its augmented “‘War
on Drugs,’” policy revisions heightened penalties for drug crimes, established lifetime sentences
and compulsory minimums for specific arrests, ultimately financially encouraging drug arrests
(Jackson et al.). As discovered by Officer Matthew Fogg, this implementation most seriously
impacts African Americans, along with Hispanics and impoverished white individuals (Hari 93-
94). Second, the private prison industrial complex has not failed to exacerbate the problem:
Fundamentally, the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) took over a Texan prison facility
and subsequently transformed the way U.S. prisons are managed, CCA and similar private
companies making contracts which include quotas for prisoners, requiring seventy to one-
hundred percent of their beds to be occupied (Jackson et al.). Along with the cheap labor
prisoners provide, the private prison industrial complex has incentivized arrests (Jackson et al.).

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Third and in conjunction with this complex, these corporations apprehend over eighty percent of
all detained immigrants, receiving additional revenue by doing so (Jackson et al.). Last but not
least, there are several protocols employed which thrust students – at-risk pupils in particular –
out of the classroom and into the justice system, suspending, expelling, and arresting students
today for relatively insignificant offenses (Jackson et al.). Mass incarceration is unquestionably
a multifaceted issue which has many and overlapping causes and clearly affects minority
populations.
The Human Suffering It Causes
Minority populations being particularly touched by this phenomenon, those who are
incarcerated are affected in several ways. For one, it is not uncommon for former prisoners to
suffer from deficient health, perpetual disease, such as HIV/AIDS, and mental illness (Western).
In addition, male ex-prisoners are less likely to get married than other men the same age, and
those who do marry will most likely divorce or separate (Western). Additionally, “family
instability” as it relates to incarceration prevails across generations, yet greater affects African
American families (Western). In addition to biological and social implications, convicts are also
impacted as it relates to education, housing, employment, public benefits, and jury service, just
to name a few (Alexander 1-2). Further, offenders, post-incarceration, are held to the margins of
society, possessing few more rights than African Americans during the Jim Crow era. I would
not reject there should be consequence(s) for wrongful action; however, the various and severe
impacts of mass incarceration are not what I would call justice.
Mass Incarceration: An Injustice
Listening to many voices, one will discover mass incarceration is deemed an injustice for
more than just its ill effects post-incarceration. For one, just as it inordinately affects people of

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minority populations, its effects are even more disproportionate for African Americans: Racial
discrimination against African Americans and its manifestation, a racial “caste system” still exist
today, just legitimized using different language (Alexander 2). Instead of discriminating and
otherwise subordinating African Americans based on the color of their skin, we now classify
African Americans as criminals and then continue to legally discriminate against these
“criminals” (1-2; see previous paragraph). Very simply, mass incarceration and the
discrimination it perpetuates is just another form of social control (cf. 2).
Moreover, the American legal system creates an “undercaste,” functioning as a system of
racialized social control as a web of laws, policies, customs, and institutions basically ensure the
inferior status of African Americans in particular (Alexander 13). Another manifestation of this
social control system is that the law prevents African Americans from moving up, and the “major
institutions” they engage with are fashioned to inhibit their upward movement (13). Stated
blatantly, “The current system of control permanently locks a huge percentage of the African
American community out of the mainstream society and economy” (13). It should be a crime to
not consider mass incarceration an injustice.
Objections and Obstacles to Change (Barriers to Justice)
In relation to the second objection – or at least the air of acceptance of mass
incarceration, there are several obstacles which hinder any changes to the reality of mass
incarceration, particularly as it affects African Americans. First and foremost, a “colorblind
public consensus” that race is no longer an issue flourishes in America today (Alexander 11-12).
Barack Obama’s election is a prominent event which fuels this inaccurate assumption (11).
Further, this consensus has thrived despite the new racially-based caste system that has been
developing (12). In addition, mass incarceration is also preserved by the complex of shame and

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silence surrounding it (CCDA, Locked in Solidarity Event Toolkit). Understandably, it is
difficult to positively change an issue when no one is willing to talk about it. Third, the myth
that anyone with the appropriate discipline, will, and determination is able to move into a higher
class (i.e. the American dream) must be debunked. A consequence of this widely-believed
fantasy is that lack of movement is a reflection of one’s character, and even worse, that the
failing of a race or ethnic group to move up reflects awfully on the collective race or ethnicity,
respectively (13).
Suggestions from Justice Advocates
Despite momentous obstacles, justice advocates are still seeking to reverse mass
incarceration. In addition to advocating for the modification of public policies at the federal,
state, and local levels concerning mass incarceration to be more just (“Mass Incarceration:
Intro.”), there are several other strategies opponents of mass incarceration have posed. For
instance, stating Alexander is pushing for a social movement equivalent to the civil rights
movement of the 1960s, one scholar qualifies several components necessary for an fruitful social
movement: For one, spotlighting the importance of the involvement of ex-convicts and their
families, Kilgore first emphasizes possessing an understanding between mass incarceration and
“the general shifts toward inequality and cutbacks in state social services” (289). One law
professor makes a similar suggestion, advocating for “racial solidarity” between criminals and
mainstream African Americans (Seidman 126). In addition, the importance of race relations
within state prisons, specifically the disunity between African Americans and Latinos is stressed
(Kilgore 290). Finally, the indifference and even direct opposition of organized labor to
problems related to mass incarceration is also highlighted (290). It is these three efforts that
some believe are necessary to reversing the current trend of mass incarceration.

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From a different, yet comparable perspective, Louis Seidman also offers several
approaches: One suggestion involves making criminal penalties more expensive, thus altering the
balance of costs and benefits of incarceration (118-19). Although I personally lack
understanding of all the implications this shift would cause, I recognize it would work against the
private prison industrial complex as well as immigration detention centers’ pursuit of profit.
Second, partially opposing the fallacy of moral failure, Seidman suggests efforts to make the
mainstream more aware and accepting of the restrictions placed upon ex-prisoners, yet also
inviting those who have committed a crime to take more responsibility for their transgression
(120-21). I agree with the first component of this second suggestion; however, I would pose that
a smaller proportion than Seidman appears to assume do not understand and/or acknowledge
their personal shortcomings. Nonetheless, Seidman concludes mass incarceration is a monstrous
issue, and admits his lack of confidence in the suggestions he puts forth. Despite the absence of
their promise to be effective, I believe that aiming for the implementation of any of the above
strategies posed by Kilgore or Seidman is worth a try, as doing nothing will not resolve anything.
Mass Incarceration – A Recap
Presenting all this, it should go without saying that mass incarceration is a mammoth
issue particularly affecting minority populations (e.g. African Americans) which we cannot leave
unaddressed any longer. Having its roots in corrupt practices and procedures, the phenomenon is
itself an injustice as it perpetuates maltreatment and various prejudices and inequalities. Despite
its evident transgressions, some deny the mass incarceration’s unjust nature. Moreover, mass
incarceration is not without several obstacles to its reversal, but nonetheless, justice advocates
are brainstorming and seeking approaches to its dismantling. Acknowledging doing nothing will
have no positive effects, those seeking to address mass incarceration are a beacon of light in this

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broken world.3
Christian Theology and Mass Incarceration4
With the clear conviction that mass incarceration is an injustice, the necessity of
responding urgently should be inescapable. Moreover, in responding to an issue, especially one
as immense as mass incarceration, it is crucial that those responding have thorough
understanding of the problem at hand so that they can respond appropriately. Therefore, as we
have examined physical, social, political and economic suffering caused by mass incarceration –
the health problems and illnesses it indirectly provokes, the familial brokenness it seems to
engender, the basic rights and provisions it denies; let us now interpret this injustice
theologically. Then, let us consider why, and thence how Christians should respond. Why is
mass incarceration an injustice according to Yahweh, why must Christians respond, and how can
Christians bear witness to the alternative, God’s reign?
A Theology of Mass Incarceration
For one, the institution of mass incarceration embodies the present evil age, not the
messianic age (cf. Crane, “Week Five”): It is not inaccurate to say that mass incarceration
crushes, oppresses, kills and destroys, wounds, and harms as it begets injustice, suffering,
exclusion, and death (cf. Crane). It engenders physical brokenness as it often fathers overall sub-
par health, and the physical bondage characteristic of the present evil age can be clearly seen in
ailments such as HIV/AIDS – a manageable but incurable virus – and mental illnesses such as
depression and anxiety, post traumatic stress disorder, and other debilitating illnesses (cf.
Western). In addition, mass incarceration obstructs social shalom as it commonly precipitates
divorce (if an offender beats the odds of singleness) as well as familial dysfunction (cf. Western).
3 All writing after this paragraph is new, specifically addressing the prompts for step three.
4 This is the start of my third and final step of the social justice paper.

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Appearing to mock the messianic age, mass incarceration also virtually prevents human
flourishing as it restrains offenders to society’s margins in barring them from most avenues of
education, housing, employment, and public benefits, among other things (cf. Crane, “Week
Five;” Alexander 1-2). Perpetuating oppression of many kinds, mass incarceration is not
representative of the Messianic age.
In addition, mass incarceration, as a system of lies, cannot constitute justice. It is just a
camouflage for an old form of discrimination, covering-up the “discrimination, exclusion, and
social contempt;” especially of African Americans (cf. Alexander 2): Instead of discriminating
and otherwise subordinating African Americans based on the color of their skin, we now classify
African Americans as criminals and then continue to legally discriminate against these
“criminals” (2, cf. 1). Talking to His disciples about truth and its antithesis, Jesus instructs the
twelve that the devil is “a liar and the father of lies” (New Revised Standard Version, Jn. 8.44).
Considering mass incarceration is just concealing a deeper injustice, the institution can rightly be
called a lie, and thence characteristically proceeds from the devil. (Alexander 2). Mass
incarceration, a system built upon deceptive pretenses, is certainly not of God.
Third, mass incarceration and especially the legal system which backs and precipitates it
are theologically unjust because they fail to administer God’s grace (cf. New Revised Standard
Version, Acts 15.11). For example, the “three strikes and you’re out law” instituted by the
Clinton administration which generated new “federal capital crimes [and] mandated life
sentences for some three-time offenders” and the “One Strike and You’re Out” initiative which
effectively pushed many minorities into homelessness both harshly discriminate against
offenders, seemingly without any compassion for the individual’s circumstance (cf. Alexander
56-57). I am not implying that those who commit crimes should face no consequence(s);

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however, I recognize the plight of many offenders – some who are even innocent yet plead guilty
(cf. 97-98) – and thus must speak to the malevolence dealt by mass incarceration and the United
States penal system, neither of which reflect the grace of Christ.
Reasons for Christian Response to Mass Incarceration from Christian Theology III: Peace,
Justice and Reconciliation
In case an understanding of how mass incarceration is an injustice from the triune God’s
eyes is not sufficient to compel someone to respond appropriately, let me now delineate why
Christians should effect justice in connection to mass incarceration, per several concepts
encountered in Dr. Richard D. Crane’s Christian Theology III: Peace, Justice and Reconciliation.
First, salvation is not solely otherworldly (Crane, “Week Two”): N.T. Wright refutes a “version”
which views salvation as otherworldly, or “away from this world” and narrowly views hope as “
‘going to heaven’ ” (5, 18). Wright preaches Christ’s resurrection is not just for after we pass
away from this earth, but is for the here-and-now (26-27). For instance, we should not just talk
of God’s justice as something that will eventually be realized (i.e. upon Christ’s return), but
should be actively pursuing it, as Christ’s resurrection gave us the power to do so (cf. 27). Very
simply, justice can and should be effected in this age, even though God’s reign has not yet been
fully consummated – salvation is arguably just as much for our present lives, so as ambassadors
of God and His coming consummated reign, Christians should do what they can to effect justice,
as the injustice which currently exists via mass incarceration is not an accurate reflection of
God’s Kingdom (cf. New Revised Standard Version, 2 Cor. 5.20).
Second, and in conjunction with my above delineation of the present evil age, Christians
should act to rectify the injustice of mass incarceration because salvation is not just spiritual, but
also political, social, physical, and economic as well; the deliverance Jesus Christ brings is

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holistic (cf. Crane, “Week Five”). Tasked with embodying the Good News in this fallen world,
Christians must present a full and thus comprehensive picture of salvation. Holistic salvation is
void of injustice, including that of mass incarceration, and thus, rectifying mass incarceration
must be part of Christians manifestation of God’s coming consummated Kingdom. In short, part
of witnessing to God’s coming Kingdom involves ameliorating the physical, social, and other
injustices perpetuated by mass incarceration, as our embodiment of God’s deliverance would not
be incomplete and thus misleading if we did not redress the ills of mass incarceration.
The third and last reasons being intertwined as well as aligned with this comprehensive
view of salvation, our salvation includes our discipleship, and our discipleship is economic,
social, political, etc.; our discipleship is holistic (cf. Crane, “Week Three;” Crane, “Week Ten;”
Crane, “Week Thirteen”). Fundamental to our faith, living it out, or discipleship, is essential;5
being a “saved” – professing faith in Jesus Christ – means talking the talk and walking the walk
(cf. Crane, “The Problem with the Plan of Salvation” 15-18 ff.). Therefore, manifesting God’s
Kingdom, the Good News (e.g. working to effect justice in connection to mass incarceration) is
crucial, considering Christians are tasked with doing just that, as mentioned above. The second
buttress is exemplified wonderfully by Julie Clawson, blogger and former pastor, who practically
conveys how every decision we make – what clothing we wear, what food we eat, what stores
we shop at - has implications, and our faith should influence all these everyday decisions (9).
The companies and organizations we support through our purchases, the candidates we vote for
in elections, the people we associate with in our daily lives - all our daily decisions – are part of
our discipleship. Doing what we can – economically, politically, socially, etc. – to dismantle
5 This assertion has been discussed in other discourses and thus will not be expounded upon here;
however, I want to make the note that I am not saying our salvation is conditional upon our
living out our faith; salvation is not works-based.

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mass incarceration and eradicate its gross byproducts is part of our discipleship, as the rectifying
of injustice is a manifestation of God’s reign.
Conclusion – Visions of Concerted Action
Suggesting why its imperative Christians respond appropriately to the injustice of
incarceration, how might Christians adequately reflect God’s coming consummated reign? I
would like to circle-back to the beginning of this section of the paper: We must understand an
issue in order to respond appropriately. Demonstrated by Vancouver’s Mayor Philip Owen who
eventually decided to go and meet with those whose drug addictions he was set on eliminating
(although Mayor Owen initially did so grudgingly), I believe it is necessary for the Body of
Christ to first intentionally engage with those affected by mass incarceration for the purpose of
understanding how they can best respond. This might look like visiting those in prison, offering
companionship to those at a halfway house, moving into a lower-income neighborhood, meeting
with the homeless, or joining a local church in the inner city.6 The point of these practices is to
genuinely listen to those afflicted by mass incarceration and its by-products in order to
comprehensively understand the needs and problems the afflicted face. In conjunction with
hearing the stories of those who suffer, I would challenge Christians to dare to bring it up in their
churches, as an issue must be acknowledged in order for it to be attended to, and mass
incarceration, though rarely discussed, is no different (Crane, “Week Eleven”). Although these
small visions are only preliminary steps of effecting justice, I believe they are valuable and
necessary places to start in order to then formulate more concrete plans of action for the
rectification of mass incarceration and thus the witnessing of God’s reign.
6 In making this last suggestion, I do not intend to perpetuate a stereotype, but instead am only
generating ideas from my own context, in which this recommendation would be applicable.

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