Mapping what we know about the third sector, steve mc kay

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This document summarizes what is known about the third sector workforce in the UK from various data sources. It reports that workers in the third sector account for about 2.7% of the total workforce, two-thirds are women, and almost 2 in 5 work part-time. The recession has impacted the third sector differently than previous recessions, with large drops in output but more adjustment through wages and hours compared to prior recessions. The employment rate in the third sector has declined since 2007 according to available data on the sector.

Mapping what we know about the third sector workforce Stephen McKay Domenico Moro

Presentation How we know about the sector (sources of data) Information about those working in the sector The recession and its continuing effects

Organisation-level data Charity Commission data Commercially supplied (‘Guidestar’) OpenCharitieshttp://opencharities.org/charities.csv.zip National Survey of Third Sector Organisations (banded employee data) Employer Skills Surveys Workplace Industrial Relations Study (WIRS) 2004: if 5+ employees Ad hoc surveys

Sample surveys LFS 1993-> (repeated quarterly, cross-sectional) BHPS 1991-> (household panel, annual) Various other studies (e.g. NCDS-1958 Scottish Social Attitudes 2007; Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey)

Respondents are asked to self-classify What kind of non-private organisation was it? 1. a public limited company/plc? 2. a nationalised industry/state corporation? 3. central government or civil service? 4. local government or council (including police, fire services and local authority controlled schools/colleges)? 5. a university or other grant funded education establishment (include 'opted-out' schools)? 6. a health authority or NHS Trust? 7. a charity, voluntary organisation or trust? 8. the armed forces? 9. or was it some other kind of organisation? Tends to be regarded as a ‘narrow definition’ of the third sector.

Workers in the sector Account for around 2.7% of total workers Two thirds are women, although women represent under half the workforce Almost 2 in 5 work part-time Around 2 in 5 have degrees (average = 28%) Are slightly older than average (43 years)

Work in the sector Over 7 in 10 are working in ‘Public admin, education and health’ (3 in 10 overall) Health and social work related activities are the most common industries 5% say ‘Activities of religious organisations’ [9491] About 3 in 10 are managers or professionals – more than the private sector, somewhat less than the public sector

Work in the sector Some evidence that levels of job satisfaction are converging with other sectors (Donegani, McKay and Moro, VSSN 2011) No decline in average paid working hours since 2007 (despite overall decline)

This recession is different? Source: Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin 2010 Q1 Large dropin output – but more ‘adjustment’ via wages and hours compared to before. Largest effects on young people, and on specific sectors (manufacturing, finance, construction). 2008-10 = private sector recession; 2011 = public and third sector recession …?

Changes elsewhere 2007- Private sector Public sector

Conclusions A small sector: a period of stable growth followed by recent (and future?) decline

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Although recognition of the significance of gender divisions continues to transform economic geography, the discipline nevertheless remains highly uneven in its degree of engagement with gender as a legitimate focus of analysis. In particular, although social institutions are now widely regarded as key determinants of economic success, the regional learning and innovation literature remains largely gender blind, simultaneously subordinating the female worker voice and making invisible distinctively gendered patterns of work in the face of an increasingly feminised labour force. Focusing on the industrial agglomeration of information and communication technology firms in Cambridge, England, we first outline the nature of the inequalities in patterns of work and social interaction among female versus male employees within Cambridge's high-tech regional economy. Second, we demonstrate how these inequalities in turn constrain female employees' abilities to contribute to key processes widely theorised to underpin firms' innovative capacities and economic competitiveness. Specifically, these self-identified constraints centre on female workers' abilities to: (a) act as agents of information and knowledge diffusion between firms; and (b) use new information and knowledge once they enter the firm. Overall, our results suggest that gender issues of social equity at the level of the individual worker need to be explicitly integrated with issues of economic competitiveness at the levels of the firm and the region. This is a case not simply of female employees being socially excluded at work, but of their simultaneous exclusion from key elements of firms' productive processes.

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