Lakoff, “Language and Women’s Place”
Thesis: “’women’s language’ “submerges a woman’s personal identity, by denying her the means
of expressing herself strongly, on the one hand, and encouraging expressions that suggest
triviality in subject-matter and uncertainty about it; and, when a woman is being discussed, by
treating her as an object—sexual or otherwise—but never a serious person with individual
views” (48).
“Women experience discrimination in two ways: in the way they are taught to use language, and
in the way general language uses them” (46)
Methods:
Evidence:
Women are taught to use language differently than are men [Provide examples]
Lexicon (word choice): color terms: women use more nuanced terms, i.e. mauve
Weaker “meaningless particles” i.e. Oh dear v. Oh shit (51)
(52) adjectives: “Woman only” divine, lovely-If men use these, if denigrates them Significance?
Shows expectations and position of women are different from those of men; women expected to
be “ladylike”; (51) women are denied more forceful linguistic resources, which ‘reinforces’ men
’s position of strength in the real wold”
Also: (47) if girls aren’t allowed to speak strongly, they grow up to be women who cannot
express themselves forcefully or speak precisely.
These patterns show that women are in more marginalized positions in society, vis a vis men-
and these patterns reinforce those power inequities: women don’t want to use strong language
because reinforce negative stereotype that women are “too emotional”;
Syntax (grammar): Women use more tag question, don’t they?(55) avoids conflict; less assertive.
Use rising intonation (56): even with non-question? Speakers who do this not taken as seriously.
The language uses women differently than it uses men (i.e. talk about women differs than talk
about men) [Provide examples]
“lady”(59): sounds less serious than “woman” (like Romaine)
This content is protected and may not be shared, uploaded or distributed
Asymmetric pairs (Romaine’s term): for linguistically equal terms, female pair is often
sexualized; female is referred to relation to the male, but vice versa
Naming: men more likely to be referred by their titles; “Ms” misfired (72)
Significance and Resonance [TO DO IN LECTURE]: Why does this matter? To what extent are
these trends still true today (and how would we know?). How does this work compare to our
previous course readings?
Women, especially women of color are marginalized; men also limited in emotional range
because of “toxic” or “hegemonic” masculinity
(75-76) “women”s lib movement: important to fight “right ” battles; i.e. point out asymmetries
“herstories;” not naming hurricanes only after women (this has changes)
For teachers: being aware of how they use language with students
Teachers of (foreign) language- be aware of social context in which language is embedded
Language make us participants in our own subjugation; even the subjugated can be (u.
Gendered Verbal communication (Gender and Society)Adrian Divino
Research shows that men and women are more likely to exhibit different styles of verbal communication. Men are more prone to adopt what is called “report talk”, while women gravitate more toward
1
WST 4930⎮DR. MOURA-KOÇOĞLU Image: cisco.com
Module 04
“Gender Violence in the U.S.”
Photo: Mia Fermindoza; African American Policy Forum, 2015
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Women as breadwinners
Woman running food stall,
New Delhi, India.
Photo: Burhaan Kunu,
Hindustan Times, 2017
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Violence and Male Dominance
White nationalists kick a protester in his head. Charlottesville,
VA, August 2017. Photo: Jason Andrew/Splinter
A member of the Taliban's religious police
beating an Afghan woman in Kabul, 2001.
Image: Revolutionary Association of the
Women of Afghanistan
2
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Underreporting of Violence against
Women in the U.S.
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Intimate Partner Violence
by Race/Ethnicity, United States, 2011
Source: Women’s Policy Research Center
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women in Canada
Image: Brad Crowfoot Photography, 2016
3
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Image: EPA
Rape law of the
Muscogee (Creek) nation, 1824.
“And it be farther enacted that if any
person or persons should undertake to
force a woman and did it by force, it shall
be left to woman what punishment she
should satisfied with to whip or pay what
she say it be law.”
(Waring, cited by Deer, 2005)
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
After completing Module 04, you will be able to:
§ Define intersectionality (Crenshaw).
§ Determine in what ways an intersectional approach is crucial for an
analysis of gender-based violence (Crenshaw).
§ Define intersectionality (Crenshaw).
§ Evaluate intersecting systems of oppression, the diversity of identity
categories, and toxic masculinity in increasing vulnerability to gender
violence.
§ Identify the multiple obstacles for women of color to report violence
and/or seek help and support (Crenshaw).
§ Explain the connection between gender violence and the assertion of
male power and control (Kimmel).
§ Define the concept of sexual terrorism (Sheffield) and assess its
impact on women’s lives, and society in general.
§ Examine why being an Aboriginal person in Canada exponentially
increases the likelihood to become a victim of violence.
To our Families
Reconstructing Political Theory
Feminist Perspectives
EDITED BY
Mary Lyndon Shanley and Uma Narayan
The Pennsylvania State University Press
University Park, Pennsylvania
10
Intersectionality and Identity Politics:
Learning from Violence Against
W omen of Color
Kimberlé Crenshaw
Introduction
Over the past two decades, recognizing that the political demands of many
speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices, women have
organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. This
politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence
against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as prívate
(family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now
largely recognized ...
Gendered Verbal communication (Gender and Society)Adrian Divino
Research shows that men and women are more likely to exhibit different styles of verbal communication. Men are more prone to adopt what is called “report talk”, while women gravitate more toward
1
WST 4930⎮DR. MOURA-KOÇOĞLU Image: cisco.com
Module 04
“Gender Violence in the U.S.”
Photo: Mia Fermindoza; African American Policy Forum, 2015
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Women as breadwinners
Woman running food stall,
New Delhi, India.
Photo: Burhaan Kunu,
Hindustan Times, 2017
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Violence and Male Dominance
White nationalists kick a protester in his head. Charlottesville,
VA, August 2017. Photo: Jason Andrew/Splinter
A member of the Taliban's religious police
beating an Afghan woman in Kabul, 2001.
Image: Revolutionary Association of the
Women of Afghanistan
2
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Underreporting of Violence against
Women in the U.S.
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Intimate Partner Violence
by Race/Ethnicity, United States, 2011
Source: Women’s Policy Research Center
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women in Canada
Image: Brad Crowfoot Photography, 2016
3
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
Image: EPA
Rape law of the
Muscogee (Creek) nation, 1824.
“And it be farther enacted that if any
person or persons should undertake to
force a woman and did it by force, it shall
be left to woman what punishment she
should satisfied with to whip or pay what
she say it be law.”
(Waring, cited by Deer, 2005)
WST 4930 | Dr. Moura-Koçoglu
After completing Module 04, you will be able to:
§ Define intersectionality (Crenshaw).
§ Determine in what ways an intersectional approach is crucial for an
analysis of gender-based violence (Crenshaw).
§ Define intersectionality (Crenshaw).
§ Evaluate intersecting systems of oppression, the diversity of identity
categories, and toxic masculinity in increasing vulnerability to gender
violence.
§ Identify the multiple obstacles for women of color to report violence
and/or seek help and support (Crenshaw).
§ Explain the connection between gender violence and the assertion of
male power and control (Kimmel).
§ Define the concept of sexual terrorism (Sheffield) and assess its
impact on women’s lives, and society in general.
§ Examine why being an Aboriginal person in Canada exponentially
increases the likelihood to become a victim of violence.
To our Families
Reconstructing Political Theory
Feminist Perspectives
EDITED BY
Mary Lyndon Shanley and Uma Narayan
The Pennsylvania State University Press
University Park, Pennsylvania
10
Intersectionality and Identity Politics:
Learning from Violence Against
W omen of Color
Kimberlé Crenshaw
Introduction
Over the past two decades, recognizing that the political demands of many
speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices, women have
organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. This
politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence
against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as prívate
(family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now
largely recognized ...
Contents lists available at ScienceDirectAggression and Vi.docxbobbywlane695641
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobeh
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of
sexual violence
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
A B S T R A C T
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various
labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and em-
pirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that
impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988)
framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to mini-
mization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent dis-
course, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving edu-
cational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and
sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
1. Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and
women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew,
Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United
States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual
contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of non-
contact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith,
Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is com-
mitted or attempted by another person without freely given consent of
the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse”
(Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted
rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without phy-
sical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term
is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not
necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from
one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of
sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have
suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
Contents lists available at ScienceDirectAggression and Vi.docxmelvinjrobinson2199
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobeh
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of
sexual violence
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
A B S T R A C T
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various
labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and em-
pirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that
impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988)
framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to mini-
mization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent dis-
course, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving edu-
cational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and
sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
1. Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and
women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew,
Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United
States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual
contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of non-
contact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith,
Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is com-
mitted or attempted by another person without freely given consent of
the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse”
(Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted
rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without phy-
sical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term
is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not
necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from
one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of
sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have
suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
how much per page 500 wordsby Emma Schaefer-Whittall - (Sh.docxpooleavelina
how much per page / 500 words
by Emma Schaefer-Whittall - (She/Her/Hers) Tuesday, April 21, 2020, 12:19 AM
In this week's readings, I was drawn towards the overlapping themes that the analysis of “bicurious-ness” in Rupp & Taylor’s “Straight Girls Kissing” and str8 ads in Ward’s “Dude-Sex” contracted. Both sold similar narratives of the hyper-heterosexuality and embellishment of lesbian and gay sexualities. Through perverse discourse appropriated racial stereotypes into a white culture, Ward demonstrated that “‘gay’ as a chosen identity is not particularly linked to who is having sex...instead, being gay is about how sex is done” (Ward 2008; 420). The imagery of the black muscular man atop a changed scrawny white man bolsters the ingrained stereotypes and simultaneously renders the dominant-submissive dichotomy racially transposed. Additionally, race enters the scene again through the heightened use of African American vernacular in the attempt to appear hyper-heterosexual. Ward has shown links to the theory of invisible secret homosexuality in the black community as fetishized by “str8” white men. I believe this “secrecy” stereotype (another one!) coupled with the glamorized aggressive black man who sports a massive cock image enforces an inherent masculinity that becomes inseparable with heterosexuality, justifying the perverted language and racial appropriation abundant in these ads. In Rupp & Taylor’s interviews with students partying in Isla Vista, they touch upon this acceptability of residing in the “in-between”, as long as this “in-between” doesn’t result in homosexuality. Articulately put, “...while straight college students today can make out with women and call themselves “bicurious” without challenge to their heterosexual identity, the same kind of flexibility does not extend to lesbians” (Rupp & Taylor 2010: 31). In both readings, space is established to allow exploration without dissociation from the normative and comfortable folds of heterosexuality. In Rupp & Taylor, this space is described as involving alcohol, parties, and maybe a three-some with a man that acts “as an extension of the safe hereosexual space.” For str8 guys, this space has been constructed in hyper-heterosexualized homophobia. For both of these situations, the people that benefit are white and heterosexual, while blacks, lesbians, and gays are forced to surrender their property to, essentially, the heteronormative society.
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249972653
Straight Girls Kissing
ARTICLE in CONTEXTS · AUGUST 2010
DOI: 10.1525/ctx.2010.9.3.28
CITATIONS
11
READS
1,846
2 AUTHORS:
Leila J. Rupp
University of California, Santa Barbara
66 PUBLICATIONS 638 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Verta Taylor
University of California, Santa Barbara
41 PUBLICATIONS 1,209 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Available from: Leila J. Rupp
Retrieved on: 22 March 2016
https://www.r ...
Gender studies is an interdisciplinary academic field devoted to analysing gender identity and gendered representation. It includes women's studies (concerning women, feminism, gender, and politics), men's studies and queer studies.
Its rise to prominence, especially in Western universities after 1990, has been noted as a success of deconstructionism. Sometimes, gender studies is offered together with study of sexuality.
When we learned our A-B-C’s and 1-2-3’s as children, they were easy to commit to memory as they remained consistent throughout our lives. LGBTQ+, on the other hand, is an evolving abbreviation representing a diverse community through a variety of sexual and gender identities.
For more information, visit www.TransHealthTO.com
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Learning Objectives
• Understand the concepts of “race” and “ethnicity” as social constructs.
• Analyze evidence about racial inequality and social class in relation to crime.
• Analyze evidence about racial differences in rates of victimization.
• Analyze evidence regarding racial inequality and incarceration rates.
• Explore how the War on Drugs contributes to racial discrimination in the criminal justice system.
• Examine crack cocaine and marijuana law enforcement in context of racial discrimination.
• Critically analyze the connections between race and the death penalty.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of racial profiling.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of immigration and crime rates.
Crime, Race, and Ethnicity
4
coL82305_04_c04_091-122.indd 91 7/5/13 4:18 PM
Section 4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System CHAPTER 4
In April of 2012, law enforcement in Oklahoma arrested one of the region’s foremost drug kingpins. In the home of the alleged drug kingpin, police seized four pounds of marijuana, $276,000 in cash, and two firearms: a revolver and a semiautomatic pistol.
Police believe that the defendant is the “mastermind” (Perez, 2012, p. 1) of a drug-dealing
organization that supplies approximately 40% of the marijuana markets in Oklahoma and
three nearby states: Missouri, Kansas, and Arkansas. The suspect, drug kingpin Darlene
Mayes, is a White grandmother with thinning silver hair who appears to be in her 60s or
70s. Thus she has been dubbed the “Granny Drug Kingpin” (Perez, 2012).
Studies suggest that when asked to picture a drug dealer, overwhelmingly the American
public visualizes a young man of color (Burston, Jones, & Roberson-Sanders, 1995). How-
ever, evidence from this chapter will demonstrate that drug use and drug crime spans
racial and ethnic groups and that all racial groups seem to commit drug crime in similar
rates. Whether broaching issues of drug crime, or any other type of crime, issues of per-
ception, race, and criminality are central in the study of criminology.
4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System
The American criminal justice system disproportionately impacts people of color, and this disproportionate impact by race is often dramatic and consistent at nearly every level of the system. Research demonstrates that members of poor, disenfranchised
groups receive harsher treatment in all phases of the criminal justice system: They are
more likely to be stopped, investigated, arrested, charged, put on trial, found guilty, and
sent to prison (Tonry, 2011). The disproportionate involvement in the system is cumula-
tive. Police are more likely to arrest someone who has a prior record, prosecutors are more
likely to charge someone who has previously been arrested or spent time in jail. A judge
is more likely to convict and incarcerate a defendant rather than offer probation to some-
one who has .
Chapter One
Why Asian American Sexual Politics?
In 2000, two white men and a white woman in Spokane, Washington, specifically targeted
Japanese women in an elaborately planned scheme to kidnap, rape, sodomize, and torture them
and to videotape the whole ordeal. According to police reports, the rapists had a sexual
fantasy about and fixation with young Japanese women. The three assailants believed that the
Japanese women were submissive.[1] In just one month, the predators abducted five Japanese
exchange students, ranging in age from eighteen to twenty. Motivated by their sexual biases
about Asian women, all three used both their bodies and objects to repeatedly rape—vaginally,
anally, and orally—two of the young women for over seven hours.[2] One of the attackers
immediately confessed to searching only for Japanese women to torture and rape; eventually,
all pled guilty and were convicted.[3]
In 2004, American Idol, the most watched TV series in the Nielsen ratings and the only
program to have been number one for seven consecutive seasons,[4] premiered the season with
an episode that showcased twenty-one-year-old William Hung singing a rendition of Ricky
Martin’s “She Bangs.” The episode was a collection of the most “talentless” of those who
auditioned, and it was if Hung was crowned the “king.” His inability to carry a tune, dance to
the beat, or exude any sex appeal made the video go viral on the Internet, and viewers were
laughing at him, not with him. He was a perfect fit for the unflattering racial stereotype of the
asexual, nerdy Asian American man. Across the blogosphere, race scholars and Asian
American men were bemoaning the perpetuation of the racist stereotyping and yet another
instance where Asian American men are emasculated in American media.
These two examples demonstrate the racial stereotyping of Asians and Asian Americans.
The perpetrators in Spokane, Washington, used racist stereotypes to pick their targets. While
both being racially “othered,” Asian and Asian American women have been constructed as
sexually exotic docile bodies while men have been racially “castrated.” These constructions
created a complicated racialized Asian American sexual politics affected by racist-gendered
constructions but also “home-culture” expectations. The vignettes and analysis shared in this
book are an attempt to look at the nuanced way that constructions can operate in the lives of
some Asian Americans.
Feminist scholars argue that women's sexuality is socially shaped in ways that sustain men's
social and political dominance. I extend this feminist scholarship and argue that Asian
American sexuality is socially shaped in ways that maintain social and political dominance for
whites, particularly white men. I want to set this stage with the assertions made by Patricia
Hill Collins in her seminal work, Black Sexual Politics.[5] Collins defines sexual politics as
Chou, Rosalind S.. Asian American Sexual Politics : The Construction of Race, G.
YourLastName2
Nepali2
Name: Shrijana Nepali
Professor: Mark Shepherd
ENGL-1301-51009
LGBT Social Acceptance and Inclusivity
The transgender issue is most common problem in our society. The number of transgenders in our society are increasing gradually but we fail to accept them for our narrow vision. It is very shameful to us that in the time of modern culture we are breaking many old concepts and accepting new concept. Let's seek to grasp the term-transgender meaning. There are individuals who differ from their birth sex by their sexual identity or gender expression. The research reviewed concentrated mainly on transgender people's key concerns and public acceptance. The M. Ed focusing on curriculum is important because this is the professional and mostly filed based work as a teacher educator. If we emphasize M. Ed's transgender term. Curriculum then teacher trainer will be easily useful for transgender empowerment. Although over the past two decades a significant body of LGBT health information has been established, much remains to be explored. What can we do to empower LGBT rights? What are the priorities for a research agenda to address these gaps?
Some say LGBT community should be treated with equal rights as everyone, while others say marriages between same-sex couples should not be recognized by the law as valid. The LGBT community is also being criminalized and sentenced.
What Richard did to Sasha as seen in the 57 Bus story is clear reflection of what is happening in our society today. There is a lot of violence against people of different sexual orientations and gender identities, some nations go as far as giving people the death penalty or incarceration. We must therefore ask ourselves whether there is a connection between the level of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) acceptance and the level of inclusiveness of the laws of a country. According to Sasha, gender is "the term for what people feel about themselves, how they feel inside," and it does not automatically correspond with the biological sex at birth (Slater).
Community values are reflected in the school’s curriculum, and teachers could bridge the divide between privileged and marginalized students by honoring their identities. Traditional curricula that rely on whole-class topics that privilege heteronormative expectations do a great disservice to diverse learners. These topics isolate students. However, topics with LGBT representation normalize LGBT students, creating a safe space for academic and emotional growth. Scholars are beginning to develop models for understanding LGBT integration in education, but the role of religion in encouraging or hindering LGBT inclusion has been theorized (Revelle, Carol and Anna Waugh).
Beyond bridging literature on the political sociology of LGBT rights and religion and the culture wars, against this backdrop of legal vulnerability, Legislators who oppose same-sex marriage and recent moves to advance transgender equalit ...
Why Transsexuals Are Separated from Rest of Humanity - and Explanationmarinakrugov
The Medico-legal construction of transsexualism as a syndrome and the socio-legal construction of the transsexual as a person, the inadequacy of current legal thinking clarified. Explanation on why a transsexual person separated out from the rest of humanity and afforded special discriminatory treatment by the law, through their being ‘non-human’ and my view on that account.
Living in a Sustainable WorldImagine a future in which human bei.docxmanningchassidy
Living in a Sustainable World
Imagine a future in which human beings have achieved environmental sustainability on a global scale. In this second part of your final assignment, you will be describing what a sustainable Earth will look like in the future, providing examples throughout to support your descriptions.
You will be including all the terms that you have researched during Week 1 through 4 of this class, underlining each term as you include it. In your paper, use grammar and spell-checking programs to insure clarity.
1. Food web
2.Composting
3. (did not complete)
4. Nuclear Energy
Your paper will consist of seven paragraphs: an introduction, a conclusion, and one paragraph relating to each week’s topic. In your paper, use this format to address the following elements with the assumption that environmental sustainability has been achieved:
Introduction:
Describe how our relationship to nature will be different from what it is at present.
Examine how we will cope differently with the ways that natural phenomena affect our lives.
Week 1:
Describe what Earth’s biodiversity and ecosystems will look like.
Week 2:
Examine how agricultural production will be different in the future.
Week 3:
Differentiate between how we will manage our water resources in the future compared to how we do so right now.
Week 4:
Examine how we will meet our energy needs in the future in a way that will enable us to maintain a habitable atmosphere and climate.
Week 5:
Describe how waste management will be different in the future.
Conclusion:
Summarize some of the major social, economic, political, and ecological choices and tradeoffs that will need to be overcome for this sustainable future to arrive.
The Part 2 of the Journey to Sustainability paper
Must be 7 paragraphs in length (not including title and reference pages) and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center’s
APA Style resource (Links to an external site.)
.
Must incorporate all four of your previously selected terms.
Must utilize academic voice. See the
Academic Voice (Links to an external site.)
resource for additional guidance.
Can include, as an option, credible and/or scholarly sources in addition to the course text for each term covered.
The
Scholarly, Peer Reviewed, and Other Credible Sources (Links to an external site.)
table offers additional guidance on appropriate source types. If you have questions about whether a specific source is appropriate for this assignment, please contact your instructor. Your instructor has the final say about the appropriateness of a specific source for a particular assignment.
Must document any information used from sources in APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center’s
Citing Within Your Paper guide (Links to an external site.)
.
(Links to an external site.)
Can include, as an option, a separate references list that i.
LO Analyze Culture and SocialDiscuss the concepts in this c.docxmanningchassidy
LO: Analyze Culture and Social
Discuss the concepts in this chapter as they relate to
American Idol
. Consider the cultural implications of the
Idol
contest in other countries, such as Norway, South Africa, Poland, the Philippines, and the Arab World. For example, in developing nations, what percentage of the population has television, cell phones, and the Internet? Can one genre of music or type of artist possibly represent the tastes of citizens throughout a whole country? Consider whether popular culture is universal; what it means that the idol winners in other nations may or may not find rags-to-riches stories, depending on the infrastructure of their society; and why it is significant to identify winners as "idols" of an entire country.
Here is the Wikipedia on World Idol:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Idol
.
Literature Review Project.Assignment must comply with APA 7th ed.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Review Project.
Assignment must comply with APA 7th edition written standards:
(Times new roman, font #12 and double space)
In addition, please add the following to the First page:
-Tittle: Selective Mutism disorder
-Class: Human and growth and development
-Professor: Rafael Ramos, MS
-School: Florida National University
-Date (November 2020)
The following pages please include:
- Abstract
-Selective Mutism Disorder
-Symptoms
-Diagnostic criteria
-Treatment plans
-Prevention and tips
-Prognosis
-Conclusion
-References
.
lobal Commodity Chains & Negative Externalities
The worldwide network of social relations and labor activities involved in the creation, distribution, consumption, and disposal of a commodity (as defined in Appadurai, p. 3)
Social relations:
labor, capitalists, nation-states, and consumers; society/nature
Labor activities:
product design and financing; capture/extraction/cultivation of raw materials; processing; transportation; distribution/sale; purchase/consumption; and disposal
Impacts:
socioeconomic, political, environmental
Questions
Culture of capitalism/global commodity chains
Karl Polanyi’s Paradox (
as defined in GPCC
)
Negative externalities
Internalizing negative externalities
Example: “The
coffee commodity chain
is the linked sequence of activities involved in growing
coffee
, processing it, shipping it, roasting it, … selling it to consumers” (John Talbot) and disposing it.
Video example: Coffee
https://u.osu.edu/commoditychain2015/ (Links to an external site.)
Assignment
Choose either a specific commodity or some aspect of a commodity chain (such as its labor and/or ownership/control conditions; social, economic, environmental, and/or health consequences; political violence/wars; etc.).
Emphasize relationships and activities of labor, capitalists, nation-states, consumers, and the natural environment.
Global culture of capitalism
Global commodity chains
Negative externalities
Karl Polanyi’s Paradox (
as defined in GPCC;
not Michael Polanyi’s Paradox)
Challenges of internalizing externalities (more or less = “sustainability”)
1000 or more words of narrative text (no maximum word count); college standards of writing
;
single spaced 11 or 12-point Times New Roman font; in-text citations; references section; Chicago, MLA, or APA format.
If you want to focus on Covid-19 (or any other “signature” disease):
Covid-19
Briefly describe and explain the principal relationships within the global culture of capitalism, including global commodity chains.
What are "negative externalities"?
What is "Karl Polanyi's Paradox" (
as defined in GPCC;
not Michael Polanyi’s Paradox)?
What are the basic questions to ask about patterns of disease at any point in time and space?
What defines a “signature disease” of a specific historical time and pattern of geographic connections?
Describe the possible cause and transmission of Covid-19 in terms of the relationships between (1) culture and disease; (2) cities and disease; (3) environmental change and disease; and (4) human ecology and disease.
Within this framework, how is Covid-19 a “signature disease”? And how does it reflect negative externalities and Karl Polanyi’s Paradox?
What are arguments for healthcare as a global public good (and as a human right), as opposed to healthcare as an individual, commodified choice?
.
LMP1 IO and Filesystems=========================Welcome .docxmanningchassidy
LMP1: I/O and Filesystems
=========================
Welcome to LMP1, the first long MP. LMP1 is the first stage of a project aimed
at creating a simple yet functional networked filesystem. In this MP, you will
learn about and use POSIX file system calls, while subsequent LMPs will
introduce memory management, messaging, and networking functionality. If you
implement all parts of this MP correctly, you will be able to reuse your code
for future MPs.
This first LMP concentrates on the file I/O portion of the project.
Specifically, you will implement a custom filesystem and test its performance
using a filesystem benchmark. A benchmark is an application used to test the
performance of some aspect of the system. We will be using Bonnie, a real
filesystem benchmark, to test various performance aspects of the filesystem we
implement.
LMP1 consists of four steps:
1. Read the code; run the Bonnie benchmark and the LMP1 test suite.
2. Implement Test Suite 1 functionality, encompassing basic file I/O operations.
3. Implement Test Suite 2-4 functionality (directory operations, file
creation/deletion, and recursive checksumming).
4. Modify Bonnie to use your client-server file I/O methods.
Code structure
--------------
The code for this project is structured according to the client-server
model. The client code (filesystem benchmark) will interact with the
server (filesystem) only through interface functions defined in
fileio.h:
int file_read(char *path, int offset, void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_info(char *path, void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_write(char *path, int offset, void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_create(char *path,char *pattern, int repeatcount);
int file_remove(char *path);
int dir_create(char *path);
int dir_list(char *path,void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_checksum(char *path);
int dir_checksum(char *path);
These functions represent a simple interface to our filesystem. In Steps 2 and
3 of this MP, you will write the code for functions implementing this interface,
replacing the stub code in fileio.c. In Step 4, you will modify a Bonnie method
to use this interface, rather than calling the normal POSIX I/O functions
directly. The purpose of Step 4 is to help test our implementation.
Step 1: Understanding the code
------------------------------
1. Compile the project, execute Bonnie and the test framework.
Note: you may need to add execute permissions to the .sh files using
the command "chmod +x *.sh".
Try the following:
make
./lmp1
(this runs the Bonnie benchmark - it may take a little while)
./lmp1 -test suite1
(run Test Suite 1 - this has to work for stage1)
make test
(run all tests - this has to work for stage2)
2. Read through the provided .c and .h files and understand how this
project is organized:
bonnie.c - a version of the filesystem benchmark
fileio.c - file I/O functions to be implemented
fileio.h - declaration o.
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suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
Contents lists available at ScienceDirectAggression and Vi.docxmelvinjrobinson2199
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the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse”
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rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without phy-
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suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
how much per page 500 wordsby Emma Schaefer-Whittall - (Sh.docxpooleavelina
how much per page / 500 words
by Emma Schaefer-Whittall - (She/Her/Hers) Tuesday, April 21, 2020, 12:19 AM
In this week's readings, I was drawn towards the overlapping themes that the analysis of “bicurious-ness” in Rupp & Taylor’s “Straight Girls Kissing” and str8 ads in Ward’s “Dude-Sex” contracted. Both sold similar narratives of the hyper-heterosexuality and embellishment of lesbian and gay sexualities. Through perverse discourse appropriated racial stereotypes into a white culture, Ward demonstrated that “‘gay’ as a chosen identity is not particularly linked to who is having sex...instead, being gay is about how sex is done” (Ward 2008; 420). The imagery of the black muscular man atop a changed scrawny white man bolsters the ingrained stereotypes and simultaneously renders the dominant-submissive dichotomy racially transposed. Additionally, race enters the scene again through the heightened use of African American vernacular in the attempt to appear hyper-heterosexual. Ward has shown links to the theory of invisible secret homosexuality in the black community as fetishized by “str8” white men. I believe this “secrecy” stereotype (another one!) coupled with the glamorized aggressive black man who sports a massive cock image enforces an inherent masculinity that becomes inseparable with heterosexuality, justifying the perverted language and racial appropriation abundant in these ads. In Rupp & Taylor’s interviews with students partying in Isla Vista, they touch upon this acceptability of residing in the “in-between”, as long as this “in-between” doesn’t result in homosexuality. Articulately put, “...while straight college students today can make out with women and call themselves “bicurious” without challenge to their heterosexual identity, the same kind of flexibility does not extend to lesbians” (Rupp & Taylor 2010: 31). In both readings, space is established to allow exploration without dissociation from the normative and comfortable folds of heterosexuality. In Rupp & Taylor, this space is described as involving alcohol, parties, and maybe a three-some with a man that acts “as an extension of the safe hereosexual space.” For str8 guys, this space has been constructed in hyper-heterosexualized homophobia. For both of these situations, the people that benefit are white and heterosexual, while blacks, lesbians, and gays are forced to surrender their property to, essentially, the heteronormative society.
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249972653
Straight Girls Kissing
ARTICLE in CONTEXTS · AUGUST 2010
DOI: 10.1525/ctx.2010.9.3.28
CITATIONS
11
READS
1,846
2 AUTHORS:
Leila J. Rupp
University of California, Santa Barbara
66 PUBLICATIONS 638 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Verta Taylor
University of California, Santa Barbara
41 PUBLICATIONS 1,209 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Available from: Leila J. Rupp
Retrieved on: 22 March 2016
https://www.r ...
Gender studies is an interdisciplinary academic field devoted to analysing gender identity and gendered representation. It includes women's studies (concerning women, feminism, gender, and politics), men's studies and queer studies.
Its rise to prominence, especially in Western universities after 1990, has been noted as a success of deconstructionism. Sometimes, gender studies is offered together with study of sexuality.
When we learned our A-B-C’s and 1-2-3’s as children, they were easy to commit to memory as they remained consistent throughout our lives. LGBTQ+, on the other hand, is an evolving abbreviation representing a diverse community through a variety of sexual and gender identities.
For more information, visit www.TransHealthTO.com
Sp
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Learning Objectives
• Understand the concepts of “race” and “ethnicity” as social constructs.
• Analyze evidence about racial inequality and social class in relation to crime.
• Analyze evidence about racial differences in rates of victimization.
• Analyze evidence regarding racial inequality and incarceration rates.
• Explore how the War on Drugs contributes to racial discrimination in the criminal justice system.
• Examine crack cocaine and marijuana law enforcement in context of racial discrimination.
• Critically analyze the connections between race and the death penalty.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of racial profiling.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of immigration and crime rates.
Crime, Race, and Ethnicity
4
coL82305_04_c04_091-122.indd 91 7/5/13 4:18 PM
Section 4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System CHAPTER 4
In April of 2012, law enforcement in Oklahoma arrested one of the region’s foremost drug kingpins. In the home of the alleged drug kingpin, police seized four pounds of marijuana, $276,000 in cash, and two firearms: a revolver and a semiautomatic pistol.
Police believe that the defendant is the “mastermind” (Perez, 2012, p. 1) of a drug-dealing
organization that supplies approximately 40% of the marijuana markets in Oklahoma and
three nearby states: Missouri, Kansas, and Arkansas. The suspect, drug kingpin Darlene
Mayes, is a White grandmother with thinning silver hair who appears to be in her 60s or
70s. Thus she has been dubbed the “Granny Drug Kingpin” (Perez, 2012).
Studies suggest that when asked to picture a drug dealer, overwhelmingly the American
public visualizes a young man of color (Burston, Jones, & Roberson-Sanders, 1995). How-
ever, evidence from this chapter will demonstrate that drug use and drug crime spans
racial and ethnic groups and that all racial groups seem to commit drug crime in similar
rates. Whether broaching issues of drug crime, or any other type of crime, issues of per-
ception, race, and criminality are central in the study of criminology.
4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System
The American criminal justice system disproportionately impacts people of color, and this disproportionate impact by race is often dramatic and consistent at nearly every level of the system. Research demonstrates that members of poor, disenfranchised
groups receive harsher treatment in all phases of the criminal justice system: They are
more likely to be stopped, investigated, arrested, charged, put on trial, found guilty, and
sent to prison (Tonry, 2011). The disproportionate involvement in the system is cumula-
tive. Police are more likely to arrest someone who has a prior record, prosecutors are more
likely to charge someone who has previously been arrested or spent time in jail. A judge
is more likely to convict and incarcerate a defendant rather than offer probation to some-
one who has .
Chapter One
Why Asian American Sexual Politics?
In 2000, two white men and a white woman in Spokane, Washington, specifically targeted
Japanese women in an elaborately planned scheme to kidnap, rape, sodomize, and torture them
and to videotape the whole ordeal. According to police reports, the rapists had a sexual
fantasy about and fixation with young Japanese women. The three assailants believed that the
Japanese women were submissive.[1] In just one month, the predators abducted five Japanese
exchange students, ranging in age from eighteen to twenty. Motivated by their sexual biases
about Asian women, all three used both their bodies and objects to repeatedly rape—vaginally,
anally, and orally—two of the young women for over seven hours.[2] One of the attackers
immediately confessed to searching only for Japanese women to torture and rape; eventually,
all pled guilty and were convicted.[3]
In 2004, American Idol, the most watched TV series in the Nielsen ratings and the only
program to have been number one for seven consecutive seasons,[4] premiered the season with
an episode that showcased twenty-one-year-old William Hung singing a rendition of Ricky
Martin’s “She Bangs.” The episode was a collection of the most “talentless” of those who
auditioned, and it was if Hung was crowned the “king.” His inability to carry a tune, dance to
the beat, or exude any sex appeal made the video go viral on the Internet, and viewers were
laughing at him, not with him. He was a perfect fit for the unflattering racial stereotype of the
asexual, nerdy Asian American man. Across the blogosphere, race scholars and Asian
American men were bemoaning the perpetuation of the racist stereotyping and yet another
instance where Asian American men are emasculated in American media.
These two examples demonstrate the racial stereotyping of Asians and Asian Americans.
The perpetrators in Spokane, Washington, used racist stereotypes to pick their targets. While
both being racially “othered,” Asian and Asian American women have been constructed as
sexually exotic docile bodies while men have been racially “castrated.” These constructions
created a complicated racialized Asian American sexual politics affected by racist-gendered
constructions but also “home-culture” expectations. The vignettes and analysis shared in this
book are an attempt to look at the nuanced way that constructions can operate in the lives of
some Asian Americans.
Feminist scholars argue that women's sexuality is socially shaped in ways that sustain men's
social and political dominance. I extend this feminist scholarship and argue that Asian
American sexuality is socially shaped in ways that maintain social and political dominance for
whites, particularly white men. I want to set this stage with the assertions made by Patricia
Hill Collins in her seminal work, Black Sexual Politics.[5] Collins defines sexual politics as
Chou, Rosalind S.. Asian American Sexual Politics : The Construction of Race, G.
YourLastName2
Nepali2
Name: Shrijana Nepali
Professor: Mark Shepherd
ENGL-1301-51009
LGBT Social Acceptance and Inclusivity
The transgender issue is most common problem in our society. The number of transgenders in our society are increasing gradually but we fail to accept them for our narrow vision. It is very shameful to us that in the time of modern culture we are breaking many old concepts and accepting new concept. Let's seek to grasp the term-transgender meaning. There are individuals who differ from their birth sex by their sexual identity or gender expression. The research reviewed concentrated mainly on transgender people's key concerns and public acceptance. The M. Ed focusing on curriculum is important because this is the professional and mostly filed based work as a teacher educator. If we emphasize M. Ed's transgender term. Curriculum then teacher trainer will be easily useful for transgender empowerment. Although over the past two decades a significant body of LGBT health information has been established, much remains to be explored. What can we do to empower LGBT rights? What are the priorities for a research agenda to address these gaps?
Some say LGBT community should be treated with equal rights as everyone, while others say marriages between same-sex couples should not be recognized by the law as valid. The LGBT community is also being criminalized and sentenced.
What Richard did to Sasha as seen in the 57 Bus story is clear reflection of what is happening in our society today. There is a lot of violence against people of different sexual orientations and gender identities, some nations go as far as giving people the death penalty or incarceration. We must therefore ask ourselves whether there is a connection between the level of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) acceptance and the level of inclusiveness of the laws of a country. According to Sasha, gender is "the term for what people feel about themselves, how they feel inside," and it does not automatically correspond with the biological sex at birth (Slater).
Community values are reflected in the school’s curriculum, and teachers could bridge the divide between privileged and marginalized students by honoring their identities. Traditional curricula that rely on whole-class topics that privilege heteronormative expectations do a great disservice to diverse learners. These topics isolate students. However, topics with LGBT representation normalize LGBT students, creating a safe space for academic and emotional growth. Scholars are beginning to develop models for understanding LGBT integration in education, but the role of religion in encouraging or hindering LGBT inclusion has been theorized (Revelle, Carol and Anna Waugh).
Beyond bridging literature on the political sociology of LGBT rights and religion and the culture wars, against this backdrop of legal vulnerability, Legislators who oppose same-sex marriage and recent moves to advance transgender equalit ...
Why Transsexuals Are Separated from Rest of Humanity - and Explanationmarinakrugov
The Medico-legal construction of transsexualism as a syndrome and the socio-legal construction of the transsexual as a person, the inadequacy of current legal thinking clarified. Explanation on why a transsexual person separated out from the rest of humanity and afforded special discriminatory treatment by the law, through their being ‘non-human’ and my view on that account.
Living in a Sustainable WorldImagine a future in which human bei.docxmanningchassidy
Living in a Sustainable World
Imagine a future in which human beings have achieved environmental sustainability on a global scale. In this second part of your final assignment, you will be describing what a sustainable Earth will look like in the future, providing examples throughout to support your descriptions.
You will be including all the terms that you have researched during Week 1 through 4 of this class, underlining each term as you include it. In your paper, use grammar and spell-checking programs to insure clarity.
1. Food web
2.Composting
3. (did not complete)
4. Nuclear Energy
Your paper will consist of seven paragraphs: an introduction, a conclusion, and one paragraph relating to each week’s topic. In your paper, use this format to address the following elements with the assumption that environmental sustainability has been achieved:
Introduction:
Describe how our relationship to nature will be different from what it is at present.
Examine how we will cope differently with the ways that natural phenomena affect our lives.
Week 1:
Describe what Earth’s biodiversity and ecosystems will look like.
Week 2:
Examine how agricultural production will be different in the future.
Week 3:
Differentiate between how we will manage our water resources in the future compared to how we do so right now.
Week 4:
Examine how we will meet our energy needs in the future in a way that will enable us to maintain a habitable atmosphere and climate.
Week 5:
Describe how waste management will be different in the future.
Conclusion:
Summarize some of the major social, economic, political, and ecological choices and tradeoffs that will need to be overcome for this sustainable future to arrive.
The Part 2 of the Journey to Sustainability paper
Must be 7 paragraphs in length (not including title and reference pages) and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center’s
APA Style resource (Links to an external site.)
.
Must incorporate all four of your previously selected terms.
Must utilize academic voice. See the
Academic Voice (Links to an external site.)
resource for additional guidance.
Can include, as an option, credible and/or scholarly sources in addition to the course text for each term covered.
The
Scholarly, Peer Reviewed, and Other Credible Sources (Links to an external site.)
table offers additional guidance on appropriate source types. If you have questions about whether a specific source is appropriate for this assignment, please contact your instructor. Your instructor has the final say about the appropriateness of a specific source for a particular assignment.
Must document any information used from sources in APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center’s
Citing Within Your Paper guide (Links to an external site.)
.
(Links to an external site.)
Can include, as an option, a separate references list that i.
LO Analyze Culture and SocialDiscuss the concepts in this c.docxmanningchassidy
LO: Analyze Culture and Social
Discuss the concepts in this chapter as they relate to
American Idol
. Consider the cultural implications of the
Idol
contest in other countries, such as Norway, South Africa, Poland, the Philippines, and the Arab World. For example, in developing nations, what percentage of the population has television, cell phones, and the Internet? Can one genre of music or type of artist possibly represent the tastes of citizens throughout a whole country? Consider whether popular culture is universal; what it means that the idol winners in other nations may or may not find rags-to-riches stories, depending on the infrastructure of their society; and why it is significant to identify winners as "idols" of an entire country.
Here is the Wikipedia on World Idol:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Idol
.
Literature Review Project.Assignment must comply with APA 7th ed.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Review Project.
Assignment must comply with APA 7th edition written standards:
(Times new roman, font #12 and double space)
In addition, please add the following to the First page:
-Tittle: Selective Mutism disorder
-Class: Human and growth and development
-Professor: Rafael Ramos, MS
-School: Florida National University
-Date (November 2020)
The following pages please include:
- Abstract
-Selective Mutism Disorder
-Symptoms
-Diagnostic criteria
-Treatment plans
-Prevention and tips
-Prognosis
-Conclusion
-References
.
lobal Commodity Chains & Negative Externalities
The worldwide network of social relations and labor activities involved in the creation, distribution, consumption, and disposal of a commodity (as defined in Appadurai, p. 3)
Social relations:
labor, capitalists, nation-states, and consumers; society/nature
Labor activities:
product design and financing; capture/extraction/cultivation of raw materials; processing; transportation; distribution/sale; purchase/consumption; and disposal
Impacts:
socioeconomic, political, environmental
Questions
Culture of capitalism/global commodity chains
Karl Polanyi’s Paradox (
as defined in GPCC
)
Negative externalities
Internalizing negative externalities
Example: “The
coffee commodity chain
is the linked sequence of activities involved in growing
coffee
, processing it, shipping it, roasting it, … selling it to consumers” (John Talbot) and disposing it.
Video example: Coffee
https://u.osu.edu/commoditychain2015/ (Links to an external site.)
Assignment
Choose either a specific commodity or some aspect of a commodity chain (such as its labor and/or ownership/control conditions; social, economic, environmental, and/or health consequences; political violence/wars; etc.).
Emphasize relationships and activities of labor, capitalists, nation-states, consumers, and the natural environment.
Global culture of capitalism
Global commodity chains
Negative externalities
Karl Polanyi’s Paradox (
as defined in GPCC;
not Michael Polanyi’s Paradox)
Challenges of internalizing externalities (more or less = “sustainability”)
1000 or more words of narrative text (no maximum word count); college standards of writing
;
single spaced 11 or 12-point Times New Roman font; in-text citations; references section; Chicago, MLA, or APA format.
If you want to focus on Covid-19 (or any other “signature” disease):
Covid-19
Briefly describe and explain the principal relationships within the global culture of capitalism, including global commodity chains.
What are "negative externalities"?
What is "Karl Polanyi's Paradox" (
as defined in GPCC;
not Michael Polanyi’s Paradox)?
What are the basic questions to ask about patterns of disease at any point in time and space?
What defines a “signature disease” of a specific historical time and pattern of geographic connections?
Describe the possible cause and transmission of Covid-19 in terms of the relationships between (1) culture and disease; (2) cities and disease; (3) environmental change and disease; and (4) human ecology and disease.
Within this framework, how is Covid-19 a “signature disease”? And how does it reflect negative externalities and Karl Polanyi’s Paradox?
What are arguments for healthcare as a global public good (and as a human right), as opposed to healthcare as an individual, commodified choice?
.
LMP1 IO and Filesystems=========================Welcome .docxmanningchassidy
LMP1: I/O and Filesystems
=========================
Welcome to LMP1, the first long MP. LMP1 is the first stage of a project aimed
at creating a simple yet functional networked filesystem. In this MP, you will
learn about and use POSIX file system calls, while subsequent LMPs will
introduce memory management, messaging, and networking functionality. If you
implement all parts of this MP correctly, you will be able to reuse your code
for future MPs.
This first LMP concentrates on the file I/O portion of the project.
Specifically, you will implement a custom filesystem and test its performance
using a filesystem benchmark. A benchmark is an application used to test the
performance of some aspect of the system. We will be using Bonnie, a real
filesystem benchmark, to test various performance aspects of the filesystem we
implement.
LMP1 consists of four steps:
1. Read the code; run the Bonnie benchmark and the LMP1 test suite.
2. Implement Test Suite 1 functionality, encompassing basic file I/O operations.
3. Implement Test Suite 2-4 functionality (directory operations, file
creation/deletion, and recursive checksumming).
4. Modify Bonnie to use your client-server file I/O methods.
Code structure
--------------
The code for this project is structured according to the client-server
model. The client code (filesystem benchmark) will interact with the
server (filesystem) only through interface functions defined in
fileio.h:
int file_read(char *path, int offset, void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_info(char *path, void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_write(char *path, int offset, void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_create(char *path,char *pattern, int repeatcount);
int file_remove(char *path);
int dir_create(char *path);
int dir_list(char *path,void *buffer, size_t bufbytes);
int file_checksum(char *path);
int dir_checksum(char *path);
These functions represent a simple interface to our filesystem. In Steps 2 and
3 of this MP, you will write the code for functions implementing this interface,
replacing the stub code in fileio.c. In Step 4, you will modify a Bonnie method
to use this interface, rather than calling the normal POSIX I/O functions
directly. The purpose of Step 4 is to help test our implementation.
Step 1: Understanding the code
------------------------------
1. Compile the project, execute Bonnie and the test framework.
Note: you may need to add execute permissions to the .sh files using
the command "chmod +x *.sh".
Try the following:
make
./lmp1
(this runs the Bonnie benchmark - it may take a little while)
./lmp1 -test suite1
(run Test Suite 1 - this has to work for stage1)
make test
(run all tests - this has to work for stage2)
2. Read through the provided .c and .h files and understand how this
project is organized:
bonnie.c - a version of the filesystem benchmark
fileio.c - file I/O functions to be implemented
fileio.h - declaration o.
Livy, History of Rome 3.44-55 44. [What is Appius plot t.docxmanningchassidy
Livy, History of Rome 3.44-55
44. [What is Appius' plot to get access to Verginia?]
This [episode in which the decemviri plotted the murder of Siccius, a military
commander who had been encouraging resistance to the decemviri] was followed by
a second atrocity, the result of brutal lust, which occurred in the City and led to
consequences no less tragic than the outrage and death of Lucretia, which had
brought about the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus. Not only was the end of the
decemvirs the same as that of the kings, but the cause of their losing their power
was the same in each case. [2] Appius Claudius had conceived a guilty passion
for a girl of plebeian birth. The girl's father, L. Verginius, held a high rank in the
army on Algidus; he was a man of exemplary character both at home and in the field.
[3] His wife had been brought up on equally high principles, and their children were
being brought up in the same way. He had betrothed his daughter to Lucius Icilius,
who had been tribune, an active and energetic man whose courage had been proved
in his battles for the plebs. [4] This girl, now in the bloom of her youth and beauty,
excited Appius' passions, and he tried to prevail on her by presents and promises.
When he found that her virtue was proof against all temptation, he had recourse to
unscrupulous and brutal violence. [5] He commissioned a client, Marcus
Claudius, to claim the girl as his slave, and to bar any claim on the part of her
friends to retain possession of her till the case was tried, as he thought that the
father's absence afforded a good opportunity for this illegal action. [in Roman law at
this time the person was presumed to be free until the claim of slavery was proved in
court] [6] As the girl was going to her school in the Forum —the grammar schools
were held in booths there —the decemvir's pander [minister libidinis, literally
'assistant of lust'] laid his hand upon her, declaring that she was the daughter of a
slave of his, and a slave herself. [7] He then ordered her to follow him, and
threatened, if she hesitated, to carry her off by force. While the girl was stupefied
with terror, her maid's shrieks, invoking ‘the protection of the Quirites,’ [=
'assemblymen of Rome, citizens, supposedly from the roots co+vir men together]
drew a crowd together. The names of her father Verginius and her betrothed lover,
Icilius, were held in universal respect. [8] Regard for them brought their friends,
feelings of indignation brought the crowd to the maiden's support. She was now safe
from violence; the man who claimed her said that he was proceeding according to
law, not by violence, there was no need for any excited gathering. [9] He summoned
the girl into court. Her supporters advised her to follow him; they came before the
tribunal of Appius. The claimant repeated a story already perfectly familiar to the
judge as he was the author of the plot, how the girl had been born.
Liu Zhao 1
Liu Zhao 4
Liu Zhao
Professor Ms. Williams
AAS 271
11 April 2020
Rough draft - Afrocentricity
Also known as Afrocentric, Afrocentricity is the study of the history of the world that focuses on the history of the current African descent. Afrocentricity refers to an African initiative culture that attempts to bring Africa to the center of the whole thing. This is regarding everything that began in Africa yet comprehensively; they are said to be Africa-American based. Furthermore, Afrocentricity has been employed significantly to scholarly work where Africans need acknowledgment as they are the ones putting effort on the works coming from Africa. Similarly, the fact that they have a broad scope of masterminds who are capable and have had the option to think of scholarly work, Afrocentricity at its most straightforward attempts to put Africa as a continent at the focal point, all things considered, attempts to put African history within proper context rather than Europe assuming the acknowledgment in what it has not done and accomplished. In this manner, this point of view ought not to be viewed as attempting to put African at any predominance but the way that Africa's source, culture, and conduct ought to be valued (Ince). (I would follow up with explaining the significance of this reference) (unclear thesis) Comment by Claire E Logan: I would use a different definition--afrocentricity is a framework, not an actual study Comment by Claire E Logan: confusing--would scrap the whole sentence Comment by Claire E Logan: confusing-- re-word
The exponents of Afrocentrism support the statement that the contributions made by black African people have been discredited as part of the history of colonialism and the pathology of slavery, more so in the act writing Africans out of history. Afrocentricity has its own critics, some of the critics such as Mary Lefkowitz, term who describe Afrocentricity to be obstinately therapeutic as well as pseudohistory (reference needed). Other critics, like Kwame Appiah, view Afrocentricity as a strategy to disrupt the history of the world by trying to replace Eurocentricity with a curriculum that is hierarchical and ethnocentric (reference needed). The critics in support of this approach also claim that Afrocentricity negatively portrays the culture of Europe and people of European descent. (I would take a stance here by disproving these critiques in a way that addresses your thesis)
Afrocentricity is followed back to the African-American who was brought up in Europe after Africa nations were colonized, and some were sold as captives to the European countries (unclear sentence). Afrocentricity is dated back to the 19th century and the early 20th century. It is believed to be the work of intellectuals of Africans in Africa and those in the diaspora as well (a. It was a reform brought about by social reforms in Africa and the United States of America after the end o.
Literature, Culture & Society
Lecture 4: Solitary reading
Dr C. Harrison
1
Last week…
We considered the role of the implied reader in the reception of literature;
We explored the crossover/ young adult fiction genres – their content and readership;
We thought about the role of/ debates surrounding censorship in contemporary fiction;
Seminars
We explored the textual representation of the implied reader.
This week…
We will think about what is meant by the term ‘solitary reading’ and how it might be analysed;
We will consider the Costa-award winning experimental novel The Shock of the Fall as a case study;
Seminars
We will explore the ideas of identification and observation/distancing through a close analysis of particular language (stylistic) choices in the text and in reader reviews.
2
Solitary reading
& text analysis
In solitary reading ‘the written literary text is the substance of the discourse; it is the language which cues text-worlds in the readers’ minds’ (Peplow et al. 2016: 37);
The language of the text determines which schemas readers need to draw on in order to comprehend the text;
The purpose of (cognitive) stylistic approaches to literature ‘is to explicate how the interplay between written text and reader results in a particular interpretation or emotional response to the extract under discussion’ (Peplow et al. 2016: 38; emphasis added).
3
Reading as an emotional experience:
The Shock of the Fall
Costa award for best first novel
Experimental text: manipulates text and images
Central themes: grief, mental illness
Matt Homes, a 19-year-old schizophrenic struggling within the mental health system, is conducting his own writing therapy, urgently bashing out his thoughts on an old typewriter and interspersing them with letters, doodles and sketches. [The novel] is beautifully packaged, with drawings, varying typefaces and typographical tricks representing Matt's swelling bundle of papers. It is a gripping, exhilarating read.
(Feay 2014; Guardian review)
Nathan Filer was a mental health nurse
4
Experimental fiction
Destabilize the real world
Subvert a sense of the normal
Introduce debates about the status of the text and the act of writing
Present different world views
Have free playing voices none of which is privileged
Engage with the moving play of signifiers to construct endless cycles of meaning
Employ intrusion into the text by the narrator and/or author
Experiment with form and typography
Develop new ways of seeing
Apply multiple discourses
Mix and/ or subvert genres
Provoke the reader to consider new ideas and concepts
Imagine alternative realities
Use metaphoric qualities
Engage the reader on an intellectual/philosophical level
Deny closure (Armstrong 2014: 5)
5
‘Typographical tricks’
6
‘Typographical tricks’
7
‘Typographical tricks’
Also the PLEASE STOP READING OVER MY SHOULDER examples
8
Reading experience
How do these ‘experiments with form and typography’ impact on.
Live Your MissionDescribe how your organizations mission st.docxmanningchassidy
"Live Your Mission"
Describe how your organization's mission statement and values are implemented in the marketing, operations, technology, management, and social responsibility sections of your business plan.
1. State your company's mission statement in quotation marks. (see attachment)
2. Outline your company's values.
3. Explain how the mission and values are reflected in what you do at your NAB business in each of these areas: marketing, technology, management, and social responsibility.
Remark: Write clearly, concisely, use proper grammar and writing mechanics. You must use APA format and cite (2) references.
(see attachments for additional information)
.
Literature ReviewYou are to write a 1200 word literature revie.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Review
You are to write a
1200 word literature review
(in addition to the title page and references page) on the articles you selected for Week 2, synthesizing the findings in the articles that you found on your topic. You may incorporate other articles or references to support your discussion, as needed. Use APA citation and reference guidelines.
What is a literature review?
A literature review is a synthesis and critique of the published research in a given area of research. Your focus is on the findings of the studies you are exploring – their methods, approach, results, and implications – rather than the broad topic overall. It should synthesize findings in specific areas. Thus, you should look for themes in the range of articles and write about them as you group common themes.
Synthesize the material you found. In other words, find connected themes in the different areas you cover. Occasionally you might discuss individual articles, but only if the article is very unique and no other article has similar findings. The synthesis should focus strictly on existing, published research.
What else should you include besides a synthesis of research?
Be sure to include in your review other potential areas that still need to be explored. What unanswered questions are there? What holes are in the research that you have not yet found answers to? What contradictions are in the research will you seek to explore?
Examples of Synthesized Findings for Literature Review:
College students were found to have a large number of conflicts with roommates (Darsey, 2003; Smith, 2001; Yarmouth, 2005). Researchers also found that roommate conflicts were most frequent during the first semester of college (Lotspiech, 2004; Nominskee, 2001; Zackarov, 2000). Morissey (2004) found a reduction of roommate conflicts continued as students progressed from freshman to seniors, with seniors having the fewest roommate conflicts. However, Ellensworth (2001) found no correlation with year in school and frequency of roommate conflict. The contradiction between Ellensworth’s and Morissey’s findings suggest that additional research is needed in this area.
Ellensworth’s (2001) research was strictly quantitative, lacking a full picture of the contexts or reasons for the specific conflicts. It asked people to mark the frequency of their conflicts and types of people with whom they typically disputed. Morissey (2004) conducted interviews that allowed participants to provide an explanation for the reasons for the conflicts, and the contexts (dorm roommates, apartment roommates, house roommates, etc.). However, she interviewed far fewer people than Ellensworth surveyed.
Combining Ellensworth’s surveys with Morissey’s interview questions and utilizing a research team to increase the number of interviews could provide more details about the conflicts and contexts, and allow us to further look into the question of year in school and conflict behavior.
DeSoto (2005) a.
Literature Evaluation TableStudent Name Vanessa NoaChange.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Evaluation Table
Student Name: Vanessa Noa
Change Topic (2-3 sentences): Patient safety is one of the pertinent issues in nursing home health care. The literature evaluation table summarizes the strength and relevance of eight peer-reviewed articles on the role of nurse education on fall prevention.
Criteria
Article 1
Article 2
Article 3
Article 4
Author, Journal (Peer-Reviewed), and
Permalink or Working Link to Access Article
Author: Howard Katrina
Journal: MEDSURG Nursing
https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Improving+Fall+Rates+Using+Bedside+Debriefings+and+Reflective+Emails%3A...-a0568974192
Authors: Jang and Lee
Journal: Educational Gerontology
Link: https://doi.org/10.1080/03601277.2015.1033219
Authors: Kuhlenschmidt et al.
Journal: Clinical Journal of Oncology Nursing
Link: https://doi.org/10.1188/16.CJON.84-89
Authors: Minnier et al.
Journal: Creative Nursing
Link: https://doi.org/10.1891/1078-4535.25.2.169
Article Title and Year Published
Title: Improving Fall Rates Using Bedside Debriefings and Reflective Emails: One Unit’s Success Story
Year: 2018
Title: The Effects of an Education Program on Home Renovation for Fall Prevention of Korean Older People
Year: 2015
Title: Tailoring Education to Perceived Fall Risk in Hospitalized Patients With Cancer: A Randomized, Controlled Trial
Year: 2016
Title: Four Smart Steps: Fall Prevention for Community-Dwelling Older Adults
Year: 2019
Research Questions (Qualitative)/Hypothesis (Quantitative), and Purposes/Aim of Study
RQs: Why falls remain a challenging and complex problem
What innovative measures can reduce patient falls
Quantitative research
Aim/purpose: To discuss a project that seeks to implement innovative measures that help decrease patient falls
RQs: Does an education program on home renovation reduce falls among older people?
Quantitative study
Hypothesis: Appropriate education is crucial for fall prevention
Aim/Purpose: To verify the impacts of an education program on home renovation for preventing falls among older adults
RQs: Are there evidence-based interventions tailored to the perception of falls risk
Quantitative study
Aim/Purpose: To determine the effects of tailored, nurse-delivered interventions
RQs: Do guides for fall prevention enhance older adults’ knowledge and awareness of fall risks.
Quality improvement project
Aim/Purpose: To implement a simple, author-designed guide for fall prevention among older adults dwelling in the community
Design (Type of Quantitative, or Type of Qualitative)
Survey
Quasi-experimental
Randomized, controlled design
Narrative model
Setting/Sample
A team of clinical staff and leaders
51 participants
91 patient participants
Senior center
Methods: Intervention/Instruments
Open discussions to enable clinical staff to discuss concerns and provide feedback
In-depth interviews and survey
A two-group, controlled design. This design helped to test interventions in the bone marrow plantation unit
The prevention program dubbed Fou.
LITERATURE ANALYSIS TOPIC IDENTIFICATION & BIBLIOGRAPHY TEMPLATE.docxmanningchassidy
LITERATURE ANALYSIS: TOPIC IDENTIFICATION & BIBLIOGRAPHY TEMPLATE
Social Media Use Policy
Proposed Topic:
The developments in technology are invaluable resources that help law enforcement officer in performance of their duties, nonetheless, technologies such as social media platforms have constructive and destructive effects.
Proposed Thesis Statement:
Graduate writing cannot be "A" quality without a thesis statement. The thesis statement provides the destination of the paper. The topic/title of the paper will tell the reader which direction the essay is heading (N, S, E, or W) and a transition statement tells the reader the steps that will be taken to get to the destination. A strong conclusion cannot be written without a strong thesis statement. The thesis drives the conclusion. If you know beforehand what you are trying to accomplish, then in your conclusion you can tell if you have accomplished this goal or not.
Preliminary Bibliography (minimum of six sources in APA format):
Example:
Schmalleger, F. (2011). Criminal justice today: An introductory text for the 21st Century (11th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NY: Prentice Hall.
Annotated Bibliography
Summarize each article or text you are going to use in this paper (at least 6 sources need to be included in this portion of the assignment). Each summary needs to be about a paragraph in length. At the end of this annotated summary you will need to write a one paragraph summary regarding how these sources connect to the topic at hand and how you plan on using these sources to justify your conclusion.
.
Literature ReviewThis paper requires the student to conduct a sc.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Review
This paper requires the student to conduct a scholarly literature review on the subject of evidence-based policing. Students will write a 5-page literature review analyzing various qualitative studies on this topic. Students will keep the context within the framework of evidence-based policing, and how it can be beneficial to the criminal justice field.
.
literary Research paper12 paragraph paper central argument.docxmanningchassidy
literary Research paper
12 paragraph paper
central argument: clear central argument or focus that frames and solidifies the purpose of the essay
Critical thinking- consistent demonstration of complex thinking & reasoning abilities; clearly written for the appropriate audience, purpose, and context
revelant & specific evidence
Purposeful Organization- Essay is well organized with purposeful connections between ideas progresses clearly from beginning to end.
citation & documentation- Consistent MLA citation of sources, including works cited page
Editing, Mechanics, and Correctness- few errors in mechanics sentences are clear and well
Requirements: 3 Galileo Sources
.
Literature Review about Infection prevention in ICU with CVC lines a.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Review about Infection prevention in ICU with CVC lines and Foleys. And Using HCG bath on patient with lines (CVC, PICC, MIDLINE, PORTS ETC) in ICU. Please also add how screening for medical necesity of lines a nurse can advocate for discontinuance of these to prevent infection.
More instructions Below
Write a literature review of the ABOVE MENTIONED TOPICS, uusing peer-reviewed articles and books, as well as non-research literature such as evidence-based guidelines, toolkits, and standardized procedures. Identify and cite all sources of data according to APA guidelines. The goal is to review and critique the most current research; this research will help drive the focus of your research. Summarize the key findings and provide a transition to the methods, intervention, or clinical protocol section of your final paper. Describe any gaps in knowledge that you found and the effects this may have on nursing practice. The literature review should be a synthesis of how each article relates to a project on infection prevention with invasive lines, Example (CVC, PICCs, Midlines, ports, Foleys, ect). Also, when writing your literature review, remember to include subtopics to your main topic and gather data on these areas as well. For example, if you are doing a project about preventing CVC lines infection and HCG bath to patients with lines, then subtopics for these treatments should be included.
Your integrative literature review should be at least 5 pages in length, not including the cover or reference pages, and must contain a minimum of 10 scholarly articles, published within the past 5 years.
.
Literature Evaluation You did a great job on your PICOT and .docxmanningchassidy
Literature Evaluation
You did a great job on your PICOT and completing this assignment. I look forward to reading your papers regarding hospital acquired infections!! You just need to work on proper formatting of your references.
Thank you,
June
Summary of Clinical Issue
The clinical issue, in this case, is patient infections. Hospitals have always been a place of refuge for patients but there is a worrying fact about infections in hospitals. Some of the patients are taken to the hospital to get better but they leave with more infections than they came in with. The issue of infections in hospitals is motivated by two major factors. The first factor is associated with medical errors. Most of the infections which occur in hospitals affect people who have gone through surgeries are people who are receiving blood, water, and food through tubes. It, therefore, means that in most cases, doctors are responsible for infections. When the inner body organs are exposed to the environment, they get exposed to germs and germs increase the chances of infections. The second factor that supports infections is hygiene in the hospital. A hospital is a sensitive place and therefore, there is a dire need to make sure that it is hygienically fit for patients. Dirt has the ability to increase high exposure to infections. Contaminated foods and drinks increase the chances of infections. It is essential to note that the cleanliness of the water and other equipment that is used in hospitals is imperative.
PICOT Question:
In hospital infections, can improved hospital hygiene reduces the number of hospital infections among patients of all ages in the next twelve months
?
Criteria
Article 1
Article 2
Article 3
APA-Formatted Article Citation with Permalink
Saint, S. (2017). Can intersectional innovations reduce hospital infection?. Journal of Hospital Infection, 95(2), 129-134. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhin.2016.11.013
Starr, J. B., Tirschwell, D. L., & Becker, K. J. (2017). Labetalol use is associated with increased in-hospital infection compared with nicardipine use in intracerebral hemorrhage. Stroke, 48(10), 2693-2698.
https://doi.org/10.1161/STROKEAHA.117.017230
Van Kleef, E., Luangasanatip, N., Bonten, M. J., & Cooper, B. S. (2017). Why sensitive bacteria are resistant to hospital infection control. Wellcome open research, 2. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5721567/
How Does the Article Relate to the PICOT Question?
The article focuses on the PICOT question.
The article focuses on the PICOT question.
The article focuses on the PICOT question.
Quantitative, Qualitative (How do you know?)
It is qualitative research because it has employed a qualitative design.
It is quantitative research because it has employed a quantitative design.
It is quantitative research because it has employed a quantitative design.
Purpose Statement
To know the role that innovations play in reducing infections in hospitals
The purpose of the article is to know the fac.
Literature Evaluation Table In nursing practice, accurate identi.docxmanningchassidy
Literature Evaluation Table
In nursing practice, accurate identification and application of research is essential to achieving successful outcomes. Being able to articulate the information and successfully summarize relevant peer-reviewed articles in a scholarly fashion helps to support the student's ability and confidence to further develop and synthesize the progressively more complex assignments that constitute the components of the course change proposal capstone project.
For this assignment, the student will provide a synopsis of eight peer-reviewed articles from nursing journals using an evaluation table that determines the level and strength of evidence for each of the eight articles. The articles should be current within the last 5 years and closely relate to the PICOT statement developed earlier in this course. The articles may include quantitative research, descriptive analyses, longitudinal studies, or meta-analysis articles. A systematic review may be used to provide background information for the purpose or problem identified in the proposed capstone project. Use the "Literature Evaluation Table" resource to complete this assignment.
While APA style is not required for the body of this assignment, solid academic writing is expected, and in-text citations and references should be presented using APA documentation guidelines, which can be found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center.
This assignment uses a rubric. Please review the rubric prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion.
You are not required to submit this assignment to LopesWrite.
Attachments
NRS-490-RS-LiteratureEvaluationTable.docx
RUBRIC
Attempt Start Date:
16-Dec-2019 at 12:00:00 AM
Due Date:
22-Dec-2019 at 11:59:59 PM
Maximum Points:
75.0
Literature Evaluation Table - Rubric
No of Criteria: 13 Achievement Levels: 5
CriteriaAchievement LevelsDescriptionPercentageUnsatisfactory 0-71%0.00 %Less Than Satisfactory 72-75%75.00 %Satisfactory 76-79%79.00 %Good 80-89%89.00 %Excellent 90-100%100.00 %Article Selection100.0
Author, Journal (Peer-Reviewed), and Permalink or Working Link to Access Article5.0Author, journal (peer-reviewed), and permalink or working link to access article section is not included.Author, journal (peer-reviewed), and permalink or working link to access article section is present, but it lacks detail or is incomplete.Author, journal (peer-reviewed), and permalink or working link to access article section is present.Author, journal (peer-reviewed), and permalink or working link to access article section is clearly provided and well developed.Author, journal (peer-reviewed), and permalink or working link to access article section is comprehensive and thoroughly developed with supporting details.Article Title and Year Published 5.0Article title and year published section is not included.Article title and year published section is present, but it lacks.
Listen to the following; (1st movement of the Ravel)Ravel Pi.docxmanningchassidy
Listen to the following; (1st movement of the Ravel)
Ravel Piano Concerto In G Major Argerich Dutoit Orchestre National De France Frankfurt 9 9 1990 (Links to an external site.)
Aaron Copland - Simple Gifts (Links to an external site.)
Alexander Nevsky - "The Battle of the Ice" (Links to an external site.)
2001: A Space Odyssey - The Dawn of Man (Links to an external site.)
2. Write a brief paragraph for each clip, describing what you hear. The Ravel, Copland and Prokofiev examples have analysis in the text. The 4th is from Stanley Kubrick’s 2001: A Space Odyssey. For the last, discuss why Kubrick picked the sounds and visuals he did. ( the music was composed by Georgy Ligeti and Richard Strauss.)
.
Listen perceptively to the Kyrie from Missa O Magnum Mysteri.docxmanningchassidy
Listen perceptively to the "Kyrie" from
Missa O Magnum Mysterium
by the Renaissance Spanish composer Tomás Luis de Victoria.
Play
play
stop
mute
max volume
00:0004:27
No audio loaded.
In 5 short paragraphs (in the same order as the instructions), describe the attributes of the musical selection, according to the following critical criteria:
1. RECOGNIZE AND DESCRIBE:
At least THREE examples of the following seven musical elements : Rhythm, tempo, melody, harmony, timbre, texture, and form that are present in this particular composition, using specific musical terms learned in the course. Refresh your memory (if you have to) by rereading the lectures that cover these particular elements.
2. DEVELOP:
A
conclusion
about what the composer was trying to represent. [Might a fast tempo represent an attempt to escape from danger or dancing at a celebration? This is just an example. Please use your own description]
3. INTERPRET:
The composition's
emotional value
, using language that describes emotional states. Does the music express joy, fear, pleasure, optimism, sadness, or something else? Please specify an emotion, and why the music might express that specific emotion.
4. EVALUATE:
The composition's
creative quality
: What makes this composition a valuable work of art?
5. ANALYZE:
Its personal effect on you. How does this work express aspects of the human condition? Does the music suggest a philosophy for living? If so, what do you think it is?
Submission Instructions
Click "Add Submission"
Use the text entry box and/or upload a file to add your assignment.
Click "Save Changes." You will have the option to "Edit Submission" after you have saved your changes to continue working on your assignment.
Click "Submit Assignment" when you are ready to submit your assignment to your instructor.
Click "Continue" at the prompt "
Are you sure you want to submit your work for grading? You will not be able to make any more changes.
"
.
Literary Analysis on Mending Wall” by Robert Frost The .docxmanningchassidy
Literary Analysis on “Mending Wall” by Robert Frost
The poem,”Mending Wall”, was written by Robert Frost, an American poet. The poem
was created according to rural New England’s setting, where Frost lived at that time. The poem
adapted the characteristics of the characteristics and rituals of the country. The poem describes a
ritual where the speaker and a neighbor met to rebuild a wall made of stone between their
properties, “And on a day we meet to walk the line and set the wall between us once again”
(Frost, 1914). The ritual brings out the main idea of the poem, which is the value of boundaries
between people and the importance of human labor.
Robert Frost wrote “Mending Wall” during a period in the 19th century characterized by
literary modernism. It reacts to the rapid urbanization and industrialization in the 19h century,
and in the upcoming modern world. Frost in his poem tries to bring out the excitement of
literature while cultivating innovation. The writer makes use of symbols in form of literature to
describe the poem. “The frozen ground swell”, (Frost, 1914) as he says, describes the frost,
which is an unsettling force in “Mending Wall”, acts as a damaging object which knocks out
large parts of the wall. The frost is described to be strange, as the writer says, “No one has seen
them made or heard them made.”(Frost, 1914) The strange force behind the frost carries a
significant meaning in the poem. The frost and its strange force signify nature and its effect on
humans. In other terms, things created by human beings are temporary as opposed to nature
which is pulled by its own natural forces.
The spring, traditionally used to refer to rebirth, is used in the poem to symbolize
renewal: “But at spring mending-time we find them there.” (Frost, 1914) Renewal is
demonstrated when the speaker and the neighbor take part in rebuilding the wall. Additionally,
the poem elaborates the value of human work, which creates a feeling of renewal, just as the wall
in the poem is rebuilt every spring. The fence in the poem not only symbolizes the border
between two properties, but also divisions that exist between humans. The poem raises questions
whether borders separate people with existing relationships or whether creating boundaries is
important in establishing a peaceful coexistence. The cows carry an important meaning in the
poem,”Mending Wall.” The speaker explains something wider and deeper when he announces,
“Where there are cows? But here there are no cows”. (Frost, 1914) The lack of cows signify the
absence of conflict; the speaker and the neighbor use their properties for different purposes but
do not conflict over resources, meaning that there is no need of fear. They can live peacefully
with or without a wall between them.
The poem “Mending Wall has its heart at explaining about borders, the struggle to
maintain them and its impact on human beings. Throughout the poem,.
How to Create Map Views in the Odoo 17 ERPCeline George
The map views are useful for providing a geographical representation of data. They allow users to visualize and analyze the data in a more intuitive manner.
Ethnobotany and Ethnopharmacology:
Ethnobotany in herbal drug evaluation,
Impact of Ethnobotany in traditional medicine,
New development in herbals,
Bio-prospecting tools for drug discovery,
Role of Ethnopharmacology in drug evaluation,
Reverse Pharmacology.
Operation “Blue Star” is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
The Indian economy is classified into different sectors to simplify the analysis and understanding of economic activities. For Class 10, it's essential to grasp the sectors of the Indian economy, understand their characteristics, and recognize their importance. This guide will provide detailed notes on the Sectors of the Indian Economy Class 10, using specific long-tail keywords to enhance comprehension.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using “invisible” attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
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Students, digital devices and success - Andreas Schleicher - 27 May 2024..pptxEduSkills OECD
Andreas Schleicher presents at the OECD webinar ‘Digital devices in schools: detrimental distraction or secret to success?’ on 27 May 2024. The presentation was based on findings from PISA 2022 results and the webinar helped launch the PISA in Focus ‘Managing screen time: How to protect and equip students against distraction’ https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/education/managing-screen-time_7c225af4-en and the OECD Education Policy Perspective ‘Students, digital devices and success’ can be found here - https://oe.cd/il/5yV
Overview on Edible Vaccine: Pros & Cons with Mechanism
Lakoff, Language and Women’s Place” Thesis ’women’s la.docx
1. Lakoff, “Language and Women’s Place”
Thesis: “’women’s language’ “submerges a woman’s personal
identity, by denying her the means
of expressing herself strongly, on the one hand, and
encouraging expressions that suggest
triviality in subject-matter and uncertainty about it; and, when a
woman is being discussed, by
treating her as an object—sexual or otherwise—but never a
serious person with individual
views” (48).
“Women experience discrimination in two ways: in the way
they are taught to use language, and
in the way general language uses them” (46)
Methods:
Evidence:
Women are taught to use language differently than are men
[Provide examples]
Lexicon (word choice): color terms: women use more nuanced
terms, i.e. mauve
Weaker “meaningless particles” i.e. Oh dear v. Oh shit (51)
(52) adjectives: “Woman only” divine, lovely-If men use these,
if denigrates them Significance?
Shows expectations and position of women are different from
those of men; women expected to
be “ladylike”; (51) women are denied more forceful linguistic
resources, which ‘reinforces’ men
’s position of strength in the real wold”
2. Also: (47) if girls aren’t allowed to speak strongly, they grow
up to be women who cannot
express themselves forcefully or speak precisely.
These patterns show that women are in more marginalized
positions in society, vis a vis men-
and these patterns reinforce those power inequities: women
don’t want to use strong language
because reinforce negative stereotype that women are “too
emotional”;
Syntax (grammar): Women use more tag question, don’t
they?(55) avoids conflict; less assertive.
Use rising intonation (56): even with non-question? Speakers
who do this not taken as seriously.
The language uses women differently than it uses men (i.e. talk
about women differs than talk
about men) [Provide examples]
“lady”(59): sounds less serious than “woman” (like Romaine)
This content is protected and may not be shared, uploaded or
distributed
Asymmetric pairs (Romaine’s term): for linguistically equal
terms, female pair is often
sexualized; female is referred to relation to the male, but vice
versa
Naming: men more likely to be referred by their titles; “Ms”
misfired (72)
Significance and Resonance [TO DO IN LECTURE]: Why does
this matter? To what extent are
these trends still true today (and how would we know?). How
does this work compare to our
previous course readings?
4. sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1557085114541141
fcx.sagepub.com
Article
Sex Workers/Sex
Offenders: Exclusionary
Criminal Justice
Practices in New Orleans
Susan Dewey1 and Tonia P. St. Germain1
Abstract
Until 2012, the New Orleans criminal justice system forced
persons convicted of
certain prostitution offenses to register as sex offenders under
an antiquated (1805)
statute that criminalizes oral or anal sex in exchange for
compensation. This article
explores attitudes and beliefs that enabled Louisiana’s misuse
of the sex offender
registry against primarily indigent African American street-
based sex worker
women and transgender individuals. Findings presented here
derive from a feminist
interdisciplinary (cultural anthropology and law)
methodological strategy that included
qualitative ethnography, quantitative examination of
Louisiana’s 64 parish-specific sex
offender registries, and legal/policy analysis.
Keywords
sex work, prostitution, sex offender registration, intersections
of race/class/gender,
5. legal issues, political/state crime
The lingering injustice, resulting from over 20 years of
discriminatory enforcement of
this law at police and prosecutors’ whims, will now finally
come to an end. The State of
Louisiana will now finally bring its conduct into compliance
with the Constitution and
the court’s prior rulings. This is an unqualified victory for
Black women, poor women,
and LGBTQ people who fought back against injustice and won.
—Andrea Ritchie, cocounsel in Doe v. Jindal and Doe v.
Caldwell
(Louisiana Justice Institute, 2013).
1University of Wyoming, Laramie, USA
Corresponding Author:
Susan Dewey, Gender & Women’s Studies, 102 Ross Hall, 1000
E. University of Wyoming, Laramie, WY
82070.
Email: [email protected]
541141 FCXXXX10.1177/1557085114541141Feminist
CriminologyDewey and St. Germain
research-article2014
mailto:[email protected]
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F15570851
14541141&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2014-09-16
212 Feminist Criminology 10(3)
This article draws on findings from a mixed methods study to
analyze the means by
6. which the New Orleans criminal justice system employed
Louisiana’s arcane “Crime
Against Nature by Solicitation” (CANS) statute1 to convict sex
workers and conse-
quently force them to register as sex offenders. It examines how
CANS’ application
disproportionately affected African American women and
transgender individuals,
leading the Louisiana Supreme Court, in 2012, to deem the law
unconstitutional and,
in 2013, to mandate the removal of convicted sex workers’
names from the sex offender
registry (Doe et al. v. Jindal et al., 2012; Doe et al. v. Caldwell
et al., 2013). Following
an exploration of the complexities involved in public policy and
legal debates sur-
rounding U.S. criminal justice responses to street-based sex
work, this article employs
qualitative interview findings to elucidate four discriminatory
forces African American
women and transgender individuals face in New Orleans. The
impact of these forces
worsen dramatically as a result of sex offender registration
following a CANS convic-
tion: gender-based violence, and exclusion from employment,
housing, and family and
community. Subsequent analysis draws upon quantitative data
gleaned from
Louisiana’s sex offender registry, which comprises 64 parish-
specific2 jurisdictions, to
establish the overrepresentation of African American women
and transgender indi-
viduals. Findings presented indicate that these four types of
sociolegal exclusion func-
tion to deepen, formalize, and legitimize discrimination against
African American
7. women and transgender individuals.
The Law Is Only as Good as the People Who Enforce It:
CANS and Criminal Justice Responses to Street-Based
Sex Work
They [the criminal justice system] call it “crimes against
nature” but it doesn’t mean you
had sex with a child, it could be oral sex in a car with a man.
It’s unfair to the woman
that’s trying to start over. It’s gonna force her back into
circumstances that she don’t
wanna get back into. You can’t find nowhere to stay, your
people not takin’ you in, you
just got out of jail, you have no job, what else can you do? So
you go back to the familiar,
and that’s it. It’s hard. (Latasha, personal communication,
August 2012)
Latasha, a mother of three who was struggling with crack
addiction and homelessness
at the time of her CANS conviction, became a felon and a sex
offender prior to the
legislative change. As a 45-year-old former New Orleans street-
based sex worker,3
Latasha is just one of 230 women who, prior to the 2013
Louisiana Supreme Court
decision, registered as a sex offender following a prosecutor’s
decision to charge, and
a court’s decision to convict, her with CANS, a felony offense,
rather than the misde-
meanor charge of prostitution. This was true of a full 80% of
women listed on the sex
offender registry of Orleans Parish and neighboring Jefferson
Parish. Some of the
tasks women like Latasha were required to undertake following
8. a CANS conviction
included providing law enforcement officials with their full
contact information,
which was made public on the sex offender registry, carrying
state-issued identifica-
tion that reads “sex offender,” paying hefty registration and
other fines, and restricting
Dewey and St. Germain 213
themselves to living in certain areas (Louisiana R.S. 15:542).
These legal stipulations,
as Latasha observes, virtually ensure that individuals who had
received a CANS con-
viction as a result of their involvement in prostitution continued
to struggle with find-
ing housing, employment, and faced stigma, marginalization,
and potential violence
within their communities. As registered sex offenders, female
and transgender sex
workers face the same felony charges, limits on their personal
freedoms, and moral
opprobrium as those who have raped, kidnapped, and otherwise
inflicted severe viola-
tions against another person’s bodily integrity.
CANS is an antiquated statute adopted in 1805 outlawing
“unnatural carnal copula-
tion,” which comprises oral and anal (but not vaginal) sex
(Louisiana Statute 14:89.2).
These activities became connected to the sex offender registry
in 1996 under circum-
stances unique to Louisiana. Sex offender registries are still a
relatively recent crimi-
9. nal justice practice that emerged as part of the Wetterling Act,
which was amended in
1996 to require public disclosure of sex offender registrants’
names and addresses, and
again in 2006 to extend the minimum period of sex offender
registration to 15 years
(U.S. Congress, 2006). This federal legislation clearly targeted
violent sexual preda-
tors with a history of harming children, rather than women who,
like Latasha, have
engaged in street-based sex work as a survival strategy while
addicted and precari-
ously housed. Yet in 1996 Louisiana legislators opted to apply
the sex offender registry
requirements to the crimes against nature statute (Louisiana RS
15:540), becoming the
only U.S. state to require people convicted of crimes that do not
involve minors or
sexual violence to register as sex offenders.
Prior to the 2012 and 2013 Louisiana Supreme Court rulings,
individuals convicted
under the CANS law had to carry state-issued identification,
such as a driver’s license,
with the words “sex offender” printed below their name. They
were required to pay a
US$60 annual registration fee as well as fees ranging between
US$250 and US$750 to
print and mail postcards featuring their name, address, and
photograph to their neigh-
bors every time they moved. Like any registered sex offender,
CANS offenders who
failed to register and pay these fees were guilty of a separate
crime that carried penal-
ties of up to 10 years in prison (Louisiana R.S. 15:542).
Individuals with a CANS
10. conviction had their names, addresses, and convictions appear
in newspapers, in an
online sex offender database, and at public sites such as schools
and community cen-
ters (Louisiana R.S. 15:542).
In March 2012, in response to Doe et al. v. Jindal et al., the
legislature passed
Louisiana House Bill 141,4 which ensured that prostitution and
CANS offenses shared
the same penalty—no more than a misdemeanor conviction. The
judge in that case
ruled that the sex offender registration requirement under CANS
violated the Equal
Protection Clause and ordered the state of Louisiana to cease
and desist from placing
any individuals convicted of CANS on the registry and to
remove the plaintiffs from
the registry within 30 days. Prior to this ruling, law
enforcement had a choice between
charging accused sex workers under the prostitution law, which
was a misdemeanor,
or under the centuries-old CANS law, a felony. The result was
that people convicted of
the CANS felony were forced to register as sex offenders and
those convicted of pros-
titution were not. Yet the removal from the registry only applied
to the nine plaintiffs
214 Feminist Criminology 10(3)
in the case, meaning that women like Latasha remained on the
registry and could have
been required to continue as registered sex offenders for 15
11. years from the date of their
first registration (Louisiana R.S. 15:544).
To purge the names of all CANS offenders from the sex
offender registry, a federal
class action lawsuit, Doe et al. v. Caldwell et al. had to be filed.
On June 12, 2013, Doe
et al. v. Caldwell et al. was settled and Louisiana removed from
the sex offender reg-
istry approximately 700 individuals who had been required to
register solely because
of a CANS conviction. Analysis presented below examines the
impact of sex offender
registration–related discriminatory forces following a CANS
conviction on African
American women and transgender individuals, including
gender-based violence and
exclusion from employment, housing, and family and
community.
Sociolegal Research Context
Doe et al. v. Jindal et al. exposed how the New Orleans criminal
justice system used
the CANS legislation to deliberately target African American
women and transgender
individuals, two populations already suffering from multiple
forms of sociolegal
exclusion. New Orleans, which has some of the nation’s highest
rates of poverty,
crime, illiteracy, and generalized economic deprivation, lost
30% of its population
subsequent to Hurricane Katrina’s massive destruction (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2012a),
which only compounded the steady reduction in stable jobs in
shipping and related
12. industries that had been ongoing since the 1970s (BondGraham,
2007; Frailing &
Harper, 2007). Researchers generally concur that Hurricane
Katrina disproportion-
ately negatively affected African Americans living in poverty
by exacerbating previ-
ously existing racial and socioeconomic inequalities (Barnshaw
& Trainor, 2007;
Hawkins & Maurer, 2012), access to affordable or subsidized
housing (Bullard &
Wright, 2007), and notions of personal and community safety
(Hawkins & Maurer,
2011), issues often only further compounded for sex workers.
Louisiana women are among the poorest in the United States,
the least likely to
have health insurance, and more than 40% of female-headed
households in New
Orleans live below the federal poverty line (Jones-Deweever &
Hartmann, 2006).
Median household income in New Orleans is US$37,325, a full
US$15,437 less than
the national average (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013a, 2013b), and
less than half of New
Orleanians, opposed to 70% of Louisianans, own their homes
(U.S. Census Bureau,
2012a, 2012b). Rates of crack and heroin use (as well as drug-
related sex markets) are
equivalent to New York City, which is nearly eight times New
Orleans’ size (Dunlap,
Johnson, & Morse, 2007).
These problems are systematically embedded in a political
culture, long predat-
ing Hurricane Katrina, that not only seems to absolve itself of
responsibility for its
13. less privileged constituents, but to actively target them. As
Louisiana Republican
Congressperson Richard H. Baker observed in the wake of the
most destructive
storm in the state’s history, “we finally cleaned up public
housing in New Orleans.
We couldn’t do it, but God did” (Long, 2007, p. 3). The
speaker’s use of the phrase
“cleaned up” with reference to the massive destruction wrought
by Hurricane
Dewey and St. Germain 215
Katrina on Louisiana’s poorest communities is symptomatic of
the embedded nature
of a broader discriminatory culture mirrored in CANS-related
law enforcement
practices.
Increased scrutiny of these law enforcement practices and
mobilization toward
legal reform of the CANS statute, particularly the sex offender
registration require-
ment, came in the wake of increased federal government
scrutiny of the New Orleans
Police Department (NOPD). Just days after his inauguration as
Mayor of New Orleans,
Mitch Landrieu (2010) wrote to U.S. Attorney General Eric
Holder to request that the
U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division engage in a
full investigation of the
NOPD, noting,
I have inherited a police force that has been described by many
14. as one of the worst police
departments in the country. This assessment is made based on
several indicators including
the number of violent crimes, incidents of rape, and
malfeasance by members of the
police department. The force itself has been dealt a
demoralizing blow with the
investigations, indictments, and resignations stemming from
incidents in the days
following Hurricane Katrina. It is clear that nothing short of a
complete transformation is
necessary and essential to ensure safety for the citizens of New
Orleans. The police force,
the community, and our citizens are desperate for positive
change.
In response, the U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights
Division conducted a full
investigation of the NOPD, reporting in 2011 that
the NOPD has long been a troubled agency. Basic elements of
effective policing—clear
policies, training, accountability, and confidence of the
citizenry—have been absent for
years. Far too often, officers show a lack of respect for the civil
rights and dignity of the
people of New Orleans. (p. v)
The report resulting from the Department of Justice
investigation also found that
NOPD officers practiced unrestrained discretion in making
decisions about who to
arrest, and “failed to take meaningful steps to counteract and
eradicate bias based on
race, ethnicity, and LGBT status in policing practices” (U.S.
Department of Justice,
15. Civil Rights Division, 2011, p. v). This bias actively manifested
in CANS, which the
same report referred to as “a statute whose history reflects anti-
LGBT sentiment”
(U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2011, p. x).
These police behaviors resulted in racial profiling of African
American women
and transgender individuals as part of “a pattern or practice of
discriminatory polic-
ing in violation of constitutional and statutory law” (U.S.
Department of Justice, Civil
Rights Division, 2011, p. xi). Such policing practices relied on
an arresting officer’s
individual professional judgment with respect to detaining an
individual on prostitu-
tion or CANS-related charges. Findings from both the U.S.
Department of Justice
report and our own research strongly indicates that CANS-
related policing conse-
quently took the form of bias-based profiling, in which an
officer decides whom to
stop, search, or arrest based on racial or gender stereotypes,
rather than reasonable
suspicion or probable cause.
216 Feminist Criminology 10(3)
Research Method
The interdisciplinary research team, made up of a cultural
anthropologist and a
legal scholar, began preliminary research in December 2011 as
part of a broader
16. project investigating belief systems about sex work and sex
trafficking among
criminal justice professionals, sex workers, social service
providers, and social jus-
tice activists. The research examined occupation-specific
beliefs, perceptions, and
practices among these groups, particularly in terms of legal
distinctions between
sex workers as individuals who voluntarily participate in
criminalized behavior and
hence face prosecution, and sex trafficked persons as those who
have been victim-
ized by a third party and hence have entitlement to social
services and legal
protections.
Qualitative research comprised interviews with participants
from four groups,
defined as follows: (a) criminal justice professionals, any public
sector employee
sworn to uphold the law; (b) sex workers, those who self-
identify as having traded
sex or sexualized intimacy for money or something of value at
some point in their
lives; (c) social service providers, those paid to assist low-
income or otherwise mar-
ginalized individuals with receiving government or charitable
benefits and facilities,
including food, shelter, health care and housing; (d) social
justice activists, who
engage in harm reduction–oriented efforts to enact what they
believe to be positive
changes for particular communities. Data collected included 20
total semistructured
interviews with participants from each group. Interviews were
audio-recorded with
17. permission and detailed field notes were taken when permission
to record was
declined. Two of the criminal justice professionals and all five
of the sex workers
interviewed did not permit recording. Data analysis employed
methodological trian-
gulation of interview transcripts, field notes from interviews
and observation, legal
documents, news reports, and materials produced for
dissemination by social justice
groups.
The coinvestigators undertook a quantitative analysis of all 64
parish-specific sites
of the Louisiana sex offender registry, which the first author
compiled from May 31 to
June 2, 2013 by reviewing the 10,919 individual sex offender
webpages that the
Louisiana State Police’s Public Safety Services had posted for
each of the state’s par-
ishes (Louisiana State Police, Public Safety Services, 2013).
The coinvestigators first
disaggregated the number of sex offenders by gender, then by
the number of female
sex offenders with CANS convictions, and noted the racial
background of the female
CANS registrant. The particularly high number of female sex
offenders registered
solely as a result of a CANS conviction in Orleans Parish and
neighboring Jefferson
Parish resulted in a detailed review of all 360 female sex
offender registrants with
CANS convictions in these two parishes, disaggregating for
gender, race, other crimi-
nal convictions listed, as well as whether the court had
convicted the individual of an
18. aggravated offense. Quantitative analysis clearly demonstrated
the overrepresentation,
in Orleans and Jefferson Parishes, of African American women
and, to the extent that
it is possible to do so without a clear statement of an
individual’s gender identity, trans-
gender persons.
Dewey and St. Germain 217
Qualitative Findings
Sociolegal Exclusion
CANS-related practices in the criminal justice system actively
functioned to deepen,
formalize, and legitimize the social exclusion of African
American women and trans-
gender individuals. Our qualitative findings indicate that a set
of discretionary crimi-
nal justice practices directly enabled four specific forms of
CANS-related sociolegal
exclusion: gender-based violence and estrangement from
housing, employment, and
family and community bonds.
Throughout the United States, discretionary process generally
begins with a police
arrest report, which summarizes the events leading up to the
arrest and numerous other
details, including dates, times, and locations involved. The
arresting officer sends the
report to a prosecutor, whose job is to initiate and prosecute
criminal cases, who then
19. decides what, if any, criminal charges to file. The prosecutor
will decide whether the
case should be charged as a felony or a misdemeanor and follow
appropriate procedure
to file with the trial court or grand jury, or to determine that the
matter does not warrant
further attention. Speedy trial laws typically require prosecutors
to make this decision
quickly.
Prosecutorial discretion refers to the fact that under U.S. law,
government prosecut-
ing attorneys have nearly absolute powers. A prosecuting
attorney has power on vari-
ous matters, including those relating to choosing whether or not
to bring criminal
charges, deciding the nature of the charges, plea bargaining, and
sentence recommen-
dation (Melilli, 1992); this is also the case in Louisiana
(Dickerson Moore, 2000).
Prosecutorial decisions regarding whether to file charges and at
what level may be
influenced by factors beyond the specific facts of the incident
described in the police
report.
Some prosecution offices adopt policies on certain types of
crimes, often in response
to community pressure (as is often the case with street-based
sex work) and these poli-
cies may dictate the prosecutor’s approach in any given case.
An office, for instance,
may decide to always file street-based prostitution arrests as
misdemeanors. Prosecutors
may also be influenced by their own political ambitions, and in
Louisiana district
20. attorneys are elected officials and can view their position as a
stepping-stone to higher
office (State of Louisiana, 2013).
Public opinion or important support groups often impact a
prosecutor’s decision
making; for instance, a prosecutor may file charges on every
prostitution case, no mat-
ter how weak, to curry favor with local storeowners concerned
about the high level of
visibility that generally accompanies this particular crime. One
organization engaged
in legislative advocacy echoes this view in noting that
efforts to reform criminal justice policies are politically
perilous—no office holder wants
to be labeled “soft on crime,” and measures to make crime
policy . . . mayors, police
chiefs, legislators—even Presidents—love to take credit for
safer streets and are loath to
tinker with a winning electoral formula. (Leadership Conference
on Civil and Human
Rights, 2013)
218 Feminist Criminology 10(3)
Standard New Orleans criminal justice policies on CANS
strongly reflect such con-
cerns about public perceptions on crime. Shortly after taking
office, New Orleans
Police Superintendent Ronal Serpas publicly stated,
“prostitution is a crime of addic-
tion and violence,” thereby explicitly linking transactional
sexual exchanges to car-
21. jackings, robberies, and other violent crimes (Monteverde,
2011). Such a stance further
enabled discriminatory policing practices with respect to CANS
by increasing the
amount of police attention focused on these activities.
Interviews conducted as part of the research corroborated this
stance as an articula-
tion of a broader “tough on crime” policy. An attorney with
years of pro bono experi-
ence representing sex worker clients offered Dewey a rather
ominous view of why
NOPD favored CANS-related arrests over misdemeanor
prostitution arrests:
They would instead arrest people for crimes against nature,
which is a felony, which
made for a better arrest as far as the state was concerned. When
Harry Connick was the
district attorney that was his standard policy, that if there was
any suggestion of oral sex
at all in the transaction they would charge it as a crime against
nature and not as
prostitution because the felony would stick . . . it used to be that
essentially they would
send out “blow job patrols” and there were a couple of cops
whose only job was to solicit
blow jobs, and the problem with vice cops is that they become
crooked themselves, and
then take advantage of the people who they’re arresting and
soliciting from, and it’s a
very, very dirty thing.
Likewise, a retired New Orleans criminal district court judge
told Dewey that
because the law required an actual sex act to take place to
22. prosecute an individual for
CANS, “you had law enforcement people who would in fact
engage with these women
in these acts and arrest some and not others.” He attributed this
to what he termed “a
hard-nosed notion in terms of prosecution” that adversely
affected not only law
enforcement officers who engaged in such acts but also the
criminal justice system
more broadly. As a Louisiana law enforcement officer told
Dewey of his experiences
on patrol, “sometimes you feel like you’re just spinnin’ your
wheels out there. Vice is
always the lowest on the totem pole and down here it’s all
political because politicians
and other people are all tied up in drugs, prostitution.”
Such cynicism among criminal justice professionals underscores
the complexities
involved in prosecuting CANS-related cases, including the
reality that a prosecutor’s
decision-making processes may be influenced by his or her
sense of what justice
requires. Prosecutors are supposed to both enforce the law and
“do justice,” which
occasionally means that a prosecutor decides not to prosecute a
case (or file less severe
charges) because the interests of justice require it, even if the
facts of the case might
support a conviction. Conversely, a prosecutor might decide to
increase his or her
department’s reputation with a “law and order” public by
increasing the number of
felony convictions for political reasons and reap the financial
benefits from a law
enforcement system that makes budget decisions based on crime
23. and conviction rates.
Higher criminal conviction rates can mean more money, more
staff, and greater politi-
cal influence for prosecutors and police. Hence manufacturing
felony convictions
Dewey and St. Germain 219
against middle class marijuana users would produce political
complication, but target-
ing marginalized and indigent African American women and
transgender individuals
generally would not.
The primary responsibility of a prosecutor is to seek justice,
which can only be
achieved by the representation and presentation of the truth
(National District Attorneys
Association, 2009, p. 11). For instance, the Orleans Parish
District Attorney’s (2013)
mission statement notes that it exists to “represent the interests
of the State of Louisiana,
advocate for victims of crime, protect public safety, and uphold
justice in an honest
and ethical manner.” Law is only as good as the people who
enforce it, and police and
prosecutors become successful in their careers by enforcing the
law rather than pro-
testing a discriminatory status quo. Internal systems of “self-
policing” have evolved,
including internal affairs investigative departments for police
and prosecutorial ethical
compliance, but these can fail in a systemic manner, as so
clearly shown in the
24. Department of Justice investigation of the NOPD.
The discretionary powers conferred by this system may cause
police officers and
other criminal justice professionals to rely on race or gender
expression, resulting in
skewed policing practices systematically exercised to
disadvantage New Orleanian
African American women and transgender individuals. This is
not to imply that pros-
ecutors are by and large prejudiced, but as with police activity,
prosecutorial judgment
is shaped by a set of self-perpetuating racial and gender
assumptions that have dispro-
portionate impacts, even if their intent is to be race-neutral or
gender-neutral.
Prosecutorial decision making, in tandem with police tactics in
Louisiana, have con-
tributed to the criminalization of race and gender expression in
four specific ways that
have had a devastating impact upon New Orleanian African
American women and
transgender individuals.
Gender-Based Violence
Sex workers, transgender individuals, and queer community
members all face consider-
able discrimination and stigma in the Southern United States as
part of what American
Studies scholar Robert Goss (2009) terms a “cultural
homophobia” supported by mass
media, jokes, and other pervasive social practices that directly
enable or excuse vio-
lence (p. 274). Likewise, Performance Studies and African
American Studies scholar E.
25. Patrick Johnson’s (2008) examination of oral histories collected
among gay African
American men in the South led him to argue that despite the
community resiliency and
creativity displayed by the men in his research, “the South is
still a place where hate
flourishes and manifests itself in senseless violence” (p. 546). A
review of hate crimes
statistics gathered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation led
The Southern Poverty
Law Center to conclude that LGBTQ individuals “are far more
likely than any other
minority group in the United States to be victimized by violent
hate crime” (Potok,
2010). Likewise, women who engage in sex work experience far
higher rates of victim-
ization than their non–sex worker peers (Salfati, James, &
Ferguson, 2008), which may
lead some to infer that these acts of violence also constitute
hate crimes.
220 Feminist Criminology 10(3)
The environment that directly enabled the …
The Social Construction of Sex Trafficking:
Ideology and Institutionalization
of a Moral Crusade
RONALD WEITZER
26. The issue of sex trafficking has become increasingly politicized
in recent years due
to the efforts of an influential moral crusade. This article
examines the social con-
struction of sex trafficking (and prostitution more generally) in
the discourse of
leading activists and organizations within the crusade, and
concludes that the
central claims are problematic, unsubstantiated, or
demonstrably false. The
analysis documents the increasing endorsement and
institutionalization of cru-
sade ideology in U.S. government policy and practice.
Keywords: prostitution, sex trafficking, moral panic,
criminalization
A robust moral crusade against sex trafficking has appeared in
the past
decade. This article examines the crusade’s construction of the
problem by iden-
tifying its central claims, and tracing the institutionalization of
these claims in
state policy in the United States.1 My analysis demonstrates
that the crusade’s
core claims regarding both trafficking and prostitution are
generally quite dubi-
ous, yet activists have met with remarkable success in getting
their views and
demands incorporated in government policy, legislation, and
law enforcement
practices.
447
I am grateful to Erich Goode, Ann Jordan, Barbara Stolz, and
28. Moral crusades advance claims about both the gravity and
incidence of a par-
ticular problem. They typically rely on horror stories and
“atrocity tales” about
victims in which the most shocking exemplars of victimization
are described and
typified.4 Casting the problem in highly dramatic terms by
recounting the plight
of highly traumatized victims is intended to alarm the public
and policy makers
and justify draconian solutions. At the same time, inflated
claims are made about
the magnitude of the problem. A key feature of many moral
crusades is that the
imputed scale of a problem (e.g., the number of victims) far
exceeds what is war-
ranted by the available evidence.5 Moreover, crusade leaders
consider the problem
unambiguous: they are not inclined to acknowledge gray areas
and are adamant
that a particular evil exists precisely as they depict it.6
A number of studies have examined the claims and activities of
various moral
crusades and the larger issue of how social problems are
constructed,7 but much
less attention has been devoted to the impact of crusade claims
on public per-
ceptions of social problems or the dynamics of
institutionalization in state poli-
cies. Here, I identify and evaluate the core claims of dominant
forces in the
anti-trafficking campaign, and then trace the incorporation of
these claims in
state policy in the United States. The article is based on an
29. analysis of activists’
pronouncements, movement documents, publications of
government agencies,
and relevant legislation.
ORGANIZATIONS INVOLVED
Two decades ago, a coalition of the religious right and some
radical feminists
launched a major campaign against pornography. These groups
played a predom-
inant role in some municipal campaigns to ban pornography
and, at the national
level, in the Reagan administration’s commission on
pornography, headed by
Attorney General Edwin Meese.8 The commission’s
recommendations relied
heavily on the testimony of leading anti-pornography activists,
privileged their
RONALD WEITZER 449
claims regarding the various harms of pornography (e.g.,
causing violence against
women, moral decline), and dismissed counterevidence.9 The
Justice Department
formally accepted and implemented the commission’s
recommendations, includ-
ing the creation of a new obscenity unit within the agency.10 In
the resulting crack-
down on pornography, the department launched an
unprecedented number of
obscenity prosecutions, resulting in huge fines that bankrupted
several distributors
30. and forced others to terminate sales in conservative areas of the
country.11
A remarkably similar alliance of the religious right, abolitionist
feminists, and
the U.S. government is occurring today. The inauguration of
President George
W. Bush in 2001 significantly altered the “political opportunity
structure” for anti-
prostitution forces,12 providing a degree of access and
influence that had not
existed since the Reagan administration two decades earlier. On
the right, cru-
sade members include Focus on the Family, National
Association of Evangelicals,
Catholic Bishops Conference, Traditional Values Coalition,
Concerned Women for
America, Salvation Army, International Justice Mission, Shared
Hope International,
Religious Freedom Coalition, and numerous others. The premier
abolitionist fem-
inist organization in the United States is the Coalition Against
Trafficking in
Women (CATW). Others include Equality Now, the Protection
Project, and
Standing Against Global Exploitation (SAGE).
Members of these conservative religious and feminist groups
hold opposing
views on other social issues, such as abortion and same-sex
marriage, but they
largely agree on prostitution and pornography. The single-issue
focus of most of
these feminist groups—targeting the sex industry exclusively—
trumps all other
issues and facilitates their willingness to work with right-wing
31. groups. The same
dynamic characterized radical feminist involvement in the anti-
porn coalition of the
mid-1980s.13 The partners in this alliance clearly recognize the
strategic advantages
of coalition work in enhancing the legitimacy of their campaign
as a bipartisan
enterprise. The advantages of a united front are outlined by two
prominent activists:
Feminists have been hampered in their response to this threat
because there are divisions
within feminism about the nature of prostitution. . . . Feminists
should stop demonizing
the conservative and faith-based groups that could be better
allies on some issues than
the liberal left has been. . . . Saving lives and defending
freedom are more important than
loyalty to an outdated and too-limited feminist sisterhood.14
Another leader describes the benefits of this alliance: “Having
faith-based
groups come in with a fresh perspective and a biblical mandate
has made a big dif-
ference” in that abolitionist feminists “would not be getting
attention internation-
ally otherwise.”15 Regarding President Bush, activist Donna
Hughes remarks,
“Mainstream feminists like to say he’s anti-woman, but by
supporting the aboli-
tionist work against the global sex trade, he has done more for
women and girls
than any other president I can think of. . . . Years from now,
when the anti-Bush
hysteria has died away, I believe he will be recognized as a true
advocate for
32. women’s freedom and human rights.”16
450 POLITICS & SOCIETY
“Abolitionist feminist” refers to those who argue that the sex
industry should be
entirely eliminated because of its objectification and oppressive
treatment of
women, considered to be inherent in sex for sale. In the next
section, I critically
evaluate the claims made by activists in this camp regarding
both sex trafficking and
prostitution more generally. Here, it is important to note that
mainstream feminist
organizations have been far less active in this debate and have
been overshadowed
by the abolitionists.17 The premier women’s rights
organization, NOW, makes no
mention on its Web site of sex trafficking, prostitution, or
pornography, though it did
pass a resolution endorsing the decriminalization of prostitution
in 1973.18 Another
major mainstream association, the National Council of Women’s
Organizations, is
also silent on these issues, though its Web site does provide a
link on trafficking to a
member group, Vital Voices. Because the debate over sex work
has been so divisive
in the past and members continue to disagree, it is not
surprising that organizations
not directly involved with this issue would avoid it altogether.
The crusade’s claims have been challenged by other feminists
and by other
33. groups. In academia, a number of prominent feminists have
been involved in a
long-standing, heated debate with abolitionists over
pornography and prostitu-
tion.19 Among the groups that stand opposed to the current
anti-prostitution cam-
paign are the Network of Sex Work Projects (a coalition of forty
international
groups), the Sex Workers Outreach Project, the Global Alliance
Against Trafficking
in Women, and the Sex Workers Project in New York.20 These
organizations con-
duct research on trafficking and/or provide assistance to
individuals involved in sex
work, but they do not condemn sex work per se.21 Their
primary concern is the
empowerment of workers and harm reduction via provision of
condoms, counsel-
ing, and other support services. Because they reject
abolitionism, they have been
increasingly marginalized and dismissed as the “pro-prostitution
lobby” in the dis-
course of the preeminent anti-trafficking forces.22 These
groups, like American sex
workers’ rights groups more generally, have virtually no access
to state elites. 23 The
moral crusade under examination here has increasingly
dominated the debate.
CORE CLAIMS
Moral crusades often make grand and unverifiable claims about
the nature and
prevalence of a particular “social evil.” My analysis of the
publications, Web sites,
and testimony of organizations and activists in this campaign
34. identified a set of
core claims regarding prostitution in general and sex trafficking
in particular.
Such claims are based on (1) an ideology that simply decrees
that prostitution is
immoral, a threat to marriage and the family, or oppressive to
women; and (2)
studies conducted by activists. The former are articles of faith
that are difficult to
operationalize and evaluate, while the latter are more amenable
to scrutiny. This
section of the article outlines and assesses the core claims
regarding prostitution
and sex trafficking.
RONALD WEITZER 451
Claim 1: Prostitution is evil by definition. For abolitionist
feminists, prostitu-
tion is inherently an institution of male domination and
exploitation of women.24
CATW’s Web site proclaims, “All prostitution exploits women,
regardless of
women’s consent. Prostitution affects all women, justifies the
sale of any woman,
and reduces all women to sex.” It can never qualify as a
conventional commercial
exchange like other service work nor can it ever be organized in
a way that
advances workers’ interests. As a former activist and now
government official,
Laura Lederer, insists: “This is not a legitimate form of labor. .
. . It can never be
35. a legitimate way to make a living because it’s inherently
harmful for men, women,
and children. . . . This whole commercial sex industry is a
human-rights abuse.”25
The feminist wing of this crusade does not proffer religious
arguments against
prostitution, although moral indignation is sometimes
evident.26 Morality is cen-
tral, of course, for religious conservatives. Like pornography,27
they view prosti-
tution as sexual deviance, as a cause of moral decay, and as a
threat to marriage
because it breaks the link between sex, love, and reproduction.
As the founder of
Evangelicals for Social Action stated, the campaign against
prostitution and sex
trafficking “certainly fits with an evangelical concern for sexual
integrity. Sex is
to be reserved for a marriage relationship where there is a
lifelong covenant
between a man and a woman.”28 And an article in Christianity
Today, titled “Sex
Isn’t Work,” stated, “When sex becomes commerce, the moral
fabric of our cul-
ture is deeply damaged.”29 A government crackdown on
prostitution (and other
types of sex work, such as pornography and strip clubs) thus
ratifies the religious
right’s views on sex and the family.
While some conservatives are forthright in depicting
prostitution as a threat to
the family, to traditional sexual relations, and to society’s moral
fiber,30 others
have modernized their critique by espousing abolitionist
36. feminist arguments and
terminology that define prostitution as an institution of
exploitation and abuse of
women. The leading right-wing activists have adopted their
feminist allies’ fram-
ing of the problem and much of their language (“prostituted
women,” “sexual
slavery,” “violence against women”), terms that are now staples
of their dis-
course.31 An identical use of feminist constructs was evident
during the anti-
pornography campaign of the 1980s, when the right argued that
pornography was
not only sinful but also exploited and caused violence against
women.32 The
latter, more modern charge is easier to sell to mainstream policy
makers and the
wider public in America.
The claim that prostitution is intrinsically evil is an essentialist
tenet that does
not lend itself to evaluation with empirical evidence, unlike
most of the other
claims outlined below, but it is crucial to the debate because it
is the very key-
stone for all other crusade claims regarding the sex industry and
sex trafficking.
Claim 2: Violence is omnipresent in prostitution and sex
trafficking. It is
not simply that violent incidents occur; instead, prostitution is a
form of violence
452 POLITICS & SOCIETY
37. categorically and universally. CATW co-director Janice
Raymond writes, “To
understand how violence is intrinsic to prostitution, it is
necessary to understand
the sex of prostitution. The sexual service provided in
prostitution is most often
violent, degrading, and abusive sexual acts.”33 Sex trafficking
is similarly defined
as involving coercion of some kind, physical or otherwise. As
discussed further
below, anti-prostitution activists have consistently tried to erase
the distinction
between coercive trafficking and voluntary migration, and insist
that victimization
is the hallmark of all trafficking and prostitution.
The claim that violence is pervasive in prostitution cannot be
confirmed. Since
no study uses a random sample because the population of sex
workers is unknown,
and all rely instead on convenience samples of persons
researchers manage to
access, all figures on the incidence of violence are unreliable.34
Thus, the frequent
assertion that victimization is pervasive violates a fundamental
scientific canon—
namely, that generalizations cannot be based on
unrepresentative samples. One
example of this tendency is a report on sex trafficking authored
by feminist aboli-
tionists Janice Raymond and Donna Hughes.35 Their report,
funded by the Justice
Department, is based on interviews with only forty women, who
were involved
with organizations committed to getting women out of
38. prostitution. From this small
and skewed sample the authors draw numerous, sweeping
conclusions about vic-
timization. The well-known dangers of generalizing from small,
convenience
samples and from anecdotal stories is routinely ignored in these
writings.36
Claim 3: Customers and traffickers are the personification of
evil. As in other
moral crusades, the perpetrators are presented as “folk
devils.”37 Customers are
labeled “sexual predators” that brutalize women, and traffickers
are vilified as
predators, rapists, and kidnappers involved in organized crime
and sexual slavery.
A leading coalition member, Michael Horowitz of the
conservative Hudson
Institute, says of traffickers and clients, “We want to drive a
stake through the heart
of these venal criminals. This is pure evil.”38
Research on customers cautions against sweeping
characterizations and gen-
eralizations. Customers vary in their background characteristics,
motivation, and
behavior, and they buy sex for different reasons.39 There is no
doubt that some
customers act violently, that some seek out underage
prostitutes, and that some
travel to other countries for this purpose. But it would be
premature to assume
that these kinds of abuse are widespread given the lack of solid
data addressing
this question, and some analysts make the counterargument that
only a small
39. minority of clients mistreats prostitutes.40 The crusade’s claims
about customers,
as well as traffickers, are caricatures.
Claim 4: Sex workers lack agency. The denial of agency is
evident in the very
framing of the problem as one involving “prostituted women,”
“trafficking,” and
“sexual slavery.” The central claim is that workers do not
actively make choices to
enter or remain in prostitution, and there is no such thing as
voluntary migration
RONALD WEITZER 453
for the purpose of sex work. The notion of consent is deemed
irrelevant, and
activists have pressed governments to criminalize all such
migration, whether con-
sensual or not: “Legislation must not allow traffickers to use the
consent of the
victim as a defense against trafficking,” argue Raymond and
Hughes.41 This cru-
sade rejects the very concept of benign migration for the
purpose of sex work,
since prostitution is defined as inherently exploitative and
oppressive. Instead, the
more nefarious term “sex trafficking” (borrowed from the
equally insidious “drug
trafficking”) is applied to every instance of relocation to a
destination where the
individual sells sex.
The issue of worker agency is central to the research literature
40. on the sex indus-
try, and the evidence shows variation, rather than uniformity, in
the degree to
which workers feel exploited versus empowered and in control
of their working
conditions.42 Workers do not necessarily see themselves as
victims lacking
agency. Instead of viewing themselves as “prostituted,” they
may embrace more
neutral work identities, such as “working women” or “sex
workers.”43 Some pros-
titutes make conscious decisions to enter the trade and do not
feel that their work
is degrading or oppressive. Many independent call girls and
employees of escort
agencies, massage parlors, and brothels fall into this
category.44 These workers are
invisible in the discourse of the anti-prostitution crusade
precisely because their
accounts clash with abolitionist goals.
Regarding sex trafficking, it is impossible to measure the ratio
of agency to
victimization—i.e., voluntary versus involuntary migration. But
several studies
suggest that a significant number of migrants have made
conscious and informed
decisions to relocate. A study of Vietnamese migrants in
Cambodia, who had been
assisted by intermediaries, reported that out of 100 women
studied, only six had
been duped, and the rest knew prior to leaving Vietnam that
they would work in a
brothel in Cambodia. Their motivations consisted of “economic
incentives, desire
for an independent lifestyle, and dissatisfaction with rural life
41. and agricultural
labor.” After raids on the brothels by “rescue” organizations,
the women “usually
returned to their brothel as quickly as possible.”45 The
researchers argue that crim-
inalizing the sex industry “forces [the workers] underground,
making them more
difficult to reach with appropriate services and increasing the
likelihood of
exploitation.” Similar findings have been reported in Europe,
where the women
are “often aware of the sexual nature of the work. . . . Many
migrants do know
what is ahead of them, do earn a large amount of money in a
short time selling
sex, and do have control over their working conditions.”46 One
investigation of traf-
ficking from Eastern Europe to Holland, based on interviews
with seventy-two
women, found that few of the women were coercively
trafficked, and that a “large
number” had previously worked as prostitutes:
For most of the women, economic motives were decisive. The
opportunity to earn a con-
siderable amount of money in a short period of time was found
to be irresistible. . . . In
most cases recruiting was done by friends, acquaintances, or
even family members.47
454 POLITICS & SOCIETY
The facilitators made travel arrangements, obtained necessary
documents, and
42. provided money to the women. In Australia “the majority of
women know they
will be working in the sex industry and often decide to come to
Australia in the
belief that they will be able to make a substantial amount of
money. . . . Few of
the women would ever consider themselves sex slaves.”48
These are not isolated studies; others have shown that a
proportion of migrants
sold sex prior to relocating or were well aware that they would
be working in the
sex industry in their new home. One analyst concludes that,
“The majority of
‘trafficking victims’ are aware that the jobs offered them are in
the sex indus-
try.”49 Whether this is indeed true for the majority (or instead
applies to a minor-
ity) of women who have relocated to another locale and end up
selling sex, it is
clear that traffickers do not necessarily fit the “folk devil”
stereotype popularized
by the anti-trafficking movement. Some facilitators are
relatives, friends, or asso-
ciates who recruit workers and assist with migration, and these
individuals have
a qualitatively different relationship with workers than do
predators who use
force or deception to lure victims into the trade.
It would be mistaken to assume that coercion and deception are
myths or that
facilitators are necessarily benign agents even when they
employ no force or
fraud. Some women do not understand the terms of the contract
or fully appreci-
43. ate the impact of debt bondage or how difficult it can be to pay
off the debt. Some
facilitators alter the terms of the agreement after transit or
renege on specific
promises. In this scenario, the woman’s initial consent is
compromised by subse-
quent, unexpected job requirements. Other workers have little
prior awareness of
the specific working conditions or risks involved in sex work in
the new locale.
For those who sold sex in their home country, working
conditions in the destina-
tion country may be far worse in terms of health, safety,
accommodation, and the
sexual services required of them.50 Others enter the sex
industry reluctantly, out of
an obligation to support their families or because of tacit
pressure from relatives—
not uncommon in Southeast Asia. A study funded by the United
States Agency for
International Development (USAID) found that many of the
Vietnamese women
working in Cambodian brothels had been recruited and
transported by their
mothers and aunts, not by professional traffickers.51 In short,
the evidence indi-
cates that migration for sex work is a complex and varied
process. There are
multiple migration trajectories and worker experiences, ranging
from highly coer-
cive and exploitative to informed consent and intentionality on
the part of the
migrant. Yet, the crusade presents only the worst cases and
universalizes them, just
as anti-pornography activists have done for decades.52
44. Claim 5: Prostitution and sex trafficking are inextricably linked.
Activists in
this crusade insist that prostitution must be targeted, because it
is prostitution
more than anything else that is the root cause of trafficking.
Opposing trafficking
without simultaneously fighting prostitution is seen as treating
the symptom
instead of the disease.
RONALD WEITZER 455
The conflation of trafficking and prostitution is motivated by
the crusade’s
ultimate goal of eliminating the entire sex trade, a goal that is
frequently articu-
lated.53 Donna Hughes, for example, calls for “re-linking
trafficking and prosti-
tution, and combating the commercial sex trade as a whole.”54
Not only does she
equate the two (“sex trafficking of women and children—what’s
commonly
called prostitution”),55 but also claims that “most ‘sex workers’
are—or originally
started out as—trafficked women and girls.”56
The research literature does not support this claim. There is no
evidence that
“most” or even the majority of prostitutes have been trafficked.
Moreover, pros-
titution and trafficking differ substantively; the former is a type
of work, and the
latter is a means of accessing a new market. Both empirically
and conceptually,
45. it is inappropriate to fuse prostitution and trafficking.57
Claim 6: The magnitude of both prostitution and sex trafficking
is high and
has greatly increased in recent years. The size of a social
problem matters in attract-
ing media coverage, donor funding, and attention from policy
makers. Moral cru-
sades therefore have an interest in inflating the magnitude of a
problem, and their
figures are typically unverifiable and/or incredibly elastic (e.g.,
“hundreds of
thousands”).58 This is a staple of the anti-trafficking crusade.
For instance, SAGE
director Norma Hotaling recently claimed that “there are
thousands of trafficked
women in San Francisco”—a vague but seemingly high figure
presented with no
documentation.59 The shock value of such claims is perhaps
best reflected in the
frequent assertion that trafficking has reached an “epidemic”
level. And when
figures are presented, they vary dramatically—ranging in recent
years from a
high of 4 million trafficked persons annually to a low of
600,000. The crusade’s
checkered quantification of the problem (with vague, wide-
ranging, or fluctuat-
ing numbers) is, as shown below, being recapitulated by the
Bush administration.
In fact, there are no reliable statistics on the magnitude of
trafficking, and the
figures can only be described as guesswork. Even ballpark
estimates are dubious,
given the clandestine and stigmatized nature of the sex trade.
46. The mass media have uncritically reported these and other
unverified numbers.
An editorial in the New York Times, for example, was quite
emphatic: “Around the
world, about one million women and children are seduced into
leaving their
homelands every year and forced into prostitution or menial
work in other coun-
tries.”60 On the popular Oprah television talk show, a recent
episode claimed that
“millions” of children are sold into prostitution each year, and
that one-quarter of
all sex tourists in the world are American men.61 The term
“millions” is overly
broad, and no survey of sex tourists has ever been conducted.
The high numbers have not gone unchallenged. The United
Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO)
Bangkok office
suggests that most of the statistics being circulated are “false”
or “spurious”:
“When it comes to statistics, trafficking of girls and women is
one of several
456 POLITICS & SOCIETY
highly emotive issues which seem to overwhelm critical
faculties.”62 Researchers
have criticized the national, regional, and international statistics
proffered by
activists, organizations, and governments for their “lack of
methodological trans-
parency” and source documentation,63 for being extrapolated
47. from a few cases of
identified victims (persons who are unrepresentative of the
victim population),64
and for the lack of a standard definition of “victims” as a basis
for estimates of the
magnitude of the problem.65
The numbers issue was recently investigated by the U.S.
General Accountability
Office (GAO). The GAO report was very critical of the
prevailing figures, which
are replete with “methodological weaknesses, gaps in data, and
numerical discrep-
ancies,” and it concluded that “country data are generally not
available, reliable, or
comparable.”66 In short, the “U.S. government has not yet
established an effective
mechanism for estimating the number of victims,” and the same
is true for inter-
national nongovernmental agencies (NGOs) working in the
trafficking area.67
It is also claimed that the sex industry is expanding at an
unprecedented rate,
increasing the market for trafficked workers. The director of the
evangelical
International Justice Mission, for example, refers to “the
growing trafficking night-
mare,” and CATW proclaims that “local and global sex
industries are systemati-
cally violating women’s rights on an ever-increasing …
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known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Sex for sale: prostitution, pornography, and the sex
industry/Ronald Weitzer.—2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes index.
1. Prostitution. 2. Pornography. 3. Sex-oriented businesses. I.
Weitzer, Ronald
HQ115.S49 2009
306.74–dc22 2009005994
ISBN10: 0–415–99604–X (hbk)
ISBN10: 0–415–99605–8 (pbk)
ISBN10: 0–203–87280–0 (ebk)
ISBN13: 978–0–415–99604–4 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–415–99605–1 (pbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–203–87280–2 (ebk)
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2009.
To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis
or Routledge’s
50. collection of thousands of eBooks please go to
www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.
ISBN 0-203-87280-0 Master e-book ISBN
Sex work involves the exchange of sexual services,
performances, or products
for material compensation. It includes activities of direct
physical contact
between buyers and sellers (prostitution, lap dancing) as well as
indirect sexual
stimulation (pornography, stripping, telephone sex, live sex
shows, erotic
webcam performances). The sex industry refers to the workers,
managers,
owners, agencies, clubs, trade associations, and marketing
involved in sexual
commerce, both legal and illegal varieties.
O V E R V I E W O F T H E S E X I N D U S T R Y
Sex for sale is a lucrative growth industry. In 2006 alone,
Americans spent
$13.3 billion on X-rated magazines, videos and DVDs, live sex
shows, strip
clubs, adult cable shows, computer pornography, and
commercial telephone
sex.1 Rentals and sales of X-rated films jumped from $75
million in 1985 to
$957 million in 2006.2 In just one decade, the number of X-
rated films
released annually more than doubled, from 5700 in 1995 to
13,588 in 2005.3
51. There are around 3500 strip clubs in America, and the number
has grown over
the past two decades.4 In addition to these indicators of legal
commercial sex,
an unknown amount is spent on prostitution.
A significant percentage of the population buys sexual services
and
products. In 2002, 34% of American men and 16% of women
reported that
1
C
H A
P T E
R
1
SEX WORK:
PARADIGMS AND POLICIES
Ronald Weitzer
they had seen an X-rated video in just the past year.5 As of
2000, 21% of the
population had visited an Internet pornography site (32% of
men, 11% of
women).6 The most recent figures on strip club attendance are
from 1991,
when 11% of the population said they had done so in the past
year; fewer people
(0.5%) had called a phone sex number in the past year.7 And a
52. significant
percentage of American men have visited a prostitute. The
General Social
Survey reports figures on the number of men who said that they
had ever paid
for sex—between 15–18% in eight polls from 1991 to 2006 (in
2006, 4% said
they had done so in the past year).8 Remarkably similar figures
are reported for
Australia (16%) and the average within Europe (15%),9 and
11% of British
men say they have paid for sex with a prostitute.10 Because
prostitution is
stigmatized, the real figures may be significantly higher. In
some other
societies, even more men say they have paid for sex. For
example, in Spain 39%
of men have done so during their lifetime, and in northeastern
Thailand 43%
of single men and 50% of married men had visited a
prostitute.11 An unusual
question was included in a recent British survey: respondents
were asked
whether they would “consider having sex for money if the
amount offered was
enough”: 18% of women said yes, as did 36% of men.12
A steady trend is toward the privatization of sexual services and
products:
porn has migrated from the movie house to the privacy of the
viewer’s house.
Video, Internet, and cable TV pornography have exploded in
popularity,
almost totally replacing the adult theaters of decades past. The
advent of the
telephone sex industry and escort services also has contributed
53. to the
privatization of commercial sex. And the Internet has changed
the landscape
tremendously—providing a wealth of services, information, and
connections
for interested parties. Internet-facilitated sex work has grown as
a sector of the
market, while street prostitution has remained relatively stable
over time,
although it has declined in some areas.13
Despite its size, growth, and numerous customers, the sex
industry is
regarded by many citizens as a deviant enterprise: run by shady
people and
promoting immoral or perverted behavior. There has been some
“main-
streaming” of certain sectors of the sex industry (as documented
in Chapter 12
by Lynn Comella), but it would be premature to conclude that
sex for sale has
now become normalized, as some claim. Polls show that 72% of
Americans
think that pornography is “an important moral issue for the
country,”14 and
61% believe that it leads to a “breakdown of morals.”15 The
most recent poll
(in March 2008) reported that fully half the population defined
viewing
porn as “sinful behavior.”16 And almost half the population
thinks that
pornography is “demeaning towards women” (one-quarter
disagreed and the
remainder were undecided).17 When asked about the idea of
“men spending
54. 2
RONALD WEITZER
an evening with a prostitute,” 61% of Americans consider this
morally
wrong,18 and two-thirds believe that prostitution can “never be
justified,”
while 25% considered it “sometimes justified” and 4% “always
justified.”19
(The term “justified” in this question is somewhat opaque, and
we can only
speculate as to what respondents have in mind when they say
prostitution can
“sometimes be justified.”) Two-thirds of the British population
believe that
“paying for sex exploits women,” and young people are even
more likely to
hold this opinion: 80% of those aged 18–24.20
Regarding public policies, most Americans favor either more
controls or
a total ban on certain types of commercial sex. More than three-
quarters (77%)
of the public think that we need “stricter laws” to control
pornography in
books and movies,21 and half believe that pornography is “out
of control and
should be further restricted.”22 In 2006, two-fifths of
Americans (39%) felt
that pornography should be banned, and this figure has
remained about
the same for two decades (41% held this view in 1984).23 A
55. huge majority of
women (70%) want porn outlawed today, compared to 30% of
men.24
Stripping and telephone sex work also carry substantial stigma.
Almost half
of the American public believes that strip clubs should be
illegal, while an
even higher number (76%) thought telephone numbers offering
sex talk
should be illegal.25 Despite these personal opinions, people
seem to think that
the country is headed in the direction of increasing tolerance.
There are no
national polls on this question, but a 2002 survey of Alabama
residents found
that 73% believed that “society as a whole” sees stripping as an
occupation for
women to be “more acceptable today than ten years ago.”26
Many Alabama
residents are dissatisfied with this trend, however. In the same
poll, 54% felt
that “stripping as an occupation is degrading or demeaning to
the women,”
and only 24% thought that it was not, with the remainder
undecided.
What we have, therefore, is a paradox: a lucrative industry that
employs
a significant number of workers and attracts many customers
but is regarded
by many people as deviant and in need of stricter control, if not
banned
outright. The sex industry continues to be stigmatized, even
when it is legal.
56. C O M P E T I N G PA R A D I G M S
When I mentioned the topic of prostitution to a friend recently,
he said, “How
disgusting! How could anybody sell themselves?” A few weeks
later an
acquaintance told me that she thought prostitution was a
“woman’s choice,
and can be empowering.” These opposing views reflect larger
cultural
perceptions of prostitution, as well as much popular writing on
the topic.
3
SEX WORK: PARADIGMS AND POLICIES
Many people are fascinated, entertained, or titillated by sex
work; many others
see it as degrading, immoral, sexist, or harmful; and yet others
hold all these
views. Indeed, some prominent people have simultaneously
condemned and
patronized the sex industry, and have been caught in
hypocritical behavior:
■ Gov. Eliot Spitzer (D-NY) prosecuted prostitution rings when
he served
as the state’s Attorney-General, but resigned the governorship
in disgrace
after it was revealed in March 2008 that he had spent $4300 on
an escort
employed by the exclusive Emperor’s Club agency. Shortly
thereafter, it
57. was reported that he had also been a client of another escort
agency,
Wicked Models. Prosecutors later determined that Spitzer had
paid for
sex “on multiple occasions,” yet they declined to press criminal
charges
against him.27
■ In 2007, Senator David Vitter (R-La) was linked to a
Washington, DC,
escort agency. He refused to relinquish his Senate seat, but
nevertheless
issued a public apology: “This was a very serious sin in my past
for which
I am, of course, completely responsible.” He was also accused
of repeatedly
visiting a New Orleans brothel in the late 1990s, according to
both the
madam and one of the prostitutes. Vitter is well known for his
con-
servative, “family values” positions.
■ In 2006, the president of the National Association of
Evangelicals, Rev.
Ted Haggard, resigned after revelations that he had frequently
paid for
sex with a male prostitute and had used methamphetamine with
him. The
Association claims to represent 30 million evangelical
Christians in the
United States.
■ In 1988, a prominent television evangelist, Rev. Jimmy
Swaggart,
resigned his church leadership after photos were released of him
with a call
58. girl in a New Orleans hotel (she later appeared on the cover of
Penthouse
magazine). He continued his television ministry. Three years
later, when
stopped by a police officer in California for a traffic violation, a
prostitute
in his car told the officer that Swaggart had propositioned her
for sex.
■ In Britain, Anthony Lambton, the Under-Secretary for
Defense, resigned
in May 1973 after being photographed in bed with a call girl. A
few days
later, another Cabinet member and the leader of the House of
Lords,
George Jellicoe, resigned after confessing his own liaisons with
call girls,
what he called “casual affairs.” Jellicoe had been in Parliament
for 68
years, and he and Lambton were members of the Conservative
Party.
■ Another member of the British Parliament, Mark Oaten,
resigned in
2006 after it was reported that he had a year-long relationship
with a male
prostitute.
4
RONALD WEITZER
These are just a few of the many examples of public figures who
have
59. purchased sex illicitly. And, in addition to political and
religious elites, the
clients include officials in the criminal justice system, with
police chiefs and
prosecutors sometimes caught buying sex even as they are
obligated to enforce
the laws against prostitution.28
The poles of condemnation and normalization are reflected in
two
paradigms in the social sciences.29 One of these, the oppression
paradigm, holds
that sex work is a quintessential expression of patriarchal
gender relations and
male domination. The most prominent advocates of this position
go further,
claiming that exploitation, subjugation, and violence against
women are
intrinsic to and ineradicable from sex work—transcending
historical time
period, national context, and type of sexual commerce.30 These
indictments
apply equally to pornography, prostitution, stripping, and other
commercial
sex. The only solution is elimination of the entire sex industry,
which is
precisely the goal of those who adopt the oppression paradigm.
In addition to these essentialist claims, some writers make
generalizations
about specific aspects of sex work: that most or all sex workers
were physically
or sexually abused as children; entered the trade as adolescents,
around 13–14
years of age; were tricked or forced into the trade by pimps or
traffickers; use
60. or are addicted to drugs; experience routine violence from
customers; labor
under abysmal working conditions; and desperately want to exit
the sex
trade.31 These writers often use dramatic language to highlight
the plight
of workers (“sexual slavery,” “prostituted women,” “paid rape,”
“survivors”).
“Prostituted” clearly indicates that prostitution is something
done to women,
not something that can be chosen, and “survivor” implies
someone who has
escaped a harrowing ordeal. Customers are labeled as
“prostitute users,”
“batterers,” and “sexual predators.” As shown later, these labels
are misnomers
when applied to most customers and most sex workers.
Violating a core canon of scientific research, the oppression
paradigm
describes only the worst examples of sex work and then treats
them as
representative. Anecdotes are generalized and presented as
conclusive evi-
dence, sampling is selective, and counterevidence is routinely
ignored. Such
“research” cannot help but produce tainted findings and
spurious conclusions,
and this entire body of work has been severely criticized.32
Unfortunately, the
writings of oppression theorists are increasingly mirrored in
media reports and
in government policies in the United States and abroad.
A diametrically opposed perspective is the empowerment
paradigm. The
61. focus is on the ways in which sexual services qualify as work,
involve human
agency, and may be potentially validating or empowering for
workers.33 This
5
SEX WORK: PARADIGMS AND POLICIES
paradigm holds that there is nothing inherent in sex work that
would prevent
it from being organized for mutual gain to all parties—just as in
other
economic transactions. In other words, coercion and other
unseemly practices
are not viewed as intrinsic aspects of sex work. Analysts who
adopt this
perspective tend to accent the routine aspects of sex work, often
drawing
parallels to kindred types of service work (physical therapy,
massage,
psychotherapy) or otherwise normalizing sex for sale. Eileen
McLeod argues
that prostitution is quite similar to other “women’s work,” and
that both sex
workers and other women “barter sex for goods,” although the
latter do so less
conspicuously.34 Writers who adopt the empowerment
perspective also argue
that the tenets of the oppression paradigm reflect the way in
which some sex
work manifests itself when it is criminalized. Much less is
known about
prostitution in legal, regulated systems. It is important,
62. therefore, to avoid
essentialist conclusions based on only one mode of production.
This kind of work may enhance a person’s socioeconomic status
and
provide greater control over one’s working conditions than
many traditional
jobs. It may have other benefits as well: “Many prostitutes
emphasize that they
engage in sex work not simply out of economic need but out of
satisfaction
with the control it gives them over their sexual interactions.”35
Some writers
who adopt the empowerment paradigm go further and make bold
claims that
romanticize sex work. Shannon Bell describes her book, Whore
Carnival, as “a
recognition and commendation of the sexual and political power
and
knowledge of prostitutes,” which sounds rather celebratory.
Both the oppression and empowerment perspectives are one-
dimensional
and essentialist. While exploitation and empowerment are
certainly present
in sex work, there is sufficient variation across time, place, and
sector to
demonstrate that sex work cannot be reduced to one or the
other. An alter-
native perspective, what I call the polymorphous paradigm,
holds that there is a
constellation of occupational arrangements, power relations,
and worker
experiences. Unlike the other two perspectives, polymorphism
is sensitive to
complexities and to the structural conditions shaping the uneven
63. distribution
of agency, subordination, and workers’ control.36 Within
academia, a growing
number of scholars are researching various dimensions of the
work, in different
contexts, and their studies document substantial variation in
how sex work is
organized and experienced by workers, clients, and managers.
Together, these
studies undermine some deep-rooted myths about prostitution
and present a
challenge to those writers and activists who embrace monolithic
paradigms.
Victimization, exploitation, choice, job satisfaction, self-
esteem, and other
dimensions should be treated as variables (not constants) that
differ between
types of sex work, geographical locations, and other structural
and organiza-
6
RONALD WEITZER
tional conditions. The chapters in Sex for Sale provide
additional evidence in
support of the polymorphous paradigm.
T Y P E S O F S E X W O R K
A brief discussion of different types of sex work will illustrate
the poly-
morphous approach.
64. Prostitution
Prostitutes vary tremendously in their reasons for entry, risk of
violence,
freedom to refuse clients and particular sex acts, dependence on
and exploita-
tion by third parties, experiences with the authorities, public
visibility,
number and type of clients, relationships with coworkers, and
impact on the
surrounding community. Table 1.1 presents a typology of
prostitution.
(Excluded from the table are borderline cases, such as lap
dancing, “kept”
women or men, geishas, etc.)
Before proceeding to a description of the different types of
prostitution,
it is important to note that individual workers may cross one or
more
categories. For instance, independent call girls may also accept
regular or
occasional appointments from an escort agency, and massage
parlor or brothel
workers sometimes moonlight by meeting customers in private
and keeping
the earnings for themselves. It is rare, however, for workers to
experience
substantial upward or downward mobility. As a general rule
“the level at
which the woman begins work in the prostitution world
determines her
general position in the occupation for much of her career as a
prostitute.
Changing levels requires contacts and a new set of work
techniques and
65. attitudes.”37 Occasionally, an upper or middle-tier worker
whose life situation
changes (e.g., because of aging, drug addiction) is no longer
able to work in
that stratum and gravitates to the street. But transitioning from
street work
to the escort or call girl echelon is quite rare, because most
street workers lack
the education and skill set required for upscale indoor work.
Likewise, very
few call girls and brothel workers have previously worked on
the streets. If a
move takes place, it is usually lateral and of limited mobility,
such as from the
streets to a down-market peep show or from a massage parlor to
an escort
agency or from an escort agency to independent work.
The most consequential division in Table 1.1 is that between
street
prostitution and the various indoor types. In street prostitution,
the initial
transaction occurs in a public place (a sidewalk, park, truck
stop), while the
7
SEX WORK: PARADIGMS AND POLICIES
TA
B
L
E
97. it
y
of
l
if
e.
sex act takes place in either a public or private setting (alley,
park, vehicle,
hotel, etc.). Many street prostitutes are runaways who end up in
a new locale
with no resources and little recourse but to engage in some kind
of criminal
activity—whether theft, drug dealing, or selling sex. Many
street workers,
both runaways and others, experience abysmal working
conditions and are
involved in “survival sex.” They sell sex out of dire necessity or
to support a
drug habit. Many use addictive drugs; work and live in crime-
ridden areas; are
socially isolated and disconnected from support services; risk
contracting and
transmitting sexual diseases; are exploited and abused by
pimps; and are
vulnerable to being assaulted, robbed, raped, or killed on the
streets. This is
the population best characterized by the oppression paradigm.
Other street
prostitutes, especially those free of drugs and pimps, are in less
desperate
straits but still confront a range of occupational hazards. Judith
98. Porter and
Louis Bonilla’s chapter in this volume (Chapter 7) offers a
close look at street
prostitution and documents differences between three
prostitution zones in
Philadelphia.
When most people think of prostitution, they are thinking of
street
prostitution, but off-street sexual transactions are just as
important and, in
many countries, far more common than street work even though
we lack data
on the exact numbers in each sphere. (In Thailand, for example,
an estimated
0.7% of prostitutes work the streets, while the figures for the
United States,
Holland, and Britain are reportedly closer to 20%.)38 We do
know that ads for
escort agencies and for independent call girls on the Internet are
abundant and
ever increasing.
Indoor prostitution takes place in brothels, massage parlors,
bars, hotels,
and private premises. Compared to street prostitutes, indoor
workers are much
less likely to have a background of childhood abuse (neglect,
violence, incest),
to enter sex work at a young age, to engage in risky behavior
(e.g., to use
addictive drugs and to engage in unprotected sex), and to be
victimized by
others. Off-street workers who have not been coerced into
prostitution are
much less likely to experience assault, robbery, and rape. A
99. British study of
115 prostitutes who worked on the streets and 125 who worked
in saunas or
as call girls found that the street prostitutes were much more
likely than the
indoor workers to report that they had ever been robbed (37 vs.
10%), beaten
(27 vs. 1%), slapped/punched/kicked (47 vs. 14%), raped (22 vs.
2%),
threatened with a weapon (24 vs. 6%), or kidnapped (20 vs.
2%).39 Other
studies similarly find disparities in victimization between street
and off-street
workers, with some reporting high percentages of indoor
providers who have
never experienced violence on the job.40 Although random
sampling was not
possible in these studies, the fact that they consistently
document significant
9
SEX WORK: PARADIGMS AND POLICIES
street–indoor differences lends credence to the general
conclusion. In addition
to differences in ever being victimized, street workers are more
likely to
experience more frequent and more severe victimization.
This does not mean that indoor work is risk free: structural
conditions are
a key predictor of vulnerability—conditions that include
workers’ immi-
100. gration status, drug dependency, third-party involvement (as
protectors vs.
exploiters), etc. Moreover, indoor work in the Third World
usually exists
under harsher conditions than in developed countries, even
when it is legal.41
Having said that, there is no doubt that indoor settings are
generally safer than
the streets. Overall, “street workers are significantly more at
risk of more
violence and more serious violence than indoor workers.”42
Moreover, it
appears that legal context makes a difference: that is, the safety
of indoor work
increases where prostitution is legal (see later).
Those who work collectively indoors—in brothels, massage
parlors,
saunas, clubs—have the advantage of the presence of
gatekeepers and
coworkers, who can intervene in the event of an unruly
customer. Indoor
venues often have some screening mechanisms, video
surveillance, and alarm
systems. Call girls and escorts are more vulnerable given their
isolation when
doing outcalls at hotels or clients’ residences. But they also
have a greater
proportion of low-risk, regular clients (see Chapter 8, by Janet
Lever and
Deanne Dolnick) and they have their own methods of vetting
potentially
dangerous customers (though these methods are not foolproof).
They share
with other workers stories of bad clients who are then
101. blacklisted, and they
routinely check in by phone with the agency or a friend at a
designated time
before and after a visit. As one agency booker stated: “The girls
call to check
in when they first get to an appointment. We had code words,
like ‘Red Bull.’
If I heard her say she needed a Red Bull, I’d try to distract the
guy on the
phone so she could get out of there.”43 The autobiography of
former prostitute
Dolores French describes her unique ways of alerting her agent
(Sarah) that
she was in danger in a man’s hotel room:
Sarah told me certain code names that were to be used for cops
and crazies. . . .
“Judy” meant a cop; “Phyllis” meant a crazy . . .. So I called
Sarah and said:
“Everything is fine here. By the way, has Judy been in the
office lately? Well, if
Judy comes by, tell her I’d like to meet her for coffee.” [Sarah
said] “Did he ask
you to have sex?” “Oh yes, he’s lots of fun.” Any positive
answer I gave meant
yes, any negative answer . . . meant no. It was amazing how
wonderfully this all
worked. As soon as Sarah understood there was danger, she was
on full alert . . .
102. She knew I was in a bad situation, and she knew it was up to her
to help get me
out of it.44
10
RONALD WEITZER
Such providers learn ways of screening their clients before they
meet as well.
A study of independent call girls noted that they develop “a
sensitivity to
detecting potential danger in the caller’s attitudes, manners,
tone of voice, or
nature of the conversation.”45
It is not widely known that indoor and street prostitutes differ
in the
services they provide. Because street workers spend little time
with customers,
their social interaction is fleeting. As one street worker
remarked, “Usually,
they’re not even interested in talking to you. What they want is
quick sex.”46
Indoor interactions are typically longer, multifaceted, and more
reciprocal.
Diana Prince, who interviewed 75 call girls in …
103. Language and Woman's Place
Author(s): Robin Lakoff
Source: Language in Society, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Apr., 1973), pp. 45-
80
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Lang. Soc. 2, 45-80. Printed in Great Britain
Language and woman's place
104. ROBIN LAKOFF
Department of Linguistics, University of California, Berkeley
ABSTRACT
Our use of language embodies attitudes as well as referential
meanings.
'Woman's language' has as foundation the attitude that women
are marginal
to the serious concerns of life, which are pre-empted by men.
The mar-
ginality and powerlessness of women is reflected in both the
ways women
are expected to speak, and the ways in which women are
spoken of. In
appropriate women's speech, strong expression of feeling is
avoided,
expression of uncertainty is favored, and means of expression
in regard to
subject-matter deemed 'trivial' to the 'real' world are
elaborated. Speech
about women implies an object, whose sexual nature requires
euphemism,
and whose social roles are derivative and dependent in relation
to men.
The personal identity of women thus is linguistically
submerged; the
105. language works against treatment of women, as serious persons
with
individual views.
These aspects of English are explored with regard to lexicon
(color terms,
particles, evaluative adjectives), and syntax (tag-questions, and
related
aspects of intonation in answers to requests, and of requests
and orders),
as concerns speech by women. Speech about women is analyzed
with
regard to lady :woman, master: mistress, widow: widower, and
Mr:
Mrs., Miss, with notice of differential use of role terms not
explicitly marked
for sex (e.g. professional) as well.
Some suggestions and conclusions are offered for those
working in the
women's liberation movement and other kinds of social reform;
second
language teaching; and theoretical linguistics. Relevant
generalizations in
linguistics require study of social mores as well as of purely
linguistic data.
I. INTRODUCTION
Languages uses us as much as we use language. As much as our
106. choice of forms
of expression is guided by the thoughts we want to express, to
the same extent
the way we feel about the things in the real world governs the
way we express
ourselves about these things. Two words can be synonymous in
their denotative
sense, but one will be used in case a speaker feels favorably
toward the object
the word denotes, the other if he is unfavorably disposed.
Similar situations are
legion, involving unexpectedness, interest, and other emotional
reactions on the
part of the speaker to what he is talking about. Thus, while two
speakers may
45
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LANGUAGE IN SOCIETY
be talking about the same thing or real-world situation their
descriptions may
end up sounding utterly unrelated. The following well-known
paradigm will be
107. illustrative.
(i) (a) I am strong-minded.
(b) You are obstinate.
(c) He is pigheaded.
If it is indeed true that our feelings about the world color our
expression of
our thoughts, then we can use our linguistic behavior as a
diagnostic of our
hidden feelings about things. For often - as anyone with even a
nodding acquain-
tance with modern psychoanalytic writing knows too well - we
can interpret our
overt actions, or our perceptions, in accordance with our
desires, distorting them
as we see fit. But the linguistic data are there, in black and
white, or on tape,
unambiguous and unavoidable. Hence, while in the ideal world
other kinds of
evidence for sociological phenomena would be desirable along
with, or in addition
to, linguistic evidence, sometimes at least the latter is all we
can get with cer-
tainty. This is especially likely in emotionally-charged areas
108. like that of sexism
and other forms of discriminatory behavior. This paper, then, is
an attempt to
provide diagnostic evidence from language use for one type of
inequity that has
been claimed to exist in our society: that between the roles of
men and women.
I will attempt to discover what language use can tell us about
the nature and
extent of any inequity; and finally to ask whether anything can
be done, from the
linguistic end of the problem: does one correct a social
inequity by changing
linguistic disparities? We will find, I think, that women
experience linguistic
discrimination in two ways: in the way they are taught to use
language, and in the
way general language use treats them. Both tend, as we shall
see, to relegate
women to certain subservient functions: that of sex-object, or
servant; and that
therefore certain lexical items mean one thing applied to man,
another to women,
a difference that cannot be predicted except with reference to
the different roles
the sexes play in society.
The data on which I am basing my claims have been gathered
mainly by
introspection: I have examined my own speech and that of my
acquaintances,
109. and have used my own intuitions in analyzing it. I have also
made use of the
media: in some ways, the speech heard, e.g., in commercials or
situation comedies
on television mirrors the speech of the television-watching
community: if it
did not (not necessarily as an exact replica, but perhaps as a
reflection of how the
audience sees itself or wishes it were) it would not succeed.
The sociologist,
anthropologist or ethnomethodologist familar with what seem
to him more
error-proof data-gathering techniques, such as the recording of
random conver-
sation, may object that these introspective methods may
produce dubious
results. But first, it should be noted that any procedure is at
some point intro-
spective: the gatherer must analyze his data, after all. Then,
one necessariiy selects
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LANGUAGE AND WOMAN IS PLACE
a subgroup of the population to work with: is the educated,
white, middle-class
group that the writer of the paper identifies with less worthy of
study than any
110. other? And finally, there is the purely pragmatic issue: random
conversation
must go on for quite some time, and the recorder must be
exceedingly lucky
anyway, in order to produce evidence of any particular
hypothesis, e.g. that
there is sexism in language, that there is not sexism in
language. If we are to
have a good sample of data to analyze, this will have to be
elicited artificially
from someone; I submit I am as good an artificial source of
data as anyone.
These defenses are not meant to suggest that either the
methodology or the
results are final, or perfect. This paper is meant to suggest one
possible approach
to the problem, one set of facts. I do feel that the majority of
the claims I make
will hold for the majority of speakers of English; that, in fact,
much may,
mutatis mutandis, be universal. But granting that this paper
does in itself repre-
sent the speech of only a small subpart of the community, it is
still of use in
indicating directions for further research in this area: in
providing a basis for
comparison, a taking-off point for further studies, a means of
discovering what is
universal in the data and what is not, and why. That is to say, I
present what
follows less as the final word on the subject of sexism in
language - anything but
that! - than as a goad to further research.