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Universitatea de Științe Agronomice și Medicină Veterinară
Inginerie Economică în Agricultură
Women’s vs. men’s leadership abilities
• Coordonator : Mihai Frumușelu
• Olteanu Andrei – Răzvan / Grupa 8101
Men or Women: Who’s the Better
Leader?
• We’ve all heard the claims, the theories, and the speculation
about the ways leadership styles vary between women and
men. Our latest survey data puts some hard numbers into the
mix.
• A latest survey of 7,280 leaders, which our organization
evaluated in 2011, confirms some seemingly eternal truths
about men and women leaders in the workplace but also
holds some surprises. Our dataset was generated from
leaders in some of the most successful and progressive
organizations in the world both public and private,
government and commercial, domestic and international.
The Paradox in Public Attitudes
Taken together, the findings of the experimental online survey and the more
comprehensive telephone survey present a complex portrait of public attitudes
on gender and leadership.
On the one hand, the public asserts that gender discrimination against women
and the public’s resistance to change are key factors holding women back from
attaining high political office. But at the same time, the public gives higher
marks to women than to men on most leadership traits tested in this survey —
suggesting that, when it comes to assessments about character, the public’s
gender stereotypes are pro-female.
Moreover, a separate survey designed specifically to probe for hidden gender
bias against women in voters’ assessments of candidates for Congress finds no
evidence that such bias exists.
An Experiment to Test for Hidden Gender Bias
It’s possible that in a survey of this nature, some respondents with negative or biased attitudes do not report their
true feelings because they don’t want to appear out of sync with prevailing social norms.
To test for hidden gender bias, the Pew Research Center did a second survey, this one conducted online with a
different methodology, a different set of questions and a different group of respondents.
In this experiment, two separate random samples of more than more than 1,000 registered voters were asked to
read a profile sent to them online of a hypothetical candidate for U.S. Congress in their district. One random
sample of 1,161 respondents read a profile of Ann Clark, described as a lawyer, a churchgoer, a member of the
local Chamber of Commerce, an environmentalist and a member of the same party as the survey respondent. They
were then asked to indicate what they liked and didn’t like about her, whether they considered her qualified and
whether they were inclined to vote for her. There was no indication that this was a survey about gender or gender
bias.
A second random sample of 1,139 registered voters was asked to read a profile of Andrew Clark, who — except for
his gender — was identical in every way to Ann Clark. These respondents were then asked the same questions:
What did they like and not like about Mr. Clark? Was he qualified? Were they inclined to vote for him?
The results were clear: Gender didn’t matter. Ann Clark and Andrew Clark got about the same number of “votes”
from their respective samples. The study found that about a third of all voters had a very favorable impression of
Ann Clark (giving her a rating of 8, 9 or 10 on a scale that ran from 1 to 10)—and virtually the same proportion held
Andrew Clark in equally high regard (34% vs. 32% respectively, with average ratings of 6.7 and 6.6 out of 10).
Similarly, both samples viewed their respective candidates as nearly equally prepared for the job. Some 24% rated
Ann as highly qualified, compared with 27% for Andrew. (The average ratings were even closer: 6.3 for Andrew vs.
6.2 for Ann).
And when it came to the bottom line, virtually identical proportions of voters said they were very likely to vote for
Ann as said they were very likely to vote for Andrew (25% vs. 24%, with identical average ratings of 6.2 on the 1 to
10 “likeliness to vote for” scale)
Differences in perception
When studying perception and effectiveness of men and
women in leadership, in multiple studies, Eagly found that
men and women are perceived better by subordinates
and are seen as more effective leaders when in positions
in accordance to traditional gender roles. In a study
conducted in 1990, it was found that women “lose
authority... if they employ feminine styles of leadership in
male-dominated roles." A meta-analysis conducted later
yielded similar results in which men and women are both
perceived as more effective leaders in stereotypical roles
and both are found ineffective in non-traditional roles.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
http://en.wikipedia.org
http://www.pewsocialtrends.org

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Microsoft power point presentation nou

  • 1. Universitatea de Științe Agronomice și Medicină Veterinară Inginerie Economică în Agricultură Women’s vs. men’s leadership abilities • Coordonator : Mihai Frumușelu • Olteanu Andrei – Răzvan / Grupa 8101
  • 2. Men or Women: Who’s the Better Leader? • We’ve all heard the claims, the theories, and the speculation about the ways leadership styles vary between women and men. Our latest survey data puts some hard numbers into the mix. • A latest survey of 7,280 leaders, which our organization evaluated in 2011, confirms some seemingly eternal truths about men and women leaders in the workplace but also holds some surprises. Our dataset was generated from leaders in some of the most successful and progressive organizations in the world both public and private, government and commercial, domestic and international.
  • 3. The Paradox in Public Attitudes Taken together, the findings of the experimental online survey and the more comprehensive telephone survey present a complex portrait of public attitudes on gender and leadership. On the one hand, the public asserts that gender discrimination against women and the public’s resistance to change are key factors holding women back from attaining high political office. But at the same time, the public gives higher marks to women than to men on most leadership traits tested in this survey — suggesting that, when it comes to assessments about character, the public’s gender stereotypes are pro-female. Moreover, a separate survey designed specifically to probe for hidden gender bias against women in voters’ assessments of candidates for Congress finds no evidence that such bias exists.
  • 4. An Experiment to Test for Hidden Gender Bias It’s possible that in a survey of this nature, some respondents with negative or biased attitudes do not report their true feelings because they don’t want to appear out of sync with prevailing social norms. To test for hidden gender bias, the Pew Research Center did a second survey, this one conducted online with a different methodology, a different set of questions and a different group of respondents. In this experiment, two separate random samples of more than more than 1,000 registered voters were asked to read a profile sent to them online of a hypothetical candidate for U.S. Congress in their district. One random sample of 1,161 respondents read a profile of Ann Clark, described as a lawyer, a churchgoer, a member of the local Chamber of Commerce, an environmentalist and a member of the same party as the survey respondent. They were then asked to indicate what they liked and didn’t like about her, whether they considered her qualified and whether they were inclined to vote for her. There was no indication that this was a survey about gender or gender bias. A second random sample of 1,139 registered voters was asked to read a profile of Andrew Clark, who — except for his gender — was identical in every way to Ann Clark. These respondents were then asked the same questions: What did they like and not like about Mr. Clark? Was he qualified? Were they inclined to vote for him? The results were clear: Gender didn’t matter. Ann Clark and Andrew Clark got about the same number of “votes” from their respective samples. The study found that about a third of all voters had a very favorable impression of Ann Clark (giving her a rating of 8, 9 or 10 on a scale that ran from 1 to 10)—and virtually the same proportion held Andrew Clark in equally high regard (34% vs. 32% respectively, with average ratings of 6.7 and 6.6 out of 10). Similarly, both samples viewed their respective candidates as nearly equally prepared for the job. Some 24% rated Ann as highly qualified, compared with 27% for Andrew. (The average ratings were even closer: 6.3 for Andrew vs. 6.2 for Ann). And when it came to the bottom line, virtually identical proportions of voters said they were very likely to vote for Ann as said they were very likely to vote for Andrew (25% vs. 24%, with identical average ratings of 6.2 on the 1 to 10 “likeliness to vote for” scale)
  • 5. Differences in perception When studying perception and effectiveness of men and women in leadership, in multiple studies, Eagly found that men and women are perceived better by subordinates and are seen as more effective leaders when in positions in accordance to traditional gender roles. In a study conducted in 1990, it was found that women “lose authority... if they employ feminine styles of leadership in male-dominated roles." A meta-analysis conducted later yielded similar results in which men and women are both perceived as more effective leaders in stereotypical roles and both are found ineffective in non-traditional roles.