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Mitchell Stephens
Thinking Through Moving
Media
social research Vol. 78 : No. 4 : Winter 2011 1133
WhAT reVoluTIoN IS IT, ANYWAY?
That we are in the midst of a major communications revolution
is hard
to miss nowadays. Individuals who only had a decade or so to
get used
to sitting at their desks and accessing an overwhelming
collection
of information, products, news, and entertainment can now sit
in a
restaurant and involve themselves in what has grown to include
much
of the world’s available supply of information, products, news,
enter-
tainment, and people. We have begun to divert ourselves,
socialize with
each other, educate ourselves, and update ourselves in ways that
did
not exist when anyone over 20 today was born. Our old
communica-
tions machines—typewriters, music discs, film, landline
telephones,
wireless transmitters, and the printing press—have been
overthrown
or are tottering.
But what exactly is perpetrating this revolution?
There are many candidates for the “invention” of our time—the
one that seems to have pressed the “refresh” button on a
significant
stretch of human culture. What was the key breakthrough? Was
it
the computer, the personal computer, the Internet, the World
Wide
Web, Google, the smart phone, or perhaps even Facebook? Or
was it
the digital coding of information in general that has been
leading us
into a new era? This essay will employ a historical perspective
in an
attempt to sort out some of these contributions and it will
propose
that the truly revolutionary invention of our time may turn out
to
be none of the above. Instead, it may prove to be an invention
with
older roots: the moving image and its younger companion, the
moving
word.
1134 social research
Looking back it is not difficult to see the vast transformative
power of writing and print. But what is our communications
revolution
doing to us? Certainly, it is—as did writing and print—radically
easing
our access to information. Certainly, it has—as did writing and
print—
made possible entrancing new ways for us to communicate with
and
entertain each other. Certainly, it is in the process of
eradicating—as
writing and print began to do—geographical and financial
boundaries
to information and communication.
But my thesis is that this communications revolution, like those
led by writing and print, will have a more profound effect, a
more
thoroughly revolutionary effect, than merely facilitating our
access
to wisdom, diversions, or each other. This essay will argue that
this
communications revolution in its most radical manifestations
will help
us develop new ways of thinking.
What are those radical manifestations? One way of approaching
that question is to consider the curious incident of the old men
in the
beginning of the twenty-first century.
The old MeN Who dIdN’T gruMble
New communications technologies inspire complaints. Usually
the
attacks are launched by those most attached to the old
communica-
tions technology, those whose power, indeed, rests on the old
technol-
ogy. For most of history that has meant that most such
complaints have
emanated from old men.
The classic example is to be found in Plato’s Phaedrus (1956).
Here
a nested series of bearded old men—Plato writing about
Socrates, who
claims to be quoting an Egyptian king, Thamus—participate in a
take-
down of writing as not producing “wisdom” but “only a
semblance of
it,” not “wide knowledge” but only “the delusion” of having it.
Writing,
for these men, is illegitimate, a “bastard,” because it escapes its
“father.” Meanwhile, the established and threatened form of
commu-
nication—a conversation “under a teacher’s instruction,” under
an old
man’s instruction—is celebrated as “a discourse inscribed with
genuine
knowledge in the soul of learner.” As is often the case with old
men
Thinking Through Moving Media 1135
grumbling, this epistemological critique barely conceals
concerns
about etiquette and power: a piece of writing, Plato has Socrates
warn,
is capable of “falling into the hands of those who have no
concern with
it . . . it has no notion of whom to address or whom to avoid”
(68–69).
Many passages in the Bible—which, of course, is chockablock
with bearded old men—can be read as devaluing a then still
relatively
new technology—though not a communications technology:
agricul-
ture. Note the many times characters, seeking spiritual renewal,
return
to the “wilderness.” This, for example, from Exodus: “They
turned
toward the wilderness, and there, in a cloud appeared the
Presence of
the Lord.” And, on the face of it, the second commandment, as
revealed
in Exodus, is not just an attack on a still relatively new
communications
technology; it is an explicit and unambiguous prohibition of it:
“You
shall not make for yourself a sculptured image, or any likeness
of what
is in the heavens above, or on the earth below or in the waters
under
the earth” (Tanakh 1985: 110, 115).
Few technologies have inspired as much grumbling, in their
extended youths, as print. Pope dismissed “[p]rinting as a
scourge for
the sins of the learned.” Near the end of War and Peace, Leo
Tolstoy calls
“the dissemination of printed matter” the “most powerful of
igno-
rance’s weapons.”
In my book, the rise of the image the fall of the word, I collect
numer-
ous examples of similar grumbling by old men, with or without
beards:
against opera (“chromatic tortures,” it was dubbed in
eighteenth-
century England), against theater (“the sewer in which the
rebellious
vices exhaust themselves,” proclaimed Ralph Waldo Emerson),
against
radio (“has means of appealing to the lower nerve centers and of
creat-
ing emotions which the hearer mistakes for thoughts”) and even
against the pencil with an eraser when that was new (“It might
almost
be laid down as a general law that the easier errors may be
corrected,
the more errors will be made” [1998: 31–5]).
By the 1980s, women certainly had won the right to have their
grumbling heard: Tipper Gore’s campaign against violent or
sexual
music lyrics or videos, under the aegis of the Parents Music
Resource
1136 social research
Center, is an example. And those of us currently becoming old
will
remember the unisex and almost universal grumbling that
greeted
television: “pablum,” “the boob tube,” “the idiot box,” “a vast
waste-
land,” which was “turning brains to mush” (Stephens 1998: 27,
31–36).
There’s a cycle to this, and it always ends the same: once a
form of
communication is itself threatened by a powerful and even
newer form,
the grumbling about it stops. After the arrival of TV, it is very
difficult to
find Pope-like or Tolstoy-like critiques of print. And even the
chorus of
complaints against television now seems suddenly to be
quieting.
My book was written in 1998, before the Internet had begun to
display its powers, so it did not deal with a curiosity in regard
to our
current communications revolution: the fact that old men and
women
have not been emitting all that much grumbling. Yes, some
excep-
tions have been taken: op-ed pages and the Web itself have
featured
a few attempts, for example, to rebut the argument that the
success-
ful protests against the regime of President Hosni Mubarak in
Egypt
can be credited entirely to social media, though the arguments
they
were rebutting, giving social media that much credit, proved
difficult
to locate (Rosen 2011). Bill Keller, the former executive editor
of the
New York Times, is among those who have made clear that he
is a Twitter
skeptic: “the enemy of contemplation,” he calls it, adding the
hardly
controversial charge that Twitter is “ephemeral.” Keller also
quotes
the novelist Meg Wolitzer describing today’s technology-
suckled high-
schoolers as “The generation that had information, but no
context.
Butter, but no bread. Craving, but no longing” (Keller 2011).
Similarly, there are plenty of examples of the affection for
forms like printed books (oh the smell!) or newspapers (. . .
with a cup
of coffee in the morning . . .) that one would expect to
accompany
their gradual demise: “Newspapers dig up the news,” insists
John. S.
Carroll, former editor of the Los Angeles Times. “Others”—
presumably
bloggers and websites like Huffington Post—“repackage it”
(Stephens
2010). However, old-fashioned, decline-of-civilization
grumbling—
“semblance,” “bastard,” “you shall not,” “scourge,”
“ignorance’s weap-
ons,” “tortures,” “sewer”—has been conspicuous in its absence.
Keller,
Thinking Through Moving Media 1137
for example, though well positioned for the role of prophet of
doom,
not only is temperate, even whimsical, in his critique but goes
out of
his way to list good points of social media.
Yes, you can find more heated criticism if you look hard
enough.
The Web is so capacious that just about everything gets said
there
sometime by someone. (I was even able to locate one 70-year-
old retired
sportswriter in Arizona, who had just been criticized on the
Internet,
proclaiming: “The Internet is like a sewer” [Garber 2009]).
Still, the curi-
ous fact is this: our old men and women, at least those who can
manage
a touch screen, seem reasonably fond of a lot of what appears
on such
screens. Is there something about this communications
revolution that
has caused them to surrender their historical role?
SeTTINg cIcero IN TYpe
Among Marshall McLuhan’s more interesting and more reliable
points
is the observation that “the ‘content’ of any medium is always
another
medium.” He explains that “the content of writing is speech,
just as the
written word is the content of print” (1995: 151). Each new
medium
“imitates,” as McLuhan did not quite say, a medium that came
before.
Plato, the point is, wrote dialogues. And early printers simply
set old
handwritten manuscripts in type. By the year 1500—in the first
half-
century of printing, in other words—317 different printed
editions of
Cicero, who had been dead for a millennium and a half,
appeared in
Europe (Stephens 1998: 47).
A new medium must, of course, add something of value; other-
wise, no one would bother. Printing enabled hundreds of copies
of each
of those editions of Cicero to disburse themselves across the
continent.
But there was little to distinguish the copies themselves from
their
handwritten model: they were printed in a black typeface
intended to
mimic the script used by copyists, and they lacked such
amenities as
tables of content, indexes, title pages, Arabic page numbers, and
stan-
dardized spellings.
What McLuhan fails to note in his formula is that the “content”
of
a new medium does not remain a previous medium. Media do
eventually
1138 social research
stop imitating. They eventually acquire their own varieties of
content,
finding in the process new ways of justifying their existence.
Reprints
of Cicero would eventually be nudged aside in Europe and its
colonies
by two mostly new forms: the printed newspaper and the novel.
Those
tables of content, indexes, title pages, Arabic page numbers,
standard-
ized spellings and more legible typefaces all also arrived, for
the most
part, after the printed book and periodical. But this process of
figur-
ing out new, original forms to exploit the considerable potential
of a
new medium inevitably takes a while. The first printed
newspaper and
the first printed novel appeared in Europe a century and a half
after
Gutenberg.
Usually, the more imitative the content the less old men grum-
ble. Pope had nothing against reprints of the “Ancients”; it was
all
that new stuff from the “Moderns” that was scourging the
“learned”
for their “sins.” Movies had an early burst of respectability
when—in a
movement called film d’art, begun in Paris in 1908—their
imitation of
theater grew most reverent and their choice of plays at which to
aim a
camera grew most refined. Even television, that most grumbled
about
of media, managed to please the critics and even be accorded a
“golden
age” when for a few years in the 1950s it began broadcasting
live plays.
Is the reason we are not hearing more grumbling about the
Internet and its cousins because we are still in the setting-
Cicero-in-
type phase—the film-d’art phase, the showing-live-plays-on-TV
phase?
Our digital gizmos seem to possess all the glamour and
impudence we
associate with the cutting edge. It is hard to think of them as
imitat-
ing. But all new forms of communication once seemed poised
on the
cutting edge. And all new forms of communication have
imitated.
Somewhere in every one of our smart devices—from laptop to
iPhone to iPad—is something that serves as a keyboard: a
reworking of
the typewriter. The “graphical user interface” on our various
screens
has featured the accouterments of desktops: files, scissors, a
clip-
board—another form of imitation (a “metaphor,” it was initially
called).
The Web has organized itself into “sites,” as if pretending to be
a neigh-
borhood filled with shops. Email is, to say the obvious,
imitation mail—
Thinking Through Moving Media 1139
super-swift, super-convenient mail. Instant messages and texts
are even
swifter mail. YouTube places a miniature TV screen on our
computer,
smart phone, or tablet screens. Blogs look a lot like journals or
diaries,
turned upside down. Facebook, too, has diary-like elements, as
well as
scrapbook-like elements and letter- or telegram-like elements.
We use
Twitter to “curate”—to direct each other to attractive songs,
videos,
and writings in this world full of wonders, this world-become-
museum.
We use Twitter, too—along with all those swift messages, texts,
and
scrawlings on Facebook “walls”—to engage in what once might
have
been called “chitchat.” But the earlier form of communication
that has
probably been most imitated on Web, smart phone, and tablet
“pages”
has been old, respectable, and endangered print.
Most news sites online are essentially tables of content, which
justify their existence with one impressive addition: the ability
to skip
instantly to any story listed or previewed there. Commercial
websites
mimic the printed catalog—with, again, that remarkable ability
to hop,
step, and jump. Wikipedia is, of course, a version of another
form origi-
nal to print, which first appeared in Paris in the eighteenth
century:
the encyclopedia—though one of unprecedented size, composed
by an
unprecedented number of authors. Spell check, track changes,
those
hundreds of fonts, the great convenience of the online
dictionary and
the online thesaurus—this is print that has died and gone to
heaven.
And Google, with its sleek, minimalist design; Google, this
newly
minted verb; Google, which appears for the moment to have
placed
itself at the heart of this communications revolution; Google,
which
increasingly looks like a compendium of all the world’s
knowledge;
Google is what? I think it is pretty clear that this “search
engine” is just
a version of the original search facilitator—the index that
eventually
started appearing at the back of printed books. Google, in its
magnifi-
cence, is a universal index.
In 2008 the Atlantic did have a go at grumbling about Google.
Nicholas Carr, though not even 50 at the time, undertook the
chal-
lenge, falling back, notwithstanding some perfunctory nods in
the
direction of cognitive science, upon the same sort of critique
that has
1140 social research
been leveled against all media that are more efficient than their
prede-
cessors: that too easy and too fast threaten to make us lazy,
skittish, and
superficial. Google, Carr fretted, is “chipping away” at the
“capacity for
concentration and contemplation” (Carr 2008).
But Carr’s effort, too, is halfhearted: he admits that he might be
a “worrywart” and acknowledges the limits of his own argument
by
noting that there were similar critiques of writing and print. The
truth
is that it is hard even for middle-aged or old men and women
not to be
impressed with the dozen or so fine answers, along with
41,700,000
other mostly useless answers, you can get in .26 seconds in
response to
a Google query. Given the number of crotchety critics
wandering the
planet these days and their propensity for working themselves
into a
lather about anything from a video to a vaccine, Google and
company
have gotten off remarkably easy.
The phrasing I have leaned upon in this article is borrowed from
Sherlock Holmes, of course—speaking in Arthur Conan Doyle’s
story,
“The Adventure of Silver Blaze.” The great detective deduces
from a
dog’s “curious” failure to bark in the night that the animal must
have
been familiar with the perpetrator. Our old men and women, I
am
arguing, are relatively content with so much that is happening in
our
new media because they are familiar with it, because it has so
much in
common with their beloved print.
So far.
“ANoTher TIMe, TheN, SocrATeS”
Socrates might not have been the fellow you wanted to
encounter as
you went about your business in fifth century BCE Athens. The
old
philosopher was a great enthusiast, of course, of discourse—
arguably
the most important proponent of this form of communication the
world has seen. But he had an odd way of going about a
conversation.
If Plato’s dialogues can be taken as an accurate reflection of
Socrates’ conversation, we know that he could upon occasion
simply
tell and hear news. In the Charmides, Socrates, having returned
from a
battle, goes to a gymnasium, which, in Benjamin Jowett’s
translation,
Thinking Through Moving Media 1141
he describes as one of his “old haunts.” The friends who greet
him ask
for “the story” of that battle, and Socrates dutifully provides
“the news
from the army” and answers their questions. Socrates, in turn,
proceeds
to ask them “about matters at home.” The matter in which he
seems
most interested: “whether any of” the young men are
“remarkable for
wisdom or beauty, or both.”
But Socrates, in Plato’s account, does not indulge in news or
gossip for long. The young man who seems most to excel in
beauty, and
perhaps also wisdom, Charmides, sits down besides the old
philosopher
at that gymnasium, and soon Socrates, as is his wont, has
confronted
him with a philosophic question: “what, in your opinion, is
temperance
(sophrosyne)?” Charmides answers: “quietness.” Socrates
demonstrates
at some length that “quickness and cleverness” are better than
“quiet-
ness.” Charmides then proposes “modesty” as his definition of
“temper-
ance.” Socrates, with help from Homer, dismisses that
suggestion, too.
In taking on the young man’s next attempt at a definition,
Socrates also ends up taking on Critias, Charmides’ older
“guardian and
cousin.” Indeed, Socrates interrogates Critias, his friend and
student,
with such vehemence, that Critias accuses him of merely “trying
to
refute me, instead of pursuing the argument.” Socrates doesn’t
dispute
the accusation: “And what if I am?” (Plato, Charmides)
To engage in a conversation with Socrates—whose name
appears
in many definitions of irony—is to have your words turned
inside out
and against each other. “Whatever statement we put forward
always
somehow moves round in a circle, and will not stay where we
put it,”
complains Euthyphro, another young man who has fallen into a
conver-
sation with Socrates. (Plato, Euthyphro: 13). One learns.
Charmides
certainly learns, though they never do settle on a definition of
temper-
ance. Euthyphro has much to learn.
But talking with Socarates offers quite a different experience
than most residents of Athens or anywhere else expect from a
conversa-
tion. He rarely shot the breeze. He engaged in few pleasantries.
Instead,
he jumped on contradictions. He bore in. He mocked. He tore
apart.
This description, which echoes that of Euthyphro, is from
Plato’s Laches:
1142 social research
Whoever comes into close contact with Socrates and has
any talk with him face to face, is bound to be drawn round
and round by him in the course of the argument—though
it may have started at first on a quite different theme—
and cannot stop until he is led into giving an account of
himself, of the manner in which he now spends his days,
and of the kind of life he has lived hitherto; and when once
he has been led into that, Socrates will never let him go
until he has thoroughly and properly put all his ways to the
test (Plato, Laches: 187e).
Socrates is certainly aware that he can be a handful: “All day
long
and in all places [I] am always fastening upon you, arousing and
persuad-
ing and reproaching you. You will not easily find another like
me. . .”
(Hulse 1995: 21). There is something intemperate, if you will,
about the
way Socrates converses. Alcibiades acknowledges that often “I
act like
a runaway slave and keep out of his way” (Parker 1979: 14).
Euthyphro
eventually unfastens himself, “Another time, then, Socrates. I
am in a
hurry now. . .” (Plato, Euthyphro: 20).
I want to argue that there is a larger explanation for Socrates’
odd
and difficult conversation, that it was not just due to this
singular man’s
odd and difficult personality—or, as Plato would have us
believe, his
exalted ethical standards. My point is that thought in fifth-
century BCE
Athens—the kind of thought that Socrates exemplified—was
outgrow-
ing the oral tradition, outgrowing mere conversation. It was a
kind of
thought formed, in part, by writing—or, more precisely, by a
kind of
proto-writing. Socrates, as was typical of Athens’ free-born
males, was
literate. Indeed, Greece, where vowels were first added to the
alpha-
bet, was the first country to have widespread literacy (for free-
born
males). And writing, thinkers two and half millennia later have
come
to believe, encourages analysis (including ethical analysis),
encourages
turning ideas inside out and against each other.
But unlike his contemporary, Thucydides; his student, Plato;
or Plato’s student, Aristotle; Socrates did not write out his
thoughts.
Thinking Through Moving Media 1143
Instead, he tried to force literate ways of thinking into an earlier
form of
communication. It was a sometimes awkward attempt, requiring
“fasten-
ing on,” full of “arousing and persuading and reproaching,” not
always
welcome: “Another time, then, Socrates.” It left the old
philosopher suffi-
ciently unpopular that a majority of his fellow citizens voted
that he be
executed. (It didn’t help that his students Critias and Charmides
proved
intemperate, vicious actually, when they imposed an oligarchy
on
Athens.) Socrates was in no position to understand that he was
asking too
much of discourse. But the thoughts in Socrates’ conversation—
despite
his reverence for discourse—were looking for another medium
in which
to express themselves. They were looking for writing.
“No innovation,” writes the French historian Fernand Braudel,
“has any value except in relation to the social pressure which
main-
tains and imposes it.” (1984: 431) Here I am talking about an
intellec-
tual pressure—the pressure to analyze—that flowed from,
imposed,
and then maintained this astoundingly powerful innovation:
writing.
With Thucydides, Plato and, in particular, Aristotle—with
writing—the
Greeks obtained, to take out of context a line from Shelley in
Prometheus
Unbound, “wisdom” that “once they could not think.”
A beTTer gAzeTTA
Eventually, there would be an even newer wisdom for
humankind to
begin trying to think. In due time (a couple of millennia), a new
kind
of thought began to push up against the limits of writing. I will
try to
make this point with regard to my research on journalism.
By 1566 a newssheet was being distributed, weekly, in Venice. I
found copies hidden among diplomatic letters in London. It was
called,
among other names, the gazetta, which may have been the name
of the
coin for which it sold: hence, the title of so many of the world’s
newspa-
pers; hence, the Russian word for newspaper. And since the
European
newspaper has spread around the world, and since the European
news-
paper descends from these Venetian news sheets, every
newspaper in
the world today has DNA that can be traced to 1566 in Venice
(Stephens
2007: 133–139).
1144 social research
Where was the new thought here? With weekly and therefore
more established and dependable distribution of news, a mostly
new
political force was being created: a public, increasingly as
informed
on events as its leaders. And this public was gaining an
increasingly
comprehensive and reliable view of the world as a well-lit,
comprehen-
sible place—the stage upon which a series of discrete but
connected
events, a week’s news events, occurred.
This way of thought came, in part, from printing—or, again
more precisely, a proto-printing. The letterpress had arrived in
Venice
almost a century earlier. Literacy was on the rise, now that there
were
so many more books around to read. And all those reprints of
Cicero
and his contemporaries, as they were imbibed by Europe’s
literate,
were beginning to increase the continent’s knowledge levels.
One-shot
printed newsbooks and news ballads had also been appearing,
featur-
ing glimpses, however incomprehensive and unreliable, of
events far
away. Copies of Columbus’s own letters on his discoveries had
even
begun appearing, shortly after his return in 1493, in multiple
editions
across the continent. The flow of news and ideas had been
increasing in
volume and speed.
But those 1566 Venetian news sheets were not printed. Each
copy
was handwritten. This comprehensive and reliable view of the
world
could only display itself, consequently, in some hundreds of
copies.
Given limits in distribution, the public in question was so small
it
barely deserved the name. And this comprehensible and reliable
view
of the world had to pass through the hands of slow and
potentially inac-
curate copyists.
The kind of thinking exemplified by the gazetta, in other words,
was not well served by the gazetta. This way of thought was
pushing
past, through, beyond the limitations of the handwritten. And
some
other new—and connected—religious, scientific, geographic,
mercan-
tile, and literary worldviews were also bumping up against
those limi-
tations in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe. They each
had their
own dissatisfactions with writing. Scientists, for example,
needed
more regular and reliable information on new discoveries than
even
the most industrious letter writers could provide; merchants—at
least
Thinking Through Moving Media 1145
those not wealthy enough to hire their own correspondents—
needed
better information on events that might influence markets.
They, too,
required a new form of communication to illuminate, examine
and
sustain the new rounder, plainer, more realistic, more knowable
world
they were espousing.
The wanted form of communication began to arrive when the
printing press turned away from reprints of Cicero and began
devot-
ing itself to forms that made better use of its capabilities. As
Socrates’
way of thinking began to find its true home in the writings of
Plato, the
worldview initially inscribed in the gazetta began to find its
true home
with the appearance of the world’s first printed weekly in
Strasbourg in
1605. Don Quixote also appears in 1605. A way of thought was
facilitated
by the new newspaper, the new novel, the new scientific journal
(later
in that century). It became a dominant way of thought in Europe
and
America up until the twentieth century.
eISeNSTeIN MeeTS joYce IN pArIS
One way of looking at twentieth-century thought—and I
belatedly
apologize for skipping so blithely over centuries and
philosophies—is
as a rebellion against the well-lit, comprehensive, reliable,
comprehen-
sible worldview that had long been promulgated by the printing
press
and the periodical. It was too static, too rigid, too narrow, too
certain,
too “linear,” to borrow a term from Marshall McLuhan: one
point after
another, one point leads to another. Cubism, abstract art,
futurism,
dada, stream of consciousness, pop art, op art, postmodernism,
and
their various cousins helped lead this rebellion.
Their revolutionary ways of looking at the world came, in part,
from the arrival of a new form of communication on the cusp of
this
new century: early film—or, to use the vocabulary introduced
here,
proto-moving media. For early film was fluid, jumpy, capable of
cutting
in and out, and inevitably self-conscious about its perspectives.
Just
before she drafted the remarkable modernist middle section of
To the
Lighthouse in the spring of 1926, Virginia Woolf composed a
short essay
on “the Cinema.” The words and phrases she uses to describe
this new
medium and its potential are revealing, for they are words and
phrases
1146 social research
of modernism: “burgeons, bulges, quivers, disappears”; “speed
and
slowness; dartlike directness and vaporous circumlocution”;
“violent
changes of emotion”; “thought in its wildness”; “collision”;
“cascades”;
“the chaos of the streets” (Woolf 1926).
But cinema, as is typical, was slow to understand and express
its
new powers. It had taken years for the close-up to be accepted.
It had
taken years for parallel editing to be accepted. It had taken
years to
overcome the impulse to imitate theater sufficiently so that the
camera
could wander beyond “the best seat in the house.” The most
adventur-
ous silent filmmakers, such as Sergei Eisenstein, eventually
managed
to fill screens with some of Woolf ’s “quivers, “dartlike
directness,”
“violent changes of emotion,” “collision,” “cascades” and
“chaos.”
Eisenstein made the Battleship Potemkin in 1925. But in the
world of
moving images, a technological step forward is inevitably
followed by
an artistic step back: the arrival of sound in 1927 led to more
sluggish
camera work and more filmed plays.
We tend to conclude that new forms of communication are more
mature than they really are. Virginia Woolf thought that of film:
“For
a strange thing has happened,” she writes in that essay, “—
while all
the other arts were born naked, this, the youngest, has been born
fully
clothed. It can say everything before it has anything to say”
(Woolf
1926). Woolf was wrong to assume some sort of precocious
wisdom on
how film might best communicate but right about its struggle to
figure
out what it might communicate. Both efforts continue today.
Film, like
all new media, was born naked.
The revolutionary perspectives that were inspired, I am arguing,
in part by film were most often realized, instead, on the painted
canvas
or the printed page. Twentieth-century literature, art,
philosophy, and
(I add with less confidence) physics can be seen as attempts,
often not
conscious, to escape the rigidity of the canvas or page—to
escape their
frustrating, infuriating regularity, clarity, and flatness. These
white
rectangles had once provided a bright, even brilliant stage for
the most
real, most exotic dramas, but the page, the canvas had now
begun to
seem too predictable, too sluggish, too confining, too stiffly
realistic,
too brashly knowing to really know. Yet cubism, abstract art,
futurism,
Thinking Through Moving Media 1147
dada, stream of consciousness, pop art, op art, postmodernism,
and all
the rest of the twentieth-century rebellions were launched on the
same
canvases and pages they were trying to overthrow.
And the results—like Socrates’ conversation, like the handwrit-
ten gazetta—often proved less than satisfying. How to say this
without
sounding like a philistine? Despite its manifold insights and
splendors,
twentieth-century art still sometimes looks like attempts, shall
we say,
at a new way of looking at the world, not like that new way of
looking
at the world itself. Twentieth-century literature as it dances and
dwells,
veers and sputters, displays no shortage of beauties. However,
in strain-
ing to burrow back into the mostly unexamined flit and flux of
our
thoughts, it has sometimes tended—again, no disrespect
intended—to
be a little too unsteady, unmoored, and agitated to be enjoyably
read:
another time, then, Finnegans Wake. It is possible to look upon
twenti-
eth-century thought as not yet having found its medium.
In 1929 in Paris, James Joyce meets Sergei Eisenstein—an early
partisan of and wizard of montage, among the most radical of
cine-
matic techniques. Joyce’s sight has deteriorated by then, but he
and
Eisenstein discuss a joint project: a film. One hopes—I have
located no
report on what sort of film they had in mind—that Joyce and
Eisenstein
sensed that film was the natural home for the stream of
consciousness:
consciousness being, to say the obvious, full of sights and
sounds, as
well as run-on sentences. One hopes they understood that what
Woolf
called “thought in its wildness” might best be captured in a
medium
that was not static, narrow, regular, or rigid. Joyce and
Eisenstein never
made their film. Others, of course, have tried recreating the
stream of
consciousness in moving images—with varying degrees of
success. But
maybe this latest revolution in thought is still in the process of
learning
to express itself. After all, the great triumphs of print—the
Encyclopédie,
the Enlightenment itself, Tolstoy himself—did not arrive for
centuries
after print’s invention. Maybe the struggle against the
immobile, the
certain, the linear still has decades to go, even centuries to go.
Maybe
this struggle has outlived modernism and postmodernism and is
still
with us in the mostly unnamed movements of culture and
thought of
this new of century.
1148 social research
But do we possess, as we engage in this great cultural and phil-
osophic undertaking, that most valuable and necessary of tools:
the
appropriate form of communication?
dISeNTANglINg The Web
If computers, smart phones, and whatever other devices Apple
designs for us are to be used just so we can better communicate
with
each other—hundreds of each others; all around the world;
sharing
thoughts; photos, likes and dislikes; “friending”; online dating;
well,
that’s fine. The old ways of socializing have faded considerably
now
that such a large percentage of humanity has made its way into
anony-
mous cities, now that television and computers themselves have
drawn
us into rooms by ourselves. Communication is good.
Communication
without geographical boundaries or extra expense is even better.
And
if you’re not reduced to merely taking in what Leo Tolstoy or
Walter
Cronkite want to tell you, if you can post your own thoughts,
photos,
likes and dislikes out there for anybody interested to see—if
you can,
as we used to say, “interact” —well, that is real added value.
Socializing
without the inconvenience or embarrassment of having to lug
along
your physical body is pretty weird but may have some
advantages, too.
If we are also to use these increasingly powerful and increas-
ingly thin digital devices just to get better access to
information, that’s
also fine. Being awash in knowledge is certainly better than
being
deprived of knowledge. As the price of such devices falls and
access
to them spreads, the latest political, scientific, and medical
informa-
tion is becoming available to people in towns small as well as
large,
in places out of the way as well as in the center of things.
Although
you wouldn’t always know it from our politics, the case can be
made
that we are living through a watershed moment in human
history: the
end of the era of insufficient information. There is no arguing
with the
importance of that.
But this is all—I’ll hazard the word “just” again—an expansion
of the mission of print. Print—joined by the postal service, the
tele-
phone, and television—allowed us to socialize with numerous
folks
(Pierre Bezukhov, Mr. and Mrs. Ramsay, Rachel and Ross) who
are not
Thinking Through Moving Media 1149
physically there. Print—along with the postal service, the
telephone
and television—opened up worlds we could enter without our
bodies.
And print—along with those other forms of communication and
with a
nod, as always, to writing—was once the great information
dispenser,
the great knowledge spreader.
I don’t want to underplay the importance of finishing and
improv-
ing upon print’s mission, but I do think we have a right to
wonder if
improved communication and access to information are really to
be
the great accomplishments of our current communications
revolution,
which, at first glance, looks to be a profound one. Or are we
still miss-
ing something: the true “killer app,” the facilitator of a new way
of
thought?
We can see the beginnings of such a new way of thought, I am
arguing, in Joyce’s writing, in Picasso’s paintings, even in
Einstein’s
and Heisenberg’s physics—in the twentieth century’s encounter
with
the uncertain, the unresolvable, the diverse, the ironic, the
multiper-
spectival. And, I believe, the twenty-first century is bringing
forms of
communication that will help us think such thoughts—think
them
through.
Who’S reAdY For VIrgINIA WoolF?
In the rise of the image the fall of the word (1998), I argue for
the potential,
as yet mostly unexplored, of moving images. My point does not
assume
that we might replace words with a new language of images
(which
was part of what Virginia Woolf imagined in her essay on the
cinema).
Umberto Eco has well demonstrated the persistence and futility
of that
dream (1995: 144–177). Instead, my argument is built upon an
analogy
to the way writing made words into objects, enabling them to be
reor-
ganized in lists, compared, analyzed. Fast-cut moving images, I
suggest,
enable little splinters of the world—things, faces, places,
moments,
tiny scenes—to be converted into objects, objects that can then
be reor-
ganized, compared, analyzed. And such images can easily be
combined
with language.
Splinters of the world in motion, and working together with
words, can more easily explore the ways in which life is
uncertain
1150 social research
and unresolvable. Such splinters and their sidekicks are
unavoidably
diverse, ironic by inclination, and naturally multiperspectival.
And
because they can more easily and more entertainingly convey
concepts
that are not fixed or tied down, they have the ability—once we
master
the art—to help us learn to navigate the uncertain and
unresolvable.
Here again is Virginia Woolf from her essay, imagining a new
cinema:
Then, as smoke pours from Vesuvius, we should be able
to see thought in its wildness, in its beauty, in its oddity,
pouring from men with their elbows on a table; from
women with their little handbags slipping to the floor. We
should see these emotions mingling together and affect-
ing each other. We should see violent changes of emotion
produced by their collision. The most fantastic contrasts
could be flashed before us with a speed which the writer
can only toil after in vain; the dream architecture of arches
and battlements, of cascades falling and fountains rising,
which sometimes visits us in sleep or shapes itself in half-
darkened rooms, could be realized before our waking eyes.
No fantasy could be too far-fetched or insubstantial (Woolf
1926).
Woolf is imagining this in 1926. I had the considerable advan-
tage of writing my book 72 years later. But it was still too
early. The
Web—where it now appears this new cinema is most likely to
flour-
ish—was then still an infant. Moving images, in the intervening
13
years, have indeed become more and more important on the
Web.
But these moving images—on YouTube, for example—have not
much
occupied themselves with Woolf’s “thought in its wildness.”
That is not
surprising. Moving images, which took another large step
backward
after their initial move to television, have taken a step backward
again
in beginning to establish themselves on the Web. Some online
video
seems to have condemned itself to recapitulating the history of
silent
film, as much television initially did. So we are mostly still
stuck in the
Thinking Through Moving Media 1151
pre-Eisenstein stage. Some of those who produce video for the
Web do
not yet seem even to have mastered the power of montage. It is
still
very early.
But the Web is large. Cameras and editing software are getting
cheap. The percentage of the global population in a position to
make
art expands. We have begun to see—in this still very young
medium—
early signs of new and intriguing kinds of communication, of
motion.
For images are not the only entities that can move, when
converted
into bits and subject to the proper software. Their companions
and
ancient competitors, words themselves, can scurry about.
In spoken language, words slither and slide out of our mouths
in all sorts of interesting and fun ways. But in writing, words
have
been bolted into those thin black lines on white pages—unable
to
budge. It had, therefore, never been possible to combine the
cognitive
power of written language with the power of motion. There was
some
evidence that words might be set free in late-twentieth-century
televi-
sion commercials and the work of such directors as Mark
Pellington
for MTV. But online—using the program Flash, for example—
written
words have most definitely been allowed to escape the prison of
the
page and perform all sorts of new tricks: flying here and there,
chang-
ing color, morphing into each other. This is something new in
the
history of human communication.
Isn’t this dynamic language what twentieth-century poets like e.
e. cummings were reaching for, if not prophesying? Doesn’t this
mix of
moving images and moving words—moving media—give us a
chance
finally to capture the whirls, rushes, and eddies of our thoughts
in a
way that is not at all a chore to follow? Moving media may be
at their
most entertaining when they flit and flux. Don’t these signifiers
in
motion offer us a chance to look at a face, at a scene, at an issue
from
many sides at once?
The case can be made that we are searching, as we enter this
new century, for a new philosophy: that we need to think
through how
our identities now often seem to shift with our surroundings,
with our
wardrobes; that we need to understand the way we modulate
irony to
signify varying degrees of seriousness; that we need to consider
the
1152 social research
way we dance in and out of belief. How hard it is to approach
these
ideas with words or images that just sit there on the page or
screen.
How much more effectively they might be approached with
words and
images that themselves can shift, dance, and modulate. The
wanted
form of communication, from this perspective, is not Wikipedia,
Google, Facebook, the iPhone, the iPad, or Twitter—any more
than it
was MS-DOS, Excel, Word, Windows, or the Huffington Post.
Our chance
to gain “wisdom” that “once” we “could not think,” if this
analysis is at
all correct, rests with moving media.
Technologically, it gets easier and easier. The exertions
necessary
to think such thoughts come naturally, it turns out, to digital
media.
Indeed, all the necessary kinds of movement can be found today
in one
corner of the Web or another.2 But our current “sites,” “pages,”
and
little television screens may not be sufficient to contain these
essays in
motion. We may need forms that do for moving media what the
news-
paper and the novel did for print.
If this indeed is where the more radical phalanxes of this
commu-
nications revolution are heading, there may indeed be plenty
about
which our equivalent of bearded old men might grumble:
enlighten-
ing but unfamiliar and perhaps disturbing forms, enlightening
but
unfamiliar, and perhaps disturbing thoughts: disposed to
undercut our
certainties, our senses of identity, that which we take seriously
and our
beliefs—or what is left of our certainties, identities,
seriousness, and
beliefs. For more than a century after film brought us the first
moving
media, decades after the first stirrings of digital media, this
would be
something new. And enlightening and disturbing are what new
forms
of communication do.
NoTeS
1. My reading of this classic passage from the Phaedrus has
been
informed by Derrida (1972: 75–134).
2. See, for some quick examples, the work of Billy Collins and
Julian Grey/Head Gear <http://www.bcactionpoet.org/budapest.
html>; Steven Johnson and RSA animate <http://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=NugRZGDbPFU>; Craig Stephen <http://vimeo.
Thinking Through Moving Media 1153
com/3070130>; Will Herrmann and Benjamin Zephaniah
<http://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=IL8jYA8Ho1U>; Chris Milk
<http://www.
thewildernessdowntown.com/>; and Sir Moving Images <http://
vimeo.com/7062481>.
reFereNceS
Braudel, Fernand. The Structures of Everyday Life: Civilization
and Capitalism,
15th–18th Century. Volume 1. New York: HarperCollins, 1984.
Carr, Nicholas. “Is Google Making Us Stupid?” Atlantic
(July/August 2008).
Derrida, Jacques. Dissemination. Trans. Barbara Johnson.
Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1972.
Eco, Umberto. The Search for the Perfect Language. Trans.
James Fentress.
Oxford: Blackwell, 1995.
Garber, Megan. “Hardball: A Veteran Sports Columnist Meets—
and
Shrugs Off—Internet Outrage.” Columbia Journalism Review
(January
9, 2009).
Hulse, James W. The Reputations of Socrates. Vol. 23. New
York: Peter Lang,
1995.
Keller, Bill. “The Twitter Trap.” New York Times Magazine
(May 18, 2011).
McLuhan, Marshall, Eric McLuhan, and Frank Zingrone.
Essential McLuhan.
New York: Basic Books, 1995.
Parker, Meg. Socrates: The Wisest and Most Just? Cambridge:
Cambridge
University Press, 1979.
Plato. Laches. Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. 1955
<http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/
hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0176%3Atext%3
DLac
h.%3Asection%3D187e>.
———. Euthyphro, Apology, Crito. Trans. F. J. Church.
Indianapolis: Bobbs-
Merrill, 1956.
———. Phaedrus. Trans. W. C. Helmbold and W. G.
Rabinowitz.
Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1956.
———. Charmides, or Temperance. Trans. Benjamin Jowett.
2009 <http://
classics.mit.edu/Plato/charmides.html>.
Rosen, Jay. “The ‘Twitter Can’t Topple Dictators’ Article.”
Press Think
(February 13, 2011) <http://pressthink.org/2011/02/the-twitter-
cant-topple-dictators-article/>.
1154 social research
Stephens, Mitchell. the rise of the image the fall of the word.
New York: Oxford
University Press, 1998.
———. A History of News. Third ed. New York: Oxford
University Press,
2007.
———. “The Case for Wisdom Journalism—and for Journalists
Surrendering the Pursuit of News.” Daedalus (Spring 2010).
Tanakh: The Holy Scriptures, The New JPS Translation
According to the Traditional
Hebrew Text. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1985.
Woolf, Virginia. “The Cinema.” 1926 <http://www.woolfonline.
com/?q=essays/cinema/full>.
arien mack, Alfred and Monette Marrow
Professor of Psychology at the New
School for Social Research, has authored
or coauthored more than 60 articles on
visual perception as well as the book
Inattentional Blindness (with Rock, 1998).
She has been the editor of Social Research
since 1970.
birgit meyer is Professor of Religious
Studies at Utrecht University. As an
anthropologist of religion, she works
on African Christianity; Pentecostal
churches; religion, media, and the public
sphere; and (audio)visual culture, aesthet-
ics, and the senses. She is coeditor of
Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art,
and Belief.
nicholas mirzoeff, Professor of Media,
Culture and Communication at New York
University, works in the field of visual
culture and is collaborating with the
not-for-profit Islands First on a project
concerning the visual culture of climate
change. He is the author of The Right to
Look: A Counterhistory of Visuality (2010).
mitchell stephens, Professor of
Journalism and Mass Communication at
New York University, is the author, most
recently, of the rise of the image the fall of the
word (1998). His book, A History of News
(1988, 1996), has been translated into
four languages and was a New York Times
“Notable Book of the Year.”
mckenzie wark is Associate Professor
and Chair of Culture and Media, Eugene
Lang College The New School. His publi-
cations include A Hacker Manifesto (2004)
and Dispositions (2002).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further
reproduction prohibited without permission.
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  • 1. Mitchell Stephens Thinking Through Moving Media social research Vol. 78 : No. 4 : Winter 2011 1133 WhAT reVoluTIoN IS IT, ANYWAY? That we are in the midst of a major communications revolution is hard to miss nowadays. Individuals who only had a decade or so to get used to sitting at their desks and accessing an overwhelming collection of information, products, news, and entertainment can now sit in a restaurant and involve themselves in what has grown to include much of the world’s available supply of information, products, news, enter- tainment, and people. We have begun to divert ourselves, socialize with each other, educate ourselves, and update ourselves in ways that did
  • 2. not exist when anyone over 20 today was born. Our old communica- tions machines—typewriters, music discs, film, landline telephones, wireless transmitters, and the printing press—have been overthrown or are tottering. But what exactly is perpetrating this revolution? There are many candidates for the “invention” of our time—the one that seems to have pressed the “refresh” button on a significant stretch of human culture. What was the key breakthrough? Was it the computer, the personal computer, the Internet, the World Wide Web, Google, the smart phone, or perhaps even Facebook? Or was it the digital coding of information in general that has been leading us into a new era? This essay will employ a historical perspective in an attempt to sort out some of these contributions and it will propose
  • 3. that the truly revolutionary invention of our time may turn out to be none of the above. Instead, it may prove to be an invention with older roots: the moving image and its younger companion, the moving word. 1134 social research Looking back it is not difficult to see the vast transformative power of writing and print. But what is our communications revolution doing to us? Certainly, it is—as did writing and print—radically easing our access to information. Certainly, it has—as did writing and print— made possible entrancing new ways for us to communicate with and entertain each other. Certainly, it is in the process of eradicating—as writing and print began to do—geographical and financial boundaries to information and communication.
  • 4. But my thesis is that this communications revolution, like those led by writing and print, will have a more profound effect, a more thoroughly revolutionary effect, than merely facilitating our access to wisdom, diversions, or each other. This essay will argue that this communications revolution in its most radical manifestations will help us develop new ways of thinking. What are those radical manifestations? One way of approaching that question is to consider the curious incident of the old men in the beginning of the twenty-first century. The old MeN Who dIdN’T gruMble New communications technologies inspire complaints. Usually the attacks are launched by those most attached to the old communica- tions technology, those whose power, indeed, rests on the old technol- ogy. For most of history that has meant that most such
  • 5. complaints have emanated from old men. The classic example is to be found in Plato’s Phaedrus (1956). Here a nested series of bearded old men—Plato writing about Socrates, who claims to be quoting an Egyptian king, Thamus—participate in a take- down of writing as not producing “wisdom” but “only a semblance of it,” not “wide knowledge” but only “the delusion” of having it. Writing, for these men, is illegitimate, a “bastard,” because it escapes its “father.” Meanwhile, the established and threatened form of commu- nication—a conversation “under a teacher’s instruction,” under an old man’s instruction—is celebrated as “a discourse inscribed with genuine knowledge in the soul of learner.” As is often the case with old men Thinking Through Moving Media 1135
  • 6. grumbling, this epistemological critique barely conceals concerns about etiquette and power: a piece of writing, Plato has Socrates warn, is capable of “falling into the hands of those who have no concern with it . . . it has no notion of whom to address or whom to avoid” (68–69). Many passages in the Bible—which, of course, is chockablock with bearded old men—can be read as devaluing a then still relatively new technology—though not a communications technology: agricul- ture. Note the many times characters, seeking spiritual renewal, return to the “wilderness.” This, for example, from Exodus: “They turned toward the wilderness, and there, in a cloud appeared the Presence of the Lord.” And, on the face of it, the second commandment, as revealed in Exodus, is not just an attack on a still relatively new communications
  • 7. technology; it is an explicit and unambiguous prohibition of it: “You shall not make for yourself a sculptured image, or any likeness of what is in the heavens above, or on the earth below or in the waters under the earth” (Tanakh 1985: 110, 115). Few technologies have inspired as much grumbling, in their extended youths, as print. Pope dismissed “[p]rinting as a scourge for the sins of the learned.” Near the end of War and Peace, Leo Tolstoy calls “the dissemination of printed matter” the “most powerful of igno- rance’s weapons.” In my book, the rise of the image the fall of the word, I collect numer- ous examples of similar grumbling by old men, with or without beards: against opera (“chromatic tortures,” it was dubbed in eighteenth- century England), against theater (“the sewer in which the rebellious
  • 8. vices exhaust themselves,” proclaimed Ralph Waldo Emerson), against radio (“has means of appealing to the lower nerve centers and of creat- ing emotions which the hearer mistakes for thoughts”) and even against the pencil with an eraser when that was new (“It might almost be laid down as a general law that the easier errors may be corrected, the more errors will be made” [1998: 31–5]). By the 1980s, women certainly had won the right to have their grumbling heard: Tipper Gore’s campaign against violent or sexual music lyrics or videos, under the aegis of the Parents Music Resource 1136 social research Center, is an example. And those of us currently becoming old will remember the unisex and almost universal grumbling that greeted television: “pablum,” “the boob tube,” “the idiot box,” “a vast waste-
  • 9. land,” which was “turning brains to mush” (Stephens 1998: 27, 31–36). There’s a cycle to this, and it always ends the same: once a form of communication is itself threatened by a powerful and even newer form, the grumbling about it stops. After the arrival of TV, it is very difficult to find Pope-like or Tolstoy-like critiques of print. And even the chorus of complaints against television now seems suddenly to be quieting. My book was written in 1998, before the Internet had begun to display its powers, so it did not deal with a curiosity in regard to our current communications revolution: the fact that old men and women have not been emitting all that much grumbling. Yes, some excep- tions have been taken: op-ed pages and the Web itself have featured a few attempts, for example, to rebut the argument that the success-
  • 10. ful protests against the regime of President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt can be credited entirely to social media, though the arguments they were rebutting, giving social media that much credit, proved difficult to locate (Rosen 2011). Bill Keller, the former executive editor of the New York Times, is among those who have made clear that he is a Twitter skeptic: “the enemy of contemplation,” he calls it, adding the hardly controversial charge that Twitter is “ephemeral.” Keller also quotes the novelist Meg Wolitzer describing today’s technology- suckled high- schoolers as “The generation that had information, but no context. Butter, but no bread. Craving, but no longing” (Keller 2011). Similarly, there are plenty of examples of the affection for forms like printed books (oh the smell!) or newspapers (. . . with a cup of coffee in the morning . . .) that one would expect to accompany
  • 11. their gradual demise: “Newspapers dig up the news,” insists John. S. Carroll, former editor of the Los Angeles Times. “Others”— presumably bloggers and websites like Huffington Post—“repackage it” (Stephens 2010). However, old-fashioned, decline-of-civilization grumbling— “semblance,” “bastard,” “you shall not,” “scourge,” “ignorance’s weap- ons,” “tortures,” “sewer”—has been conspicuous in its absence. Keller, Thinking Through Moving Media 1137 for example, though well positioned for the role of prophet of doom, not only is temperate, even whimsical, in his critique but goes out of his way to list good points of social media. Yes, you can find more heated criticism if you look hard enough. The Web is so capacious that just about everything gets said there
  • 12. sometime by someone. (I was even able to locate one 70-year- old retired sportswriter in Arizona, who had just been criticized on the Internet, proclaiming: “The Internet is like a sewer” [Garber 2009]). Still, the curi- ous fact is this: our old men and women, at least those who can manage a touch screen, seem reasonably fond of a lot of what appears on such screens. Is there something about this communications revolution that has caused them to surrender their historical role? SeTTINg cIcero IN TYpe Among Marshall McLuhan’s more interesting and more reliable points is the observation that “the ‘content’ of any medium is always another medium.” He explains that “the content of writing is speech, just as the written word is the content of print” (1995: 151). Each new medium “imitates,” as McLuhan did not quite say, a medium that came
  • 13. before. Plato, the point is, wrote dialogues. And early printers simply set old handwritten manuscripts in type. By the year 1500—in the first half- century of printing, in other words—317 different printed editions of Cicero, who had been dead for a millennium and a half, appeared in Europe (Stephens 1998: 47). A new medium must, of course, add something of value; other- wise, no one would bother. Printing enabled hundreds of copies of each of those editions of Cicero to disburse themselves across the continent. But there was little to distinguish the copies themselves from their handwritten model: they were printed in a black typeface intended to mimic the script used by copyists, and they lacked such amenities as tables of content, indexes, title pages, Arabic page numbers, and stan-
  • 14. dardized spellings. What McLuhan fails to note in his formula is that the “content” of a new medium does not remain a previous medium. Media do eventually 1138 social research stop imitating. They eventually acquire their own varieties of content, finding in the process new ways of justifying their existence. Reprints of Cicero would eventually be nudged aside in Europe and its colonies by two mostly new forms: the printed newspaper and the novel. Those tables of content, indexes, title pages, Arabic page numbers, standard- ized spellings and more legible typefaces all also arrived, for the most part, after the printed book and periodical. But this process of figur- ing out new, original forms to exploit the considerable potential of a
  • 15. new medium inevitably takes a while. The first printed newspaper and the first printed novel appeared in Europe a century and a half after Gutenberg. Usually, the more imitative the content the less old men grum- ble. Pope had nothing against reprints of the “Ancients”; it was all that new stuff from the “Moderns” that was scourging the “learned” for their “sins.” Movies had an early burst of respectability when—in a movement called film d’art, begun in Paris in 1908—their imitation of theater grew most reverent and their choice of plays at which to aim a camera grew most refined. Even television, that most grumbled about of media, managed to please the critics and even be accorded a “golden age” when for a few years in the 1950s it began broadcasting live plays. Is the reason we are not hearing more grumbling about the
  • 16. Internet and its cousins because we are still in the setting- Cicero-in- type phase—the film-d’art phase, the showing-live-plays-on-TV phase? Our digital gizmos seem to possess all the glamour and impudence we associate with the cutting edge. It is hard to think of them as imitat- ing. But all new forms of communication once seemed poised on the cutting edge. And all new forms of communication have imitated. Somewhere in every one of our smart devices—from laptop to iPhone to iPad—is something that serves as a keyboard: a reworking of the typewriter. The “graphical user interface” on our various screens has featured the accouterments of desktops: files, scissors, a clip- board—another form of imitation (a “metaphor,” it was initially called). The Web has organized itself into “sites,” as if pretending to be a neigh- borhood filled with shops. Email is, to say the obvious,
  • 17. imitation mail— Thinking Through Moving Media 1139 super-swift, super-convenient mail. Instant messages and texts are even swifter mail. YouTube places a miniature TV screen on our computer, smart phone, or tablet screens. Blogs look a lot like journals or diaries, turned upside down. Facebook, too, has diary-like elements, as well as scrapbook-like elements and letter- or telegram-like elements. We use Twitter to “curate”—to direct each other to attractive songs, videos, and writings in this world full of wonders, this world-become- museum. We use Twitter, too—along with all those swift messages, texts, and scrawlings on Facebook “walls”—to engage in what once might have been called “chitchat.” But the earlier form of communication that has
  • 18. probably been most imitated on Web, smart phone, and tablet “pages” has been old, respectable, and endangered print. Most news sites online are essentially tables of content, which justify their existence with one impressive addition: the ability to skip instantly to any story listed or previewed there. Commercial websites mimic the printed catalog—with, again, that remarkable ability to hop, step, and jump. Wikipedia is, of course, a version of another form origi- nal to print, which first appeared in Paris in the eighteenth century: the encyclopedia—though one of unprecedented size, composed by an unprecedented number of authors. Spell check, track changes, those hundreds of fonts, the great convenience of the online dictionary and the online thesaurus—this is print that has died and gone to heaven. And Google, with its sleek, minimalist design; Google, this newly
  • 19. minted verb; Google, which appears for the moment to have placed itself at the heart of this communications revolution; Google, which increasingly looks like a compendium of all the world’s knowledge; Google is what? I think it is pretty clear that this “search engine” is just a version of the original search facilitator—the index that eventually started appearing at the back of printed books. Google, in its magnifi- cence, is a universal index. In 2008 the Atlantic did have a go at grumbling about Google. Nicholas Carr, though not even 50 at the time, undertook the chal- lenge, falling back, notwithstanding some perfunctory nods in the direction of cognitive science, upon the same sort of critique that has 1140 social research
  • 20. been leveled against all media that are more efficient than their prede- cessors: that too easy and too fast threaten to make us lazy, skittish, and superficial. Google, Carr fretted, is “chipping away” at the “capacity for concentration and contemplation” (Carr 2008). But Carr’s effort, too, is halfhearted: he admits that he might be a “worrywart” and acknowledges the limits of his own argument by noting that there were similar critiques of writing and print. The truth is that it is hard even for middle-aged or old men and women not to be impressed with the dozen or so fine answers, along with 41,700,000 other mostly useless answers, you can get in .26 seconds in response to a Google query. Given the number of crotchety critics wandering the planet these days and their propensity for working themselves into a lather about anything from a video to a vaccine, Google and company
  • 21. have gotten off remarkably easy. The phrasing I have leaned upon in this article is borrowed from Sherlock Holmes, of course—speaking in Arthur Conan Doyle’s story, “The Adventure of Silver Blaze.” The great detective deduces from a dog’s “curious” failure to bark in the night that the animal must have been familiar with the perpetrator. Our old men and women, I am arguing, are relatively content with so much that is happening in our new media because they are familiar with it, because it has so much in common with their beloved print. So far. “ANoTher TIMe, TheN, SocrATeS” Socrates might not have been the fellow you wanted to encounter as you went about your business in fifth century BCE Athens. The old philosopher was a great enthusiast, of course, of discourse—
  • 22. arguably the most important proponent of this form of communication the world has seen. But he had an odd way of going about a conversation. If Plato’s dialogues can be taken as an accurate reflection of Socrates’ conversation, we know that he could upon occasion simply tell and hear news. In the Charmides, Socrates, having returned from a battle, goes to a gymnasium, which, in Benjamin Jowett’s translation, Thinking Through Moving Media 1141 he describes as one of his “old haunts.” The friends who greet him ask for “the story” of that battle, and Socrates dutifully provides “the news from the army” and answers their questions. Socrates, in turn, proceeds to ask them “about matters at home.” The matter in which he seems most interested: “whether any of” the young men are “remarkable for
  • 23. wisdom or beauty, or both.” But Socrates, in Plato’s account, does not indulge in news or gossip for long. The young man who seems most to excel in beauty, and perhaps also wisdom, Charmides, sits down besides the old philosopher at that gymnasium, and soon Socrates, as is his wont, has confronted him with a philosophic question: “what, in your opinion, is temperance (sophrosyne)?” Charmides answers: “quietness.” Socrates demonstrates at some length that “quickness and cleverness” are better than “quiet- ness.” Charmides then proposes “modesty” as his definition of “temper- ance.” Socrates, with help from Homer, dismisses that suggestion, too. In taking on the young man’s next attempt at a definition, Socrates also ends up taking on Critias, Charmides’ older “guardian and cousin.” Indeed, Socrates interrogates Critias, his friend and student,
  • 24. with such vehemence, that Critias accuses him of merely “trying to refute me, instead of pursuing the argument.” Socrates doesn’t dispute the accusation: “And what if I am?” (Plato, Charmides) To engage in a conversation with Socrates—whose name appears in many definitions of irony—is to have your words turned inside out and against each other. “Whatever statement we put forward always somehow moves round in a circle, and will not stay where we put it,” complains Euthyphro, another young man who has fallen into a conver- sation with Socrates. (Plato, Euthyphro: 13). One learns. Charmides certainly learns, though they never do settle on a definition of temper- ance. Euthyphro has much to learn. But talking with Socarates offers quite a different experience than most residents of Athens or anywhere else expect from a conversa-
  • 25. tion. He rarely shot the breeze. He engaged in few pleasantries. Instead, he jumped on contradictions. He bore in. He mocked. He tore apart. This description, which echoes that of Euthyphro, is from Plato’s Laches: 1142 social research Whoever comes into close contact with Socrates and has any talk with him face to face, is bound to be drawn round and round by him in the course of the argument—though it may have started at first on a quite different theme— and cannot stop until he is led into giving an account of himself, of the manner in which he now spends his days, and of the kind of life he has lived hitherto; and when once he has been led into that, Socrates will never let him go until he has thoroughly and properly put all his ways to the test (Plato, Laches: 187e). Socrates is certainly aware that he can be a handful: “All day long
  • 26. and in all places [I] am always fastening upon you, arousing and persuad- ing and reproaching you. You will not easily find another like me. . .” (Hulse 1995: 21). There is something intemperate, if you will, about the way Socrates converses. Alcibiades acknowledges that often “I act like a runaway slave and keep out of his way” (Parker 1979: 14). Euthyphro eventually unfastens himself, “Another time, then, Socrates. I am in a hurry now. . .” (Plato, Euthyphro: 20). I want to argue that there is a larger explanation for Socrates’ odd and difficult conversation, that it was not just due to this singular man’s odd and difficult personality—or, as Plato would have us believe, his exalted ethical standards. My point is that thought in fifth- century BCE Athens—the kind of thought that Socrates exemplified—was outgrow-
  • 27. ing the oral tradition, outgrowing mere conversation. It was a kind of thought formed, in part, by writing—or, more precisely, by a kind of proto-writing. Socrates, as was typical of Athens’ free-born males, was literate. Indeed, Greece, where vowels were first added to the alpha- bet, was the first country to have widespread literacy (for free- born males). And writing, thinkers two and half millennia later have come to believe, encourages analysis (including ethical analysis), encourages turning ideas inside out and against each other. But unlike his contemporary, Thucydides; his student, Plato; or Plato’s student, Aristotle; Socrates did not write out his thoughts. Thinking Through Moving Media 1143 Instead, he tried to force literate ways of thinking into an earlier form of communication. It was a sometimes awkward attempt, requiring
  • 28. “fasten- ing on,” full of “arousing and persuading and reproaching,” not always welcome: “Another time, then, Socrates.” It left the old philosopher suffi- ciently unpopular that a majority of his fellow citizens voted that he be executed. (It didn’t help that his students Critias and Charmides proved intemperate, vicious actually, when they imposed an oligarchy on Athens.) Socrates was in no position to understand that he was asking too much of discourse. But the thoughts in Socrates’ conversation— despite his reverence for discourse—were looking for another medium in which to express themselves. They were looking for writing. “No innovation,” writes the French historian Fernand Braudel, “has any value except in relation to the social pressure which main- tains and imposes it.” (1984: 431) Here I am talking about an intellec-
  • 29. tual pressure—the pressure to analyze—that flowed from, imposed, and then maintained this astoundingly powerful innovation: writing. With Thucydides, Plato and, in particular, Aristotle—with writing—the Greeks obtained, to take out of context a line from Shelley in Prometheus Unbound, “wisdom” that “once they could not think.” A beTTer gAzeTTA Eventually, there would be an even newer wisdom for humankind to begin trying to think. In due time (a couple of millennia), a new kind of thought began to push up against the limits of writing. I will try to make this point with regard to my research on journalism. By 1566 a newssheet was being distributed, weekly, in Venice. I found copies hidden among diplomatic letters in London. It was called, among other names, the gazetta, which may have been the name of the coin for which it sold: hence, the title of so many of the world’s
  • 30. newspa- pers; hence, the Russian word for newspaper. And since the European newspaper has spread around the world, and since the European news- paper descends from these Venetian news sheets, every newspaper in the world today has DNA that can be traced to 1566 in Venice (Stephens 2007: 133–139). 1144 social research Where was the new thought here? With weekly and therefore more established and dependable distribution of news, a mostly new political force was being created: a public, increasingly as informed on events as its leaders. And this public was gaining an increasingly comprehensive and reliable view of the world as a well-lit, comprehen- sible place—the stage upon which a series of discrete but connected
  • 31. events, a week’s news events, occurred. This way of thought came, in part, from printing—or, again more precisely, a proto-printing. The letterpress had arrived in Venice almost a century earlier. Literacy was on the rise, now that there were so many more books around to read. And all those reprints of Cicero and his contemporaries, as they were imbibed by Europe’s literate, were beginning to increase the continent’s knowledge levels. One-shot printed newsbooks and news ballads had also been appearing, featur- ing glimpses, however incomprehensive and unreliable, of events far away. Copies of Columbus’s own letters on his discoveries had even begun appearing, shortly after his return in 1493, in multiple editions across the continent. The flow of news and ideas had been increasing in volume and speed.
  • 32. But those 1566 Venetian news sheets were not printed. Each copy was handwritten. This comprehensive and reliable view of the world could only display itself, consequently, in some hundreds of copies. Given limits in distribution, the public in question was so small it barely deserved the name. And this comprehensible and reliable view of the world had to pass through the hands of slow and potentially inac- curate copyists. The kind of thinking exemplified by the gazetta, in other words, was not well served by the gazetta. This way of thought was pushing past, through, beyond the limitations of the handwritten. And some other new—and connected—religious, scientific, geographic, mercan- tile, and literary worldviews were also bumping up against those limi- tations in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe. They each
  • 33. had their own dissatisfactions with writing. Scientists, for example, needed more regular and reliable information on new discoveries than even the most industrious letter writers could provide; merchants—at least Thinking Through Moving Media 1145 those not wealthy enough to hire their own correspondents— needed better information on events that might influence markets. They, too, required a new form of communication to illuminate, examine and sustain the new rounder, plainer, more realistic, more knowable world they were espousing. The wanted form of communication began to arrive when the printing press turned away from reprints of Cicero and began devot- ing itself to forms that made better use of its capabilities. As Socrates’
  • 34. way of thinking began to find its true home in the writings of Plato, the worldview initially inscribed in the gazetta began to find its true home with the appearance of the world’s first printed weekly in Strasbourg in 1605. Don Quixote also appears in 1605. A way of thought was facilitated by the new newspaper, the new novel, the new scientific journal (later in that century). It became a dominant way of thought in Europe and America up until the twentieth century. eISeNSTeIN MeeTS joYce IN pArIS One way of looking at twentieth-century thought—and I belatedly apologize for skipping so blithely over centuries and philosophies—is as a rebellion against the well-lit, comprehensive, reliable, comprehen- sible worldview that had long been promulgated by the printing press and the periodical. It was too static, too rigid, too narrow, too
  • 35. certain, too “linear,” to borrow a term from Marshall McLuhan: one point after another, one point leads to another. Cubism, abstract art, futurism, dada, stream of consciousness, pop art, op art, postmodernism, and their various cousins helped lead this rebellion. Their revolutionary ways of looking at the world came, in part, from the arrival of a new form of communication on the cusp of this new century: early film—or, to use the vocabulary introduced here, proto-moving media. For early film was fluid, jumpy, capable of cutting in and out, and inevitably self-conscious about its perspectives. Just before she drafted the remarkable modernist middle section of To the Lighthouse in the spring of 1926, Virginia Woolf composed a short essay on “the Cinema.” The words and phrases she uses to describe this new
  • 36. medium and its potential are revealing, for they are words and phrases 1146 social research of modernism: “burgeons, bulges, quivers, disappears”; “speed and slowness; dartlike directness and vaporous circumlocution”; “violent changes of emotion”; “thought in its wildness”; “collision”; “cascades”; “the chaos of the streets” (Woolf 1926). But cinema, as is typical, was slow to understand and express its new powers. It had taken years for the close-up to be accepted. It had taken years for parallel editing to be accepted. It had taken years to overcome the impulse to imitate theater sufficiently so that the camera could wander beyond “the best seat in the house.” The most adventur- ous silent filmmakers, such as Sergei Eisenstein, eventually managed
  • 37. to fill screens with some of Woolf ’s “quivers, “dartlike directness,” “violent changes of emotion,” “collision,” “cascades” and “chaos.” Eisenstein made the Battleship Potemkin in 1925. But in the world of moving images, a technological step forward is inevitably followed by an artistic step back: the arrival of sound in 1927 led to more sluggish camera work and more filmed plays. We tend to conclude that new forms of communication are more mature than they really are. Virginia Woolf thought that of film: “For a strange thing has happened,” she writes in that essay, “— while all the other arts were born naked, this, the youngest, has been born fully clothed. It can say everything before it has anything to say” (Woolf 1926). Woolf was wrong to assume some sort of precocious wisdom on how film might best communicate but right about its struggle to figure
  • 38. out what it might communicate. Both efforts continue today. Film, like all new media, was born naked. The revolutionary perspectives that were inspired, I am arguing, in part by film were most often realized, instead, on the painted canvas or the printed page. Twentieth-century literature, art, philosophy, and (I add with less confidence) physics can be seen as attempts, often not conscious, to escape the rigidity of the canvas or page—to escape their frustrating, infuriating regularity, clarity, and flatness. These white rectangles had once provided a bright, even brilliant stage for the most real, most exotic dramas, but the page, the canvas had now begun to seem too predictable, too sluggish, too confining, too stiffly realistic, too brashly knowing to really know. Yet cubism, abstract art, futurism,
  • 39. Thinking Through Moving Media 1147 dada, stream of consciousness, pop art, op art, postmodernism, and all the rest of the twentieth-century rebellions were launched on the same canvases and pages they were trying to overthrow. And the results—like Socrates’ conversation, like the handwrit- ten gazetta—often proved less than satisfying. How to say this without sounding like a philistine? Despite its manifold insights and splendors, twentieth-century art still sometimes looks like attempts, shall we say, at a new way of looking at the world, not like that new way of looking at the world itself. Twentieth-century literature as it dances and dwells, veers and sputters, displays no shortage of beauties. However, in strain- ing to burrow back into the mostly unexamined flit and flux of our thoughts, it has sometimes tended—again, no disrespect intended—to
  • 40. be a little too unsteady, unmoored, and agitated to be enjoyably read: another time, then, Finnegans Wake. It is possible to look upon twenti- eth-century thought as not yet having found its medium. In 1929 in Paris, James Joyce meets Sergei Eisenstein—an early partisan of and wizard of montage, among the most radical of cine- matic techniques. Joyce’s sight has deteriorated by then, but he and Eisenstein discuss a joint project: a film. One hopes—I have located no report on what sort of film they had in mind—that Joyce and Eisenstein sensed that film was the natural home for the stream of consciousness: consciousness being, to say the obvious, full of sights and sounds, as well as run-on sentences. One hopes they understood that what Woolf called “thought in its wildness” might best be captured in a medium that was not static, narrow, regular, or rigid. Joyce and
  • 41. Eisenstein never made their film. Others, of course, have tried recreating the stream of consciousness in moving images—with varying degrees of success. But maybe this latest revolution in thought is still in the process of learning to express itself. After all, the great triumphs of print—the Encyclopédie, the Enlightenment itself, Tolstoy himself—did not arrive for centuries after print’s invention. Maybe the struggle against the immobile, the certain, the linear still has decades to go, even centuries to go. Maybe this struggle has outlived modernism and postmodernism and is still with us in the mostly unnamed movements of culture and thought of this new of century. 1148 social research But do we possess, as we engage in this great cultural and phil-
  • 42. osophic undertaking, that most valuable and necessary of tools: the appropriate form of communication? dISeNTANglINg The Web If computers, smart phones, and whatever other devices Apple designs for us are to be used just so we can better communicate with each other—hundreds of each others; all around the world; sharing thoughts; photos, likes and dislikes; “friending”; online dating; well, that’s fine. The old ways of socializing have faded considerably now that such a large percentage of humanity has made its way into anony- mous cities, now that television and computers themselves have drawn us into rooms by ourselves. Communication is good. Communication without geographical boundaries or extra expense is even better. And if you’re not reduced to merely taking in what Leo Tolstoy or Walter
  • 43. Cronkite want to tell you, if you can post your own thoughts, photos, likes and dislikes out there for anybody interested to see—if you can, as we used to say, “interact” —well, that is real added value. Socializing without the inconvenience or embarrassment of having to lug along your physical body is pretty weird but may have some advantages, too. If we are also to use these increasingly powerful and increas- ingly thin digital devices just to get better access to information, that’s also fine. Being awash in knowledge is certainly better than being deprived of knowledge. As the price of such devices falls and access to them spreads, the latest political, scientific, and medical informa- tion is becoming available to people in towns small as well as large, in places out of the way as well as in the center of things. Although
  • 44. you wouldn’t always know it from our politics, the case can be made that we are living through a watershed moment in human history: the end of the era of insufficient information. There is no arguing with the importance of that. But this is all—I’ll hazard the word “just” again—an expansion of the mission of print. Print—joined by the postal service, the tele- phone, and television—allowed us to socialize with numerous folks (Pierre Bezukhov, Mr. and Mrs. Ramsay, Rachel and Ross) who are not Thinking Through Moving Media 1149 physically there. Print—along with the postal service, the telephone and television—opened up worlds we could enter without our bodies. And print—along with those other forms of communication and with a nod, as always, to writing—was once the great information
  • 45. dispenser, the great knowledge spreader. I don’t want to underplay the importance of finishing and improv- ing upon print’s mission, but I do think we have a right to wonder if improved communication and access to information are really to be the great accomplishments of our current communications revolution, which, at first glance, looks to be a profound one. Or are we still miss- ing something: the true “killer app,” the facilitator of a new way of thought? We can see the beginnings of such a new way of thought, I am arguing, in Joyce’s writing, in Picasso’s paintings, even in Einstein’s and Heisenberg’s physics—in the twentieth century’s encounter with the uncertain, the unresolvable, the diverse, the ironic, the multiper- spectival. And, I believe, the twenty-first century is bringing
  • 46. forms of communication that will help us think such thoughts—think them through. Who’S reAdY For VIrgINIA WoolF? In the rise of the image the fall of the word (1998), I argue for the potential, as yet mostly unexplored, of moving images. My point does not assume that we might replace words with a new language of images (which was part of what Virginia Woolf imagined in her essay on the cinema). Umberto Eco has well demonstrated the persistence and futility of that dream (1995: 144–177). Instead, my argument is built upon an analogy to the way writing made words into objects, enabling them to be reor- ganized in lists, compared, analyzed. Fast-cut moving images, I suggest, enable little splinters of the world—things, faces, places, moments,
  • 47. tiny scenes—to be converted into objects, objects that can then be reor- ganized, compared, analyzed. And such images can easily be combined with language. Splinters of the world in motion, and working together with words, can more easily explore the ways in which life is uncertain 1150 social research and unresolvable. Such splinters and their sidekicks are unavoidably diverse, ironic by inclination, and naturally multiperspectival. And because they can more easily and more entertainingly convey concepts that are not fixed or tied down, they have the ability—once we master the art—to help us learn to navigate the uncertain and unresolvable. Here again is Virginia Woolf from her essay, imagining a new cinema:
  • 48. Then, as smoke pours from Vesuvius, we should be able to see thought in its wildness, in its beauty, in its oddity, pouring from men with their elbows on a table; from women with their little handbags slipping to the floor. We should see these emotions mingling together and affect- ing each other. We should see violent changes of emotion produced by their collision. The most fantastic contrasts could be flashed before us with a speed which the writer can only toil after in vain; the dream architecture of arches and battlements, of cascades falling and fountains rising, which sometimes visits us in sleep or shapes itself in half- darkened rooms, could be realized before our waking eyes. No fantasy could be too far-fetched or insubstantial (Woolf 1926). Woolf is imagining this in 1926. I had the considerable advan- tage of writing my book 72 years later. But it was still too early. The Web—where it now appears this new cinema is most likely to flour-
  • 49. ish—was then still an infant. Moving images, in the intervening 13 years, have indeed become more and more important on the Web. But these moving images—on YouTube, for example—have not much occupied themselves with Woolf’s “thought in its wildness.” That is not surprising. Moving images, which took another large step backward after their initial move to television, have taken a step backward again in beginning to establish themselves on the Web. Some online video seems to have condemned itself to recapitulating the history of silent film, as much television initially did. So we are mostly still stuck in the Thinking Through Moving Media 1151 pre-Eisenstein stage. Some of those who produce video for the Web do not yet seem even to have mastered the power of montage. It is still
  • 50. very early. But the Web is large. Cameras and editing software are getting cheap. The percentage of the global population in a position to make art expands. We have begun to see—in this still very young medium— early signs of new and intriguing kinds of communication, of motion. For images are not the only entities that can move, when converted into bits and subject to the proper software. Their companions and ancient competitors, words themselves, can scurry about. In spoken language, words slither and slide out of our mouths in all sorts of interesting and fun ways. But in writing, words have been bolted into those thin black lines on white pages—unable to budge. It had, therefore, never been possible to combine the cognitive power of written language with the power of motion. There was some
  • 51. evidence that words might be set free in late-twentieth-century televi- sion commercials and the work of such directors as Mark Pellington for MTV. But online—using the program Flash, for example— written words have most definitely been allowed to escape the prison of the page and perform all sorts of new tricks: flying here and there, chang- ing color, morphing into each other. This is something new in the history of human communication. Isn’t this dynamic language what twentieth-century poets like e. e. cummings were reaching for, if not prophesying? Doesn’t this mix of moving images and moving words—moving media—give us a chance finally to capture the whirls, rushes, and eddies of our thoughts in a way that is not at all a chore to follow? Moving media may be at their most entertaining when they flit and flux. Don’t these signifiers in
  • 52. motion offer us a chance to look at a face, at a scene, at an issue from many sides at once? The case can be made that we are searching, as we enter this new century, for a new philosophy: that we need to think through how our identities now often seem to shift with our surroundings, with our wardrobes; that we need to understand the way we modulate irony to signify varying degrees of seriousness; that we need to consider the 1152 social research way we dance in and out of belief. How hard it is to approach these ideas with words or images that just sit there on the page or screen. How much more effectively they might be approached with words and images that themselves can shift, dance, and modulate. The wanted
  • 53. form of communication, from this perspective, is not Wikipedia, Google, Facebook, the iPhone, the iPad, or Twitter—any more than it was MS-DOS, Excel, Word, Windows, or the Huffington Post. Our chance to gain “wisdom” that “once” we “could not think,” if this analysis is at all correct, rests with moving media. Technologically, it gets easier and easier. The exertions necessary to think such thoughts come naturally, it turns out, to digital media. Indeed, all the necessary kinds of movement can be found today in one corner of the Web or another.2 But our current “sites,” “pages,” and little television screens may not be sufficient to contain these essays in motion. We may need forms that do for moving media what the news- paper and the novel did for print. If this indeed is where the more radical phalanxes of this commu-
  • 54. nications revolution are heading, there may indeed be plenty about which our equivalent of bearded old men might grumble: enlighten- ing but unfamiliar and perhaps disturbing forms, enlightening but unfamiliar, and perhaps disturbing thoughts: disposed to undercut our certainties, our senses of identity, that which we take seriously and our beliefs—or what is left of our certainties, identities, seriousness, and beliefs. For more than a century after film brought us the first moving media, decades after the first stirrings of digital media, this would be something new. And enlightening and disturbing are what new forms of communication do. NoTeS 1. My reading of this classic passage from the Phaedrus has been informed by Derrida (1972: 75–134).
  • 55. 2. See, for some quick examples, the work of Billy Collins and Julian Grey/Head Gear <http://www.bcactionpoet.org/budapest. html>; Steven Johnson and RSA animate <http://www.youtube. com/watch?v=NugRZGDbPFU>; Craig Stephen <http://vimeo. Thinking Through Moving Media 1153 com/3070130>; Will Herrmann and Benjamin Zephaniah <http:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=IL8jYA8Ho1U>; Chris Milk <http://www. thewildernessdowntown.com/>; and Sir Moving Images <http:// vimeo.com/7062481>. reFereNceS Braudel, Fernand. The Structures of Everyday Life: Civilization and Capitalism, 15th–18th Century. Volume 1. New York: HarperCollins, 1984. Carr, Nicholas. “Is Google Making Us Stupid?” Atlantic (July/August 2008). Derrida, Jacques. Dissemination. Trans. Barbara Johnson. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972.
  • 56. Eco, Umberto. The Search for the Perfect Language. Trans. James Fentress. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995. Garber, Megan. “Hardball: A Veteran Sports Columnist Meets— and Shrugs Off—Internet Outrage.” Columbia Journalism Review (January 9, 2009). Hulse, James W. The Reputations of Socrates. Vol. 23. New York: Peter Lang, 1995. Keller, Bill. “The Twitter Trap.” New York Times Magazine (May 18, 2011). McLuhan, Marshall, Eric McLuhan, and Frank Zingrone. Essential McLuhan. New York: Basic Books, 1995. Parker, Meg. Socrates: The Wisest and Most Just? Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Plato. Laches. Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. 1955 <http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/ hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0176%3Atext%3
  • 57. DLac h.%3Asection%3D187e>. ———. Euthyphro, Apology, Crito. Trans. F. J. Church. Indianapolis: Bobbs- Merrill, 1956. ———. Phaedrus. Trans. W. C. Helmbold and W. G. Rabinowitz. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1956. ———. Charmides, or Temperance. Trans. Benjamin Jowett. 2009 <http:// classics.mit.edu/Plato/charmides.html>. Rosen, Jay. “The ‘Twitter Can’t Topple Dictators’ Article.” Press Think (February 13, 2011) <http://pressthink.org/2011/02/the-twitter- cant-topple-dictators-article/>. 1154 social research Stephens, Mitchell. the rise of the image the fall of the word. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. ———. A History of News. Third ed. New York: Oxford
  • 58. University Press, 2007. ———. “The Case for Wisdom Journalism—and for Journalists Surrendering the Pursuit of News.” Daedalus (Spring 2010). Tanakh: The Holy Scriptures, The New JPS Translation According to the Traditional Hebrew Text. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1985. Woolf, Virginia. “The Cinema.” 1926 <http://www.woolfonline. com/?q=essays/cinema/full>. arien mack, Alfred and Monette Marrow Professor of Psychology at the New School for Social Research, has authored or coauthored more than 60 articles on visual perception as well as the book Inattentional Blindness (with Rock, 1998). She has been the editor of Social Research since 1970. birgit meyer is Professor of Religious Studies at Utrecht University. As an anthropologist of religion, she works on African Christianity; Pentecostal churches; religion, media, and the public sphere; and (audio)visual culture, aesthet- ics, and the senses. She is coeditor of Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art,
  • 59. and Belief. nicholas mirzoeff, Professor of Media, Culture and Communication at New York University, works in the field of visual culture and is collaborating with the not-for-profit Islands First on a project concerning the visual culture of climate change. He is the author of The Right to Look: A Counterhistory of Visuality (2010). mitchell stephens, Professor of Journalism and Mass Communication at New York University, is the author, most recently, of the rise of the image the fall of the word (1998). His book, A History of News (1988, 1996), has been translated into four languages and was a New York Times “Notable Book of the Year.” mckenzie wark is Associate Professor and Chair of Culture and Media, Eugene Lang College The New School. His publi- cations include A Hacker Manifesto (2004) and Dispositions (2002). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.