section sixIn no order of things is adolescence the simple.docx
1. section six
In no order of things is adolescence the simple time of life.
—Jean Erskine Stewart
American Writer, 20th CenturyAdolescence
Adolescents try on one face after another, seeking to find a face
of their own. Their generation of young people is the fragile
cable by which the best and the worst of their parents’
generation is transmitted to the present. In the end, there are
only two lasting bequests parents can leave youth—one is roots,
the other wings. This section contains two chapters: “Physical
and Cognitive Development in Adolescence” and
“Socioemotional Development in Adolescence.”
Page 337chapter 11PHYSICAL AND COGNITIVE
DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE
chapter outline
1 The Nature of Adolescence
Learning Goal 1 Discuss the nature of adolescence.
2 Physical Changes
Learning Goal 2 Describe the changes involved in puberty, as
well as changes in the brain and sexuality during adolescence.
Puberty
The Brain
Adolescent Sexuality
3 Issues in Adolescent Health
Learning Goal 3 Identify adolescent problems related to health,
substance use and abuse, and eating disorders.
Adolescent Health
Substance Use and Abuse
Eating Disorders
4. adolescents.1 The Nature of Adolescence
LG1 Discuss the nature of adolescence.
As in development during childhood, genetic/biological and
environmental/social factors influence adolescent development.
During their childhood years, adolescents experienced
thousands of hours of interactions with parents, peers, and
teachers, but now they face dramatic biological changes, new
experiences, and new developmental tasks. Relationships with
parents take a different form, moments with peers become more
intimate, and dating occurs for the first time, as do sexual
exploration and possibly intercourse. The adolescent’s thoughts
become more abstract and idealistic. Biological changes trigger
a heightened interest in body image. Adolescence has both
continuity and discontinuity with childhood.
There is a long history of worrying about how adolescents will
“turn out.” In 1904, G. Stanley Hall proposed the “storm-and-
stress” view that adolescence is a turbulent time charged with
conflict and mood swings. However, when Daniel Offer and his
colleagues (1988) studied the self-images of adolescents in the
United States, Australia, Bangladesh, Hungary, Israel, Italy,
Japan, Taiwan, Turkey, and West Germany, at least 73 percent
of the adolescents displayed a healthy self-image. Although
there were differences among them, the adolescents were happy
most of the time, they enjoyed life, they perceived themselves
as able to exercise self-control, they valued work and school,
they felt confident about their sexual selves, they expressed
positive feelings toward their families, and they felt they had
the capability to cope with life’s stresses—not exactly a storm-
and-stress portrayal of adolescence.
Public attitudes about adolescence emerge from a combination
of personal experience and media portrayals, neither of which
produces an objective picture of how normal adolescents
develop (Feldman & Elliott, 1990). Some of the readiness to
7. Research indicates that youth benefit enormously when they
have caring adults in their lives in addition to parents or
guardians (Frydenberg, 2019; Masten, 2017; Masten &
Kalstabakken, 2018; Ogden & Hagen, 2019; Pomerantz &
Grolnick, 2017). Caring adults—such as coaches, neighbors,
teachers, mentors, and after-school leaders—can serve as role
models, confidants, advocates, and resources. Relationships
with caring adults are powerful when youth know they are
respected, that they matter to the adult, and that the adult wants
to be a resource in their lives. However, in a survey, only 20
percent of U.S. 15-year-olds reported having meaningful
relationships with adults outside their family who were helping
them to succeed in life (Search Institute, 2010).
Review Connect Reflect
LG1 Discuss the nature of adolescence.
Review
· What characterizes adolescent development? What especially
needs to be done to improve the lives of adolescents?
Connect
· In this section you read about how important it is for
adolescents to have caring adults in their lives. In previous
chapters, what did you learn about the role parents play in their
children’s lives leading up to adolescence that might influence
adolescents’ development?
Reflect Your Own Personal Journey of Life
· Was your adolescence better described as a stormy and
stressful time or as one of trying out new identities as you
sought to find an identity of your own? Explain.
Page 3412 Physical Changes
LG2 Describe the changes involved in puberty, as well as
changes in the brain and sexuality during adolescence.
Puberty
8. The Brain
Adolescent Sexuality
One father remarked that the problem with his teenage son was
not that he grew, but that he did not know when to stop
growing. As we will see, there is considerable variation in the
timing of the adolescent growth spurt. In addition to pubertal
changes, other physical changes we will explore involve
sexuality and the brain.
PUBERTY
Puberty is not the same as adolescence. For most of us, puberty
ends long before adolescence does, although puberty is the most
important marker of the beginning of adolescence.
Puberty is a brain-neuroendocrine process occurring primarily
in early adolescence that provides stimulation for the rapid
physical changes that take place during this period of
development (Berenbaum, Beltz, & Corley, 2015; Shalitin &
Kiess, 2017; Susman & Dorn, 2013). Puberty is not a single,
sudden event. We know whether a young boy or girl is going
through puberty, but pinpointing puberty’s beginning and end is
difficult. Among the most noticeable changes are signs of
sexual maturation and increases in height and weight.
Sexual Maturation, Height, and Weight Think back to the onset
of your puberty. Of the striking changes that were taking place
in your body, what was the first to occur? Researchers have
found that male pubertal characteristics typically develop in this
order: increase in penis and testicle size, appearance of straight
pubic hair, minor voice change, first ejaculation (which usually
occurs through masturbation or a wet dream), appearance of
kinky pubic hair, onset of maximum growth in height and
weight, growth of hair in armpits, more detectable voice
9. changes, and, finally, growth of facial hair.
What is the order of appearance of physical changes in females?
First, either the breasts enlarge or pubic hair appears. Later,
hair appears in the armpits. As these changes occur, the female
grows in height and her hips become wider than her
shoulders. Menarche—a girl’s first menstruation—comes rather
late in the pubertal cycle. Initially, her menstrual cycles may be
highly irregular. For the first several years, she may not ovulate
every menstrual cycle; some girls do not ovulate at all until a
year or two after menstruation begins. No voice changes
comparable to those in pubertal males occur in pubertal
females. By the end of puberty, the female’s breasts have
become more fully rounded.
Marked weight gains coincide with the onset of puberty. During
early adolescence, girls tend to outweigh boys, but by about age
14 boys begin to surpass girls. Similarly, at the beginning of the
adolescent period, girls tend to be as tall as or taller than boys
of their age, but by the end of the middle school years most
boys have caught up or, in many cases, surpassed girls in
height.
As indicated in Figure 1, the growth spurt occurs approximately
two years earlier for girls than for boys. The mean age at the
beginning of the growth spurt in girls is 9; for boys, it is 11.
The peak rate of pubertal change occurs at 11½ years for girls
and 13½ years for boys. During their growth spurt, girls
increase in height about 3½ inches per year, boys about 4
inches. Boys and girls who are shorter or taller than their peers
before adolescence are likely to remain so during adolescence;
however, as much as 30 percent of an individual’s height in late
adolescence is unexplained by his or her height in the
elementary school years.
FIGURE 1PUBERTAL GROWTH SPURT. On average, the peak
10. of the growth spurt during puberty occurs two years earlier for
girls (11½) than for boys (13½). How are hormones related to
the growth spurt and to the difference between the average
height of adolescent boys and that of girls?
Is age of pubertal onset linked to how tall boys and girls will be
toward the end of adolescence? One study found that for girls,
earlier onset of menarche, breast development, and growth spurt
were linked to shorter height at 18 years of age; however, for
boys, earlier age of growth spurt and slower progression
through puberty were associated with being taller at 18 years of
age (Yousefi & others, 2013).
Hormonal Changes Behind the first whisker in boys and the
widening of hips in girls is a flood of hormones, powerful
chemical substances secreted by the endocrine glands and
carried through the body by the bloodstream.
The concentrations of certain hormones Page 342increase
dramatically during adolescence (Berenbaum, Beltz, & Corley,
2015; Herting & Sowell, 2017; Nguyen, 2018; Piekarski &
others, 2017). Testosterone is a hormone associated in boys
with genital development, increased height, and deepening of
the voice. Estradiol is a type of estrogen that in girls is
associated with breast, uterine, and skeletal development. In one
study, testosterone levels increased eighteenfold in boys but
only twofold in girls during puberty; estradiol increased
eightfold in girls but only twofold in boys (Nottelmann &
others, 1987). Thus, both testosterone and estradiol are present
in the hormonal makeup of both boys and girls, but testosterone
dominates in male pubertal development, estradiol in female
pubertal development (Benyi & Savendahl, 2017). A study of 9-
to 17-year-old boys found that testosterone levels peaked at 17
years of age (Khairullah & others, 2014).
The same influx of hormones that grows hair on a male’s chest
and increases the fatty tissue in a female’s breasts may also
11. contribute to psychological development in adolescence
(Berenbaum, Beltz, & Corley, 2015; Wang & others, 2017). In
one study of boys and girls ranging in age from 9 to 14, a higher
concentration of testosterone was present in boys who rated
themselves as more socially competent (Nottelmann & others,
1987). However, a research review concluded that there is
insufficient quality research to confirm that changing
testosterone levels during puberty are linked to mood and
behavior in adolescent males (Duke, Balzer, & Steinbeck,
2014). And hormonal effects by themselves do not account for
adolescent development (Susman & Dorn, 2013). For example,
in one study, social factors were much better predictors of
young adolescent girls’ depression and anger than hormonal
factors (Brooks-Gunn & Warren, 1989). Behavior and moods
also can affect hormones (DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2008).
Stress, eating patterns, exercise, sexual activity, tension, and
depression can activate or suppress various aspects of the
hormonal system (Marceau, Dorn, & Susman, 2012). In sum, the
hormone-behavior link is complex (Susman & Dorn, 2013).
Timing and Variations in Puberty In the United States—where
children mature up to a year earlier than children in European
countries—the average age of menarche has declined
significantly since the mid-nineteenth century (see Figure 2).
Also, recent studies in Korea and Japan (Cole & Mori, 2018),
China (Song & others, 2017), and Saudi Arabia (Al Alwan &
others, 2017) found that pubertal onset has been occurring
earlier in recent years. Fortunately, however, we are unlikely to
see pubescent toddlers, since what has happened in the past
century is likely the result of improved nutrition and health.
FIGURE 2AGE AT MENARCHE IN NORTHERN EUROPEAN
COUNTRIES AND THE UNITED STATES IN THE
NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES. Notice the
steep decline in the age at which girls experienced menarche in
four northern European countries and the United States from
13. Body Image One psychological aspect of physical Page
343change in puberty is universal: Adolescents are preoccupied
with their bodies and develop images of what their bodies are
like (Senin-Calderon & others, 2017; Solomon-Krakus & others,
2017). Preoccupation with body image is strong throughout
adolescence but is especially acute during early adolescence, a
time when adolescents are more dissatisfied with their bodies
than in late adolescence.
The recent dramatic increase in Internet and social media use
has raised concerns about their influence on adolescents’ body
images. For example, a recent study of U.S. 12- to 14-year-olds
found that heavier social media use was associated with body
dissatisfaction (Burnette, Kwitowski, & Mazzeo, 2017). Also, in
a recent study of U.S. college women, spending more time on
Facebook was related to more frequent body and weight concern
comparisons with other women, more attention to the physical
appearance of others, and more negative feelings about their
own bodies (Eckler, Kalyango, & Paasch, 2017), In sum,
various aspects of exposure to the Internet and social media are
increasing the body dissatisfaction of adolescents and emerging
adults, especially females.
Gender differences characterize adolescents’ perceptions of
their bodies (Hoffman & Warschburger, 2017; Mitchison &
others, 2017). In general, girls are less happy with their bodies
and have more negative body images than boys throughout
puberty (Griffiths & others, 2017). In a recent U.S. study of
young adolescents, boys had a more positive body image than
girls (Morin & others, 2017). Girls’ more negative body images
may be due to media portrayals of the attractiveness of being
thin and the increase in body fat in girls during puberty
(Benowitz-Fredericks & others, 2012). One study found that
both boys’ and girls’ body images became more positive as they
moved from the beginning to the end of adolescence (Holsen,
Carlson Jones, & Skogbrott Birkeland, 2012).
14. Early and Late Maturation You may have entered puberty
earlier or later than average, or perhaps you were right on
schedule. Adolescents who mature earlier or later than their
peers perceive themselves differently (Lee & others, 2017;
Wang & others, 2018). In the Berkeley Longitudinal Study some
years ago, early-maturing boys perceived themselves more
positively and had more successful peer relations than did their
late-maturing counterparts (Jones, 1965). When the late-
maturing boys were in their thirties, however, they had
developed a stronger sense of identity than the early-maturing
boys had (Peskin, 1967). This identity development may have
occurred because the late-maturing boys had more time to
explore life’s options, or because the early-maturing boys
continued to focus on their advantageous physical status instead
of on career development and achievement. More recent
research confirms, though, that at least during adolescence it is
advantageous to be an early-maturing rather than a late-
maturing boy (Graber, Brooks-Gunn, & Warren, 2006).
Early and late maturation have been linked with body image. In
one study, in the sixth grade, early-maturing girls showed
greater satisfaction with their figures than did late-maturing
girls, but by the tenth grade late-maturing girls were more
satisfied (Simmons & Blyth, 1987) (see Figure 3). A possible
reason for this is that in late adolescence early-maturing girls
are shorter and stockier, whereas late-maturing girls are taller
and thinner. Thus, late-maturing girls in late adolescence have
bodies that more closely approximate the current American
ideal of feminine beauty—tall and thin. Also, one study found
that in the early high school years, late-maturing boys had a
more negative body image than early-maturing boys (de
Guzman & Nishina, 2014).
FIGURE 3EARLY- AND LATE-MATURING ADOLESCENT
GIRLS’ PERCEPTIONS OF BODY IMAGE IN EARLY AND
15. LATE ADOLESCENCE. The sixth-grade girls in this study had
positive body image scores if they were early maturers but
negative body image scores if they were late maturers (Simmons
& Blyth, 1987). Positive body image scores indicated
satisfaction with their figures. By the tenth grade, however, it
was the late maturers who had positive body image scores.
An increasing number of researchers have found that early
maturation increases girls’ vulnerability to a number of
problems (Selkie, 2018). Early-maturing girls are more likely to
smoke, drink, be depressed, have an eating disorder, engage in
delinquency, struggle for earlier independence from their
parents, and have older friends; and their bodies are likely to
elicit responses from males that lead to earlier dating and
earlier sexual experiences (Ibitoye & others, 2017; Pomerantz &
others, 2017; Wang & others, 2018). In a recent study, onset of
menarche before 11 years of age was linked to a higher
incidence of distress disorders, fear disorders, and externalizing
disorders in females (Platt & others, 2017). Another study found
that early maturation predicted a stable higher level of
depression for adolescent girls (Rudolph & others, 2014).
Further, researchers recently found that early-maturing girls had
higher rates of depression and antisocial behavior as middle-
aged adults, mainly because their difficulties began in
adolescence and did not lessen over time (Mendle & others,
2018). Further, early-maturing girls tend to have sexual
intercourse earlier and to have more unstable sexual
relationships, and they are more at risk for physical and verbal
abuse in dating (Chen, Rothman, & Jaffee, 2017; Moore,
Harden, & Mendle, 2014). And early-maturing girls are less
likely to graduate from high Page 344school and tend to cohabit
and marry earlier (Cavanagh, 2009). Apparently as a result of
their social and cognitive immaturity, combined with early
physical development, early-maturing girls are easily lured into
problem behaviors, not recognizing the possible long-term
negative effects on their development.
16. In sum, early maturation often has more favorable outcomes in
adolescence for boys, especially in early adolescence. However,
late maturation may be more favorable for boys, especially in
terms of identity and career development. Research increasingly
has found that early-maturing girls are vulnerable to a number
of problems.
THE BRAIN
Along with the rest of the body, the brain changes during
adolescence, but the study of adolescent brain development is
still in its infancy. As advances in technology take place,
significant strides are also likely to be made in charting
developmental changes in the adolescent brain (Cohen & Casey,
2017; Crone, Peters, & Steinbeis, 2018; Sherman, Steinberg, &
Chein, 2018; Steinberg & others, 2018; Vijayakumar & others,
2018). What do we know now?
The dogma of the unchanging brain has been discarded, and
researchers are mainly focused on context-induced plasticity of
the brain over time (Romeo, 2017; Steinberg, 2017; Zelazo,
2013). The development of the brain mainly changes in a
bottom-up, top-down sequence with sensory, appetitive (eating,
drinking), sexual, sensation-seeking, and risk-taking brain
linkages maturing first and higher-level brain linkages such as
self-control, planning, and reasoning maturing later (Zelazo,
2013).
Using fMRI brain scans, scientists have recently discovered that
adolescents’ brains undergo significant structural changes
(Aoki, Romeo, & Smith, 2017; Crone, Peters, & Steinbeis,
2018; Goddings & Mills, 2017; Rudolph & others, 2017).
The corpus callosum, where fibers connect the brain’s left and
right hemispheres, thickens in adolescence, and this improves
adolescents’ ability to process information (Chavarria & others,
2014). We have described advances in the development of the
17. prefrontal cortex—the highest level of the frontal lobes
involved in reasoning, decision making, and self-control.
However, the prefrontal cortex doesn’t finish maturing until the
emerging adult years, approximately 18 to 25 years of age, or
later (Cohen & Casey, 2017; Juraska & Willing, 2017; Sousa &
others, 2018).
developmental connectionBrain Development
Although the prefrontal cortex shows considerable development
in childhood, it is still not fully mature even in adolescence.
Connect to “Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle and
Late Childhood.”
At a lower, subcortical level, the limbic system, which is the
seat of emotions and where rewards are experienced, matures
much earlier than the prefrontal cortex and is almost completely
developed in early adolescence (Mueller & others, 2017). The
limbic system structure that is especially involved in emotion is
the amygdala.Figure 4 shows the locations of the corpus
callosum, prefrontal cortex, and the limbic system.
FIGURE 4THE CHANGING ADOLESCENT BRAIN:
PREFRONTAL CORTEX, LIMBIC SYSTEM, AND CORPUS
CALLOSUM
With the onset of puberty, the levels of neurotransmitters
change (Cohen & Casey, 2017). For example, an increase in the
neurotransmitter dopamine occurs in both the prefrontal cortex
and the limbic system during adolescence (Cohen & Casey,
2017). Increases in dopamine have been linked to increased risk
taking and the use of addictive drugs (Webber & others, 2017).
Researchers also have found that dopamine plays an important
role in reward seeking during adolescence (Dubol & others,
2018).
Earlier we described the increased focal activation that is linked
to synaptic pruning in a specific region, such as the prefrontal
18. cortex. In middle and late childhood, while there is increased
focal activation within a specific brain region such as the
prefrontal cortex, there are limited connections across distant
brain regions. As adolescents develop, they have more
connections across brain areas (Lebel & Deoni, 2018; Quinlin &
others, 2017; Sousa & others, 2018; Tashjian, Goldenberg, &
Galvan, 2017). The increased connectedness (referred to as
brain networks) is especially prevalent across more distant brain
regions. Thus, as children develop, greater efficiency and focal
activation occurs in close Page 345-by areas of the brain, and
simultaneously there is an increase in brain networks
connecting more distant brain regions. In a recent study,
reduced connectivity between the brain’s frontal lobes and
amygdala during adolescence was linked to increased
depression (Scheuer & others, 2017).
Many of the changes in the adolescent brain that have been
described here involve the rapidly emerging fields
of developmental cognitive neuroscience and developmental
social neuroscience, in which connections between
development, the brain, and cognitive or socioemotional
processes are studied (Lauharatanahirun & others, 2018;
Mueller & others, 2017; Romer, Reyna, & Sattherthwaite, 2017;
Sherman, Steinberg, & Chein, 2018; Steinberg & others, 2018).
For example, consider leading researcher Charles Nelson’s
(2003) view that, although adolescents are capable of very
strong emotions, their prefrontal cortex hasn’t adequately
developed to the point at which they can control these passions.
It is as if their brain doesn’t have the brakes to slow down their
emotions. Or consider this interpretation of the development of
emotion and cognition in adolescents: “early activation of
strong ‘turbo-charged’ feelings with a relatively unskilled set of
‘driving skills’ or cognitive abilities to modulate strong
emotions and motivations” (Dahl, 2004, p. 18).
Of course, a major question is which comes first, biological
19. changes in the brain or experiences that stimulate these changes
(Lerner, Boyd, & Du, 2008; Steinberg, 2017). In a longitudinal
study, 11- to 18-year-olds who lived in poverty conditions had
diminished brain functioning at 25 years of age (Brody &
others, 2017). However, the adolescents from poverty
backgrounds whose families participated in a supportive
parenting intervention did not show this diminished brain
functioning in adulthood. Another study found that the
prefrontal cortex thickened and more brain connections formed
when adolescents resisted peer pressure (Paus & others, 2007).
Scientists have yet to determine whether the brain changes come
first or whether they result from experiences with peers,
parents, and others (Lauharatanahirun & others, 2018; Webber
& others, 2017). Once again, we encounter the nature-nurture
issue that is so prominent in an examination of development
through the life span. Nonetheless, there is adequate evidence
that environmental experiences make important contributions to
the brain’s development (Cohen & Casey, 2017; Crone, 2017;
Sherman, Steinberg, & Chein, 2018).
In closing this section on the development of the brain in
adolescence, a further caution is in order. Much of the research
on neuroscience and the development of the brain in
adolescence is correlational in nature, and thus causal
statements need to be scrutinized (Steinberg & others, 2018).
This caution, of course, applies to any period in the human life
span.
ADOLESCENT SEXUALITY
Not only is adolescence characterized by substantial changes in
physical growth and the development of the brain, but
adolescence also is a bridge between the asexual child and the
sexual adult (Diamond & Alley, 2018; Savin-Williams, 2017,
2018). Adolescence is a time of sexual exploration and
experimentation, of sexual fantasies and realities, of
20. incorporating sexuality into one’s identity. Adolescents have an
almost insatiable curiosity about sexuality. They are concerned
about whether they are sexually attractive, how to do sex, and
what the future holds for their sexual lives. Although most
adolescents experience times of vulnerability and confusion, the
majority will eventually develop a mature sexual identity.
In the United States, the sexual culture is widely available to
adolescents. In addition to any advice adolescents get from
parents, they learn a great deal about sex from television,
videos, magazines, the lyrics of popular music, and the Internet
(Bleakley & others, 2017; Kinsler & others, 2018; van Oosten &
Vandenbosch, 2017). In some schools, sexting is common, as
indicated in a recent study of 656 high school students at one
school in which 15.8 percent of males and 13.6 percent of
females reported sending and 40.5 percent of males and 30.6
percent of females reported receiving explicit sexual pictures on
cell phones (Strassberg, Cann, & Velarde, 2017). And in
another recent study of 13- to 21-year-old Latinos, engaging in
sexting was linked to engaging in penetrative sex (oral, vaginal,
and anal sex) (Romo & others, 2017).
Sexual arousal emerges as a new phenomenon in adolescence
and it is important to view sexuality as a normal aspect of
adolescent development.
—Shirley Feldman
Contemporary Psychologist, Stanford University
Developing a Sexual Identity Mastering emerging sexual
feelings and forming a sense of sexual identity are multifaceted
and lengthy processes (Diamond & Alley, 2018; Savin-
Williams, 2017, 2018). They involve learning to manage sexual
feelings (such as sexual arousal and attraction), developing new
forms of intimacy, and learning how to regulate sexual behavior
to avoid undesirable consequences.
An adolescent’s sexual identity involves activities Page 346,
21. interests, styles of behavior, and an indication of sexual
orientation (whether an individual has same-sex or other-sex
attractions, or both) (Goldberg & Halpern, 2017). For example,
some adolescents have a high anxiety level about sex, others a
low level. Some adolescents are strongly aroused sexually,
others less so. Some adolescents are very active sexually, others
not at all (Hyde & DeLamater, 2017). Some adolescents are
sexually inactive in response to their strong religious
upbringing; others go to church regularly and yet their religious
training does not inhibit their sexual activity.
It is commonly thought that most gays and lesbians quietly
struggle with same-sex attractions in childhood, do not engage
in heterosexual dating, and gradually recognize that they are a
gay or lesbian in mid- to late adolescence. Many youth do
follow this developmental pathway, but others do not (Diamond
& Alley, 2018; Savin-Williams, 2017, 2018). For example,
many youth have no recollection of early same-sex attractions
and experience a more abrupt sense of their same-sex attraction
in late adolescence. The majority of adolescents with same-sex
attractions also experience some degree of other-sex attractions
(Carroll, 2018). Even though some adolescents who are
attracted to individuals of their same sex fall in love with these
individuals, others claim that their same-sex attractions are
purely physical (Diamond & Alley, 2018; Savin-Williams, 2017,
2018).
Further, the majority of sexual minority (gay, lesbian, and
bisexual) adolescents have competent and successful paths of
development through adolescence and become healthy and
productive adults. However, in a recent large-scale study,
sexual minority adolescents did engage in a higher prevalence
of health-risk behaviors (greater drug use and sexual risk
taking, for example) compared with heterosexual adolescents
(Kann & others, 2016b).
22. The Timing of Adolescent Sexual Behaviors What is the current
profile of sexual activity of adolescents? In a U.S. national
survey conducted in 2015, 58 percent of twelfth-graders
reported having experienced sexual intercourse, compared with
24 percent of ninth-graders (Kann & others, 2016a). By age 20,
77 percent of U.S. youth report having engaged in sexual
intercourse (Dworkin & Santelli, 2007). Nationally, 46 percent
of twelfth-graders, 33.5 percent of eleventh-graders, 25.5
percent of tenth-graders, and 16 percent of ninth-graders
recently reported that they were currently sexually active (Kann
& others, 2016a).
developmental connectionSexuality
What characterizes the sexual activity of emerging adults (18 to
25 years of age)? Connect to “Physical and Cognitive
Development in Early Adulthood.”
What trends in adolescent sexual activity have occurred in
recent decades? From 1991 to 2015, fewer adolescents reported
any of the following: ever having had sexual intercourse,
currently being sexually active, having had sexual intercourse
before the age of 13, and having had sexual intercourse with
four or more persons during their lifetime (Kann & others,
2016a) (see Figure 5).
FIGURE 5SEXUAL ACTIVITY OF U.S. ADOLESCENTS
FROM 1991 TO 2015
Sexual initiation varies by ethnic group in the United States
(Kann & others, 2016a). African Americans are likely to engage
in sexual behaviors earlier than other ethnic groups, whereas
Asian Americans are likely to engage in them later (Feldman,
Turner, & Araujo, 1999). In a more recent national U.S. survey
of ninth- to twelfth-graders, 48.5 percent of African Americans,
42.5 percent of Latinos, and 39.9 percent of non-Latino Whites
said they had experienced sexual intercourse (Kann & others,
2016a). In this study, 8 percent of African Americans
23. (compared with 5 percent of Latinos and 2.5 percent of non-
Latino Whites) said they had their first sexual experience before
13 years of age.
Research indicates that oral sex is now a common occurrence
among U.S. adolescents (Fava & Bay-Cheng, 2012; Song &
Halpern-Felsher, 2010). In a national survey, 51 percent of U.S.
15- to 19-year-old boys and 47 percent of girls in the same age
range said they had engaged in oral sex (Child Trends, 2015).
Researchers have also found that among female adolescents who
reported having vaginal sex first, 31 percent reported having a
teen pregnancy, whereas among those who initiated oral-genital
sex first, only 8 percent reported having a teen pregnancy
(Reese & others, 2013). Thus, how adolescents initiate their sex
lives may have positive or negative consequences for their
sexual health.
Risk Factors in Adolescent Sexual Behavior Many adolescents
are not emotionally prepared to handle sexual experiences,
especially in early adolescence (Cai & others, 2018; Donenberg
& others, 2018; Ihongbe, Cha, & Masho, 2017). Early sexual
activity is linked with risky behaviors Page 347such as drug
use, delinquency, and school-related problems (Boisvert,
Boislard, & Poulin, 2017; Rivera & others, 2018). A recent
study of more than 3,000 Swedish adolescents revealed that
sexual intercourse before age 14 was linked to risky behaviors
such as an increased number of sexual partners, experience of
oral and anal sex, negative health behaviors (smoking, drug and
alcohol use), and antisocial behavior (being violent, stealing,
running away from home) at 18 years of age (Kastbom & others,
2016). Further, a recent study found that early sexual debut
(first sexual intercourse before age 13) was associated with
sexual risk taking, substance use, violent victimization, and
suicidal thoughts/attempts in both sexual minority (in this
study, gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents) and heterosexual
youth (Lowry, Robin, & Kann, 2017). And in a recent study of
26. proneness (tendency to seek sensation Page 348and make poor
decisions) at 12 to 13 years of age set the stage for sexual risk
taking at 16 to 17 years of age (Crockett, Raffaelli, & Shen,
2006). Also, a meta-analysis indicated that the link between
impulsivity and risky sexual behavior was likely to be more
characteristic of adolescent females than males (Dir,
Coskunpinar, & Cyders, 2014).
Contraceptive Use Too many sexually active adolescents still do
not use contraceptives, use them inconsistently, or use
contraceptive methods that are less effective than others
(Chandra-Mouli & others, 2018; Diedrich, Klein, & Peipert,
2017; Fridy & others, 2018; Jaramillo & others, 2017). In 2015,
14 percent of sexually active adolescents did not use any
contraceptive method the last time they had sexual intercourse
(Kann & others, 2016a). Researchers have found that U.S.
adolescents are less likely to use condoms than their European
counterparts (Jorgensen & others, 2015).
developmental connectionConditions, Diseases, and Disorders
What are some good strategies for protecting against HIV and
other sexually transmitted infections? Connect to “Physical and
Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood.”
Recently, a number of leading medical organizations and
experts have recommended that adolescents use long-acting
reversible contraception (LARC). These include the Society for
Adolescent Health and Medicine (2017), the American Academy
of Pediatrics and American College of Obstetrics and
Gynecology (Allen & Barlow, 2017), and the World Health
Organization (2017). LARC consists of the use of intrauterine
devices (IUDs) and contraceptive implants, which have a much
lower failure rate and are more effective in preventing unwanted
pregnancy than birth control pills and condoms (Diedrich,
Klein, & Peipert, 2017; Fridy & others, 2018; Society for
Adolescent Health and Medicine, 2017).
27. Sexually Transmitted Infections Some forms of contraception,
such as birth control pills or implants, do not protect against
sexually transmitted infections, or STIs. Sexually transmitted
infections (STIs) are contracted primarily through sexual
contact, including oral-genital and anal-genital contact. Every
year more than 3 million American adolescents (about one-
fourth of those who are sexually experienced) acquire an STI
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). In a single
act of unprotected sex with an infected partner, a teenage girl
has a 1 percent risk of getting HIV, a 30 percent risk of
acquiring genital herpes, and a 50 percent chance of contracting
gonorrhea (Glei, 1999). Yet another very widespread STI is
chlamydia. We will consider these and other sexually
transmitted infections in more detail later.
Adolescent Pregnancy Adolescent pregnancy is another
problematic outcome of sexuality in adolescence and requires
major efforts to reduce its occurrence (Brindis, 2017; Chandra-
Mouli & others, 2018; Fridy & others, 2018; Marseille & others,
2018; Romero & others, 2017; Tevendale & others, 2017). In
cross-cultural comparisons, the United States continues to have
one of the highest adolescent pregnancy and childbearing rates
in the industrialized world, despite a considerable decline
during the 1990s. The U.S. adolescent pregnancy rate is eight
times as high as that in the Netherlands. Although U.S.
adolescents are no more sexually active than their counterparts
in the Netherlands, their adolescent pregnancy rate is
dramatically higher. In the United States, 82 percent of
pregnancies in adolescents 15 to 19 years of age are unintended
(Koh, 2014). A cross-cultural comparison found that among 21
countries, the United States had the highest adolescent
pregnancy rate among 15- to 19-year-olds and Switzerland the
lowest (Sedgh & others, 2015).
Despite the negative comparisons of the United States with
28. many other developed countries, there have been some
encouraging trends in U.S. adolescent pregnancy rates. In 2015,
the U.S. birth rate for 15- to 19-year-olds was 22.3 births per
1,000 females, the lowest rate ever recorded, which represents a
dramatic decrease from the 61.8 births for the same age range in
1991 and down even 8 percent from 2014 (Martin & others,
2017) (see Figure 6). There also has been a substantial decrease
in adolescent pregnancies across ethnic groups in recent years.
Reasons for the decline include school/community health
classes, increased contraceptive Page 349use, and fear of
sexually transmitted infections such as AIDS.
FIGURE 6BIRTH RATES FOR U.S. 15- TO 19-YEAR-OLD
GIRLS FROM 1980 TO 2015.Source: Martin, J. A. et al.
“Births: Final data for 2015.” National Vital Statistics Reports,
66 (1), 2017, 1.
Ethnic variations characterize birth rates for U.S. adolescents.
Latina adolescents are more likely than African American and
non-Latina White adolescents to have a child (Martin & others,
2017). Latina and African American adolescent girls who have a
child are also more likely to have a second child than are non-
Latina White adolescent girls (Rosengard, 2009). And daughters
of teenage mothers are at increased risk for teenage
childbearing, thus perpetuating an intergenerational cycle
(Meade, Kershaw, & Ickovics, 2008).
Adolescent pregnancy creates health risks for both the baby and
the mother (Leftwich & Alves, 2017). Infants born to adolescent
mothers are more likely to have low birth weights—a prominent
factor in infant mortality—as well as neurological problems and
childhood illness (Leftwich & Alves, 2017). A recent study
assessed the reading and math achievement trajectories of
children born to adolescent and non-adolescent mothers with
different levels of education (Tang & others, 2016). In this
study, higher levels of maternal education were linked to higher
academic achievement through the eighth grade. Nonetheless,
29. the achievement of children born to adolescent mothers never
reached the levels of children born to adult mothers. Adolescent
mothers are more likely to be depressed and to drop out of
school than their peers are (Siegel & Brandon, 2014). Although
many adolescent mothers resume their education later in life,
they generally never catch up economically with women who
postpone childbearing until their twenties. Also, a study of
African American urban youth found that at 32 years of age,
women who had become mothers as teenagers were more likely
than non-teen mothers to be unemployed, live in poverty,
depend on welfare, and not have completed college (Assini-
Meytin & Green, 2015). In this study, at 32 years of age, men
who had become fathers as teenagers were more likely than non-
teen fathers to be unemployed.
A special concern is repeated adolescent pregnancy. In a recent
national study, the percentage of teen births that were repeat
births decreased from 2004 (21 percent) to 2015 (17 percent)
(Dee & others, 2017). In a recent meta-analysis, use of effective
contraception, especially LARC, and education-related factors
(higher level of education and school continuation) resulted in a
lower incidence of repeated teen pregnancy, while depression
and a history of abortion were linked to a higher percentage of
repeated teen pregnancy (Maravilla & others, 2017).
Researchers have found that adolescent mothers interact less
effectively with their infants than do adult mothers (Leftwich &
Alves, 2017). One study revealed that adolescent mothers spent
more time negatively interacting and less time in play and
positive interactions with their infants than did adult mothers
(Riva Crugnola & others, 2014). Also, a recent intervention,
“My Baby and Me,” that involved frequent, intensive home
visitation coaching sessions with adolescent mothers across
three years resulted in improved maternal behavior and child
outcomes (Guttentag & others, 2014).
31. of Arizona. She has taught for more than 20 years, the last 14 at
Tucson High Magnet School.
Blankinship has been honored as the Tucson Federation of
Teachers Educator of the Year and the Arizona Teacher of the
Year. Blankinship especially enjoys teaching life skills to
adolescents. One of her favorite activities is having students
care for an automated baby that imitates the needs of real
babies. She says that this program has a profound impact on
students because the baby must be cared for around the clock
for the duration of the assignment. Blankinship also coordinates
real-world work experiences and training for students in several
child-care facilities in the Tucson area.
For more information about what family and consumer science
educators do, see the Careers in Life-Span Development
appendix.
Lynn Blankinship (center) teaches life skills to students.
Courtesy of Lynn Blankinshipconnecting development to life
Reducing Adolescent Pregnancy
One strategy for reducing adolescent pregnancy, called the Teen
Outreach Program (TOP), focuses on engaging adolescents in
volunteer community service and stimulates discussions that
help adolescents appreciate the lessons they learn through
volunteerism.
Girls Inc. has four programs that are intended to increase
adolescent girls’ motivation to avoid pregnancy until they are
mature enough to make responsible decisions about motherhood
(Roth & others, 1998). Growing Together, a series of five two-
hour workshops for mothers and adolescents, and Will
Power/Won’t Power, a series of six two-hour sessions that focus
on assertiveness training, are for 12- to 14-year-old girls. For
older adolescent girls, Taking Care of Business provides nine
sessions that emphasize career planning as well as information
about sexuality, reproduction, and contraception. Health Bridge
coordinates health and education services—girls can participate
in this program as one of their club activities. Girls who
32. participated in these programs were less likely to get pregnant
than girls who did not participate (Girls Inc., 1991).
In 2010, the U.S. government launched the Teen Pregnancy
Prevention (TPP) program under the direction of the newly
created Office of Adolescent Health (Koh, 2014). Currently, a
number of studies are being funded by the program in an effort
to find ways to reduce the rate of adolescent pregnancy.
The sources and the accuracy of adolescents’ sexual information
are linked to adolescent pregnancy. Adolescents can get
information about sex from many sources, including parents,
siblings, schools, peers, magazines, television, and the Internet.
A special concern is the accuracy of sexual information to
which adolescents have access on the Internet.
Currently, a major controversy in sex education is whether
schools should have an abstinence-only program or a program
that emphasizes contraceptive knowledge (Erkut & others, 2013;
MacKenzie, Hedge, & Enslin, 2017). Recent research reviews
have concluded that abstinence-only programs do not delay the
initiation of sexual intercourse and do not reduce HIV risk
behaviors (Denford & others, 2017; Jaramillo & others, 2017;
Santelli & others, 2017).
Despite the evidence that favors comprehensive sex education,
there recently has been an increase in government funding for
abstinence-only programs (Donovan, 2017). Also, in some states
(Texas and Mississippi, for example), many students still either
get abstinence-only or no sex education at all (Campbell, 2016;
Pollock, 2017).
Recently, there also has been an increased emphasis in
abstinence-only-until-marriage (AOUM) policies and programs.
However, a major problem with such policies and programs is
that a very large majority of individuals engage in sexual
intercourse at some point in adolescence or emerging adulthood
while the age of marriage continues to go up (27 for females, 29
for males in the United States) (Society for Adolescent
Medicine, 2017).
Based on the information you read earlier about risk factors in
33. adolescent sexual behavior, which segments of the adolescent
population would benefit most from the types of sex education
programs described here?
Page 351Review Connect Reflect
LG2 Describe the changes involved in puberty, as well as
changes in the brain and sexuality during adolescence.
Review
· What are some key aspects of puberty?
· What changes typically occur in the brain during adolescence?
· What are some important aspects of sexuality in adolescence?
Connect
· How might adolescent brain development be linked to
adolescents’ decisions to engage in sexual activity or to abstain
from it?
Reflect Your Own Personal Journey of Life
· Did you experience puberty earlier or later than your peers?
How did this timing affect your development?
3 Issues in Adolescent Health
LG3 Identify adolescent problems related to health, substance
use and abuse, and eating disorders.
Adolescent Health
Substance Use and Abuse
Eating Disorders
Many health experts argue that whether adolescents are healthy
depends primarily on their own behavior. To improve
adolescent health, adults should aim to (1) increase
adolescents’ health-enhancing behaviors, such as eating
nutritious foods, exercising, wearing seat belts, and getting
adequate sleep; and (2) reduce adolescents’ health-
34. compromising behaviors, such as drug abuse, violence,
unprotected sexual intercourse, and dangerous driving.
ADOLESCENT HEALTH
Adolescence is a critical juncture in the adoption of behaviors
that are relevant to health (Coore Desai, Reece, & Shakespeare-
Pellington, 2017; Devenish, Hooley, & Mellor, 2017; Oldfield
& others, 2018; Yap & others, 2017). Many of the behaviors
that are linked to poor health habits and early death in adults
begin during adolescence (Blake, 2017; Donatelle & Ketcham,
2018). Conversely, the early formation of healthy behavior
patterns, such as regular exercise and a preference for foods low
in fat and cholesterol, not only has immediate health benefits
but helps in adulthood to delay or prevent disability and
mortality from heart disease, stroke, diabetes, and cancer
(Hales, 2018; Powers & Dodd, 2017).
Nutrition and Exercise Concerns are growing about adolescents’
nutrition and exercise habits (Donatelle, 2019; Powers & Dodd,
2017; Schiff, 2017, 2019; Smith & Collene, 2019). National
data indicated that the percentage of overweight U.S. 12- to 19-
year-olds increased from 11 percent in the early 1990s to nearly
20.5 percent in 2014 (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 2016). In another study, 12.4 percent of U.S.
kindergarten children were obese, but by 14 years of age, 20.8
percent were obese (Cunningham, Kramer, & Narayan, 2014).
A special concern in American culture is the amount of fat we
consume. Many of today’s adolescents virtually live on fast-
food meals, which are high in fat. A comparison of adolescents
in 28 countries found that U.S. and British adolescents were
more likely to eat fried food and less likely to eat fruits and
vegetables than adolescents in most other countries that were
studied (World Health Organization, 2000). The National Youth
Risk Survey found that U.S. high school students showed a
37. key components of weight reduction in adolescence and
emerging adulthood (Fukerson & others, 2018; Lipsky & others,
2017; Martin & others, 2018; Powers & Howley, 2018). For
example, a recent study found that a combination of regular
exercise and a diet plan resulted in weight loss and enhanced
executive function in adolescents (Xie & others, 2017).
Sleep Like nutrition and exercise, sleep is an important
influence on well-being. Might changing sleep patterns in
adolescence contribute to adolescents’ health-compromising
behaviors? Recently there has been a surge of interest in
adolescent sleep patterns (Hoyt & others, 2018; Meltzer, 2017;
Palmer & others, 2018; Reddy & others, 2017; Seo & others,
2017; Wheaton & others, 2018). A longitudinal study in which
adolescents completed a 24-hour diary every 14 days in ninth,
tenth, and twelfth grades found that regardless of how much
students studied each day, when the students sacrificed sleep
time to study more than usual they had difficulty understanding
what was taught in class and were more likely to struggle with
class assignments the next day (Gillen-O’Neel, Huynh, &
Fuligni, 2013). Also, a recent experimental study indicated that
when adolescents’ sleep was restricted to five hours for five
nights, then returned to ten hours for two nights, their sustained
attention was negatively affected (especially in the early
morning) and did not return to baseline levels during recovery
(Agostini & others, 2017). Further, researchers have found that
adolescents who get less than 7.7 hours of sleep per night on
average have more emotional and peer-related problems, higher
anxiety, and a higher level of suicidal ideation (Sarchiapone &
others, 2014). And a recent national study of more than 10,000
13- to 18-year-olds revealed that later weeknight bedtime,
shorter weekend bedtime delay, and both short and long periods
of weekend oversleep were linked to increased rates of anxiety,
mood, substance abuse, and behavioral disorders (Zhang &
others, 2017). Further, in a four-year longitudinal study
beginning at 12 years of age, poor sleep patterns (for example,
38. shorter sleep duration and greater daytime sleepiness) at age 12
was associated with an increased likelihood Page 353of drinking
alcohol and using marijuana at 16 years of age (Miller, Janssen,
& Jackson, 2017). Also, recent Swedish studies revealed that
adolescents with a shorter sleep duration were more likely to
have more school absences, while shorter sleep duration and
greater sleep deficits were linked to having a lower grade point
average (Hysing & others, 2015, 2016).
In a recent national survey of youth, only 27 percent of U.S.
adolescents got eight or more hours of sleep on an average
school night (Kann & others, 2016a). In this study, the
percentage of adolescents getting this much sleep on an average
school night decreased as they got older (see Figure 7). Also, in
other research with more than 270,000 U.S. adolescents from
1991–2012, adolescents were getting less sleep in recent years
than in the past (Keyes & others, 2015).
FIGURE 7DEVELOPMENTAL CHANGES IN U.S.
ADOLESCENTS’ SLEEP PATTERNS ON AN AVERAGE
SCHOOL NIGHT
The National Sleep Foundation (2006) conducted a U.S. survey
of adolescent sleep patterns. Those who got inadequate sleep
(eight hours or less) on school nights were more likely to feel
tired or sleepy, to be cranky and irritable, to fall asleep in
school, to be in a depressed mood, and to drink caffeinated
beverages than their counterparts who got optimal sleep (nine or
more hours). Also, a longitudinal study of more than 6,000
adolescents found that sleep problems were linked to subsequent
suicidal thoughts and attempts in adolescence and early
adulthood (Wong & Brower, 2012). Further, one study found
that adolescents who got less than 7.7 hours of sleep per night
on average had more emotional and peer-related problems,
higher anxiety, and a higher level of suicidal ideation than their
peers who got 7.7 hours of sleep or more (Sarchiapone & others,
2014).
39. Why are adolescents getting too little sleep? Among the reasons
given are those involving electronic media, caffeine, and
changes in the brain coupled with early school start times
(Bartel, Scheeren, & Gradisar, 2018; Owens, 2014). In one
study, adolescents averaged engaging in four electronic
activities (in some cases, this involved simultaneous use of
different devices) after 9 p.m. (Calamaro, Mason, & Ratcliffe,
2009). Engaging in these electronic activities in the evening can
replace sleep time, and such media use may increase sleep-
disrupting arousal (Cain & Gradisar, 2010). Also, a study of
fourth- and seventh-graders found that sleeping near small
screens (smartphones, for example), sleeping with a TV in the
room, and more screen time were associated with shorter sleep
duration in both children and adolescents (Falbe & others,
2015).
Caffeine intake by adolescents appears to be related to
inadequate sleep (Owens, 2014). Greater caffeine intake as
early as 12 years of age is linked to later sleep onset, shorter
sleep duration, and increased daytime sleepiness (Carskadon &
Tarokh, 2014). Further, researchers have yet to study the
connection between adolescent sleep patterns and high levels of
caffeine intake from energy drinks.
Mary Carskadon and her colleagues (2004, 2005, 2011a, b;
Crowley & Carskadon, 2010; Tarokh & Carskadon, 2010) have
conducted a number of research studies on adolescent sleep
patterns. They found that when given the opportunity,
adolescents will sleep an average of 9 hours and 25 minutes a
night. Most get considerably less than nine hours of sleep,
however, especially during the week. This shortfall creates a
sleep deficit, which adolescents often attempt to make up on the
weekend. The researchers also found that older adolescents tend
to be sleepier during the day than younger adolescents. They
theorized that this sleepiness was not due to academic work or
41. Do sleep patterns change in emerging adulthood? Research
indicates that they do (Galambos, Howard, & Maggs, 2011).
One study revealed that more than 60 percent of college
students were categorized as poor-quality sleepers (Lund &
others, 2010). In this study, the weekday bedtimes and rise
times of first-year college students were approximately 1 hour
and 15 minutes later than those of seniors in high school (Lund
& others, 2010). However, the first-year college students had
later bedtimes and rise times than third- and fourth-year college
students, indicating that at about 20 to 22 years of age, a
reverse in the timing of bedtimes and rise times occurs. In
another study, consistently low sleep duration in college
students was associated with less effective attention the next
day (Whiting & Murdock, 2016). Also, in a recent study of
college students, a higher level of text messaging (greater
number of daily texts, awareness of nighttime cell phone
notifications, and compulsion to check nighttime notifications)
was linked to a lower level of sleep quality (Murdock,
Horissian, & Crichlow-Ball, 2017).
Leading Causes of Death in Adolescence The three leading
causes of death in adolescence are unintentional injuries,
homicide, and suicide (National Center for Health Statistics,
2018). Almost half of all deaths from 15 to 24 years of age are
due to unintentional injuries, the majority of them involving
motor vehicle accidents. Risky driving habits, such as speeding,
tailgating, and driving under the influence of alcohol or other
drugs, may be more important contributors to these accidents
than lack of driving experience (White & others, 2018; Williams
& others, 2018). In about 50 percent of motor vehicle fatalities
involving adolescents, the driver has a blood alcohol level of
0.10 percent—twice the level at which a driver is designated as
“under the influence” in some states. Of growing concern is the
increasingly common practice of mixing alcohol and energy
drinks, which is linked to a higher rate of driving while
42. intoxicated (Wilson & others, 2018). A high rate of intoxication
is also found in adolescents who die as pedestrians or while
using vehicles other than automobiles.
Homicide is the second leading cause of death in adolescence,
especially among African American males (National Center for
Health Statistics, 2018). Also notable is the adolescent suicide
rate, which has tripled since the 1950s. Suicide accounts for 6
percent of deaths in the 10-to-14 age group and 12 percent of
deaths in the 15-to-19 age group. We will discuss suicide in
more detail later.
SUBSTANCE USE AND ABUSE
Each year since 1975, Lloyd Johnston and his colleagues at the
Institute of Social Research at the University of Michigan have
monitored the drug use of America’s high school seniors in a
wide range of public and private high schools. Since 1991, they
also have surveyed drug use by eighth- and tenth-graders. In
2017, the study surveyed approximately 45,000 secondary
school students in 380 public and private schools (Johnston &
others, 2018).
In the University of Michigan study, drug use among U.S.
secondary school students declined in the 1980s but began to
increase in the early 1990s before declining again in the early
part of the first decade of the 21st century. However, from 2006
through 2017, overall use of illicit drugs began increasing
again, due mainly to an increase in marijuana use by
adolescents. In 2006, 36.5 percent of twelfth-graders reported
annual use of an illicit drug but in 2017 that figure had
increased to 39.9 percent. However, if marijuana use is
subtracted from the annual use figures, there has been a
significant decline in drug use by adolescents. When marijuana
use is deleted, in 2006, 19.2 percent of twelfth-graders used an
illicit drug annually, but that figure showed a significant
43. decline to 13.3 percent in 2017 (Johnston & others, 2018).
Marijuana is the most widely used illicit drug by adolescents.
The United States continues to have one of the highest rates of
adolescent drug use of any industrialized nation. Because of the
increased legalization of marijuana use for adults in a number
of states, youth are likely to have increased access to the drug
and it is expected that marijuana use by adolescents will
increase in the future.
developmental connectionSubstance Abuse
Does substance abuse increase or decrease in emerging
adulthood? Connect to “Physical and Cognitive Development in
Early Adulthood.”
Alcohol How extensive is alcohol use by U.S. adolescents?
Sizable declines in adolescent alcohol use have occurred in
recent years (Johnston & others, 2018). The percentage of U.S.
eighth-graders who reported having had any alcohol to
drink Page 355in the past 30 days fell from a 1996 high of 26
percent to 8.0 percent in 2017. The 30-day prevalence fell
among tenth-graders from 39 percent in 2001 to 19.7 percent in
2017 and among high school seniors from 72 percent in 1980 to
33.2 percent in 2017. Binge drinking (defined in the University
of Michigan surveys as having five or more drinks in a row in
the last two weeks) by high school seniors declined from 41
percent in 1980 to 19.1 percent in 2015. Binge drinking by
eighth- and tenth-graders also has dropped significantly in
recent years. A consistent gender difference occurs in binge
drinking, with males engaging in this behavior more than
females do (Johnston & others, 2018).
A special concern is adolescents who drive while they are under
the influence of alcohol or other substances (White & others,
2018; Williams & others, 2018; Wilson & others, 2018). In the
University of Michigan Monitoring the Future Study, 30 percent
46. monitoring had adolescents with a lower level of drug use than
a control group of adolescents whose parents did not participate
in the program (Estrada & others, 2017). A research review
concluded that the more frequently adolescents ate dinner with
their families, the less likely they were to have substance abuse
problems (Sen, 2010).
Page 356connecting through research
What Can Families Do to Reduce Drinking and Smoking by
Young Adolescents?
Experimental studies have been conducted to determine whether
family programs can reduce drinking and smoking by young
adolescents. In one experimental study, 1,326 families with 12-
to 14-year-old adolescents living in various parts of the United
States were interviewed (Bauman & others, 2002). After the
baseline interviews, participants were randomly assigned either
to go through the Family Matters program (experimental group)
or not to experience the program (control group) (Bauman &
others, 2002).
The families assigned to the Family Matters program received
four mailings of booklets. Each mailing was followed by a
telephone call from a health educator to “encourage
participation by all family members, answer any questions, and
record information” (Bauman & others, 2002, pp. 36–37). The
first booklet focused on the negative consequences of
adolescent substance abuse to the family. The second
emphasized “supervision, support, communication skills,
attachment, time spent together, educational achievement,
conflict reduction, and how well adolescence is understood.”
The third booklet asked parents to list things they do that might
inadvertently encourage their child’s use of tobacco or alcohol,
identify rules that might influence the child’s use, and consider
ways to monitor use. Then adult family members and the child
met “to agree upon rules and sanctions related to adolescent
use.” Booklet four dealt with “what the child can do to resist
47. peer and media pressures for use.”
Two follow-up interviews with the parents and adolescents were
conducted three months and one year after the experimental
group had completed the program. Adolescents in the Family
Matters program reported lower alcohol and cigarette use at
three months and at one year after the program had been
completed. Figure 8 shows the results for alcohol.
FIGURE 8YOUNG ADOLESCENTS’ REPORTS OF ALCOHOL
USE IN THE FAMILY MATTERS PROGRAM. Note that at
baseline (before the program started) the young adolescents in
the Family Matters program (experimental group) and their
counterparts who did not go through the program (control
group) reported approximately the same lifetime use of alcohol
(slightly higher use by the experimental group). However, three
months after the program ended, the experimental group
reported lower alcohol use, and this reduction was still present
one year after the program had ended, although at a reduced
level.
Source: Johnston, L. D., et al. Monitoring the Future: National
survey results on drug use 2016. Ann Arbor: Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 2017.
The topics covered in the second booklet underscore the
importance of parental influence earlier in development. For
instance, staying actively involved and establishing an
authoritative, as opposed to a neglectful, parenting style early
in children’s lives will better ensure that children have a clear
understanding of the parents’ level of support and expectations
when the children reach adolescence.
Along with parents, peers play a very important role in
adolescent substance use (Cambron & others, 2018; Choukas-
Bradley & Prinstein, 2016; Strong & others, 2017). For
example, a large-scale national study of adolescents indicated
that friends’ use of alcohol was a stronger influence on
adolescent alcohol use than parental use (Deutsch, Wood, &
Slutske, 2018).
48. Academic success is also a strong buffer for the emergence of
drug problems in adolescence (Kendler & others, 2018). In one
study, early educational achievement considerably reduced the
likelihood that adolescents would develop drug problems
(Bachman & others, 2008). But what can families do to educate
themselves and their children and reduce adolescent drinking
and smoking behavior? To find out, see Connecting Through
Research.
Page 357
EATING DISORDERS
Let’s now examine two eating problems—anorexia nervosa and
bulimia nervosa—that are far more common in adolescent girls
than boys.
Anorexia Nervosa Although most U.S. girls have been on a diet
at some point, slightly less than 1 percent ever develop anorexia
nervosa. Anorexia nervosa is an eating disorder that involves
the relentless pursuit of thinness through starvation. It is a
serious disorder that can lead to death (Pinhas & others, 2017;
Westmoreland, Krantz, & Mehler, 2016). Four main
characteristics apply to people suffering from anorexia nervosa:
(1) weight below 85 percent of what is considered normal for
their age and height; (2) an intense fear of gaining weight that
does not decrease with weight loss; (3) a distorted image of
their body shape (Reville, O’Connor, & Frampton, 2016), and
(4) amenorrhea(lack of menstruation) in girls who have reached
puberty.
Obsessive thinking about weight and compulsive exercise also
are linked to anorexia nervosa (Simpson & others, 2013). Even
when they are extremely thin, they see themselves as too fat
(Cornelissen & others, 2015). They never think they are thin
enough, especially in the abdomen, buttocks, and thighs. They
usually weigh themselves frequently, often take their body
50. likely contributes to the incidence of anorexia nervosa (Cazzato
& others, 2016). The media portray thin as beautiful in their
choice of fashion models, whom many adolescent girls strive to
emulate. Social media may also fuel the relentless pursuit of
thinness by making it easier for anorexic adolescents to find
each other online. A recent study found that having an increase
in Facebook friends across two years was linked to enhanced
motivation to be thin (Tiggemann & Slater, 2017).
Bulimia Nervosa Whereas anorexics control their weight by
restricting food intake, most bulimics cannot. Bulimia
nervosa is an eating disorder in which the individual
consistently follows a binge-and-purge pattern. The bulimic
goes on an eating binge and then purges by self-inducing
vomiting or using a laxative. Although many people binge and
purge occasionally and some experiment with it, a person is
considered to have a serious bulimic disorder only if the
episodes occur at least twice a week for three months (Castillo
& Weiselberg, 2017).
As with anorexics, most bulimics are preoccupied with food,
have a strong fear of becoming overweight, are depressed or
anxious, and have a distorted body image (Murray & others,
2017; Stice & others, 2017). One study found that bulimics have
difficulty controlling their emotions (Lavender & others, 2014).
Like adolescents who are anorexic, bulimics are highly
perfectionistic (Lampard & others, 2012). Unlike anorexics,
individuals who binge and purge typically fall within a normal
weight range, which makes bulimia more difficult to detect.
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Approximately 1 to 2 percent of U.S. women are estimated to
develop bulimia nervosa, and about 90 percent of bulimics are
women. Bulimia nervosa typically begins in late adolescence or
early adulthood. Many women who develop bulimia nervosa
were somewhat overweight before the onset of the disorder, and
51. the binge eating often began during an episode of dieting. As
with anorexia nervosa, about 70 percent of individuals who
develop bulimia nervosa eventually recover from the disorder
(Agras & others, 2004). Drug therapy and psychotherapy have
been effective in treating anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa
(Agras & others, 2017). Cognitive behavior therapy has
especially been helpful in treating bulimia nervosa (Abreu &
Cangelli Filho, 2017; Hail & Le Grange, 2018; Peterson &
others, 2017).
Review Connect Reflect
LG3 Identify adolescent problems related to health, substance
use and abuse, and eating disorders.
Review
· What are key concerns about the health of adolescents?
· What are some characteristics of adolescents’ substance use
and abuse?
· What are the characteristics of the major eating disorders?
Connect
· In Connecting Through Research, you learned that attachment
was one of the things that the Family Matters program
emphasized as important in reducing drinking and smoking
behavior in adolescents. Do the research findings discussed in
the chapter entitled “Socioemotional Development in Infancy”
support or contradict this emphasis on early attachment’s effect
on development and behavior later in life?
Reflect Your Own Personal Journey of Life
· How health-enhancing and health-compromising were your
patterns of behavior in adolescence? Explain.
4 Adolescent Cognition
LG4 Explain cognitive changes in adolescence.
Piaget’s Theory
52. Adolescent Egocentrism
Information Processing
Adolescents’ developing power of thought opens up new
cognitive and social horizons. Let’s examine some explanations
of how their power of thought develops, beginning with Piaget’s
theory (1952).
PIAGET’S THEORY
Jean Piaget proposed that around 7 years of age children enter
the concrete operational stage of cognitive development. They
can reason logically about concrete events and objects, and they
make gains in their ability to classify objects and to reason
about the relationships between classes of objects. Around age
11, according to Piaget, the fourth and final stage of cognitive
development—the formal operational stage—begins.
developmental connectionCognitive Theory
Is there a fifth, postformal stage of cognitive development that
characterizes young adults? Connect to “Physical and Cognitive
Development in Early Adulthood.”
The Formal Operational Stage What are the characteristics of
the formal operational stage? Formal operational thought is
more abstract than concrete operational thought. Adolescents
are no longer limited to actual, concrete experiences as anchors
for thought. They can conjure up make-believe situations,
abstract propositions, and events that are purely hypothetical,
and can try to reason logically about them.
The abstract quality of thinking during the formal operational
stage is evident in the adolescent’s verbal problem-solving
ability. Whereas the concrete operational thinker needs to see
the concrete elements A, B, and C to be able to make the