This document outlines a study examining the relationship between youth bulges, unemployment, education, and political violence such as riots, coups, and civil wars. It presents a conceptual framework drawing from literature on determinants of each type of violence. An empirical analysis is conducted using a multinomial logit model on a sample of over 5,000 country-years. Results suggest youth bulges have a nonlinear relationship with violence and that unemployment moderates this effect, while higher education reduces violence risk. Robustness checks are discussed.
El jueves 17 de mayo del 2018 se organizó una Mesa Redonda en la Fundación Ramón Areces, en la cual se habló sobre las subidas de tipos en la era Trump y la nueva globalización.
https://www.delhipolicygroup.org/publication/policy-reports/dj-vu-in-myanmar.html - Over the past two months, Myanmar has plunged into a political crisis. Myanmar’s tentative political transition towards democracy, which started in 2010 and gained momentum after the 2015 elections, has been reversed. The military (Tatmadaw) has staged a coup d’état and arrested democratically elected leaders, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Inequality, conflict, and policy - microcon june 2011freida_m
1. The document discusses various types of violence globally and findings from research on civil wars, genocides, riots in India, and routine violence in Indonesia.
2. Research found that inequalities, especially horizontal inequalities related to things like ethnicity, religion, or caste, are important factors for many types of violence, including civil wars and genocides.
3. Studies on riots in India and routine violence in Indonesia showed that redistributive social expenditures that reduce inequalities can decrease violence more effectively than police actions.
This document discusses monetary policy responses to the global financial crisis, using Egypt as a case study. It finds that the Central Bank of Egypt's ideal policy tools are the overnight interest rate and legal reserve requirements. Interest rates have a longer-term impact on goals like growth, price stability, and job creation. The study also argues for enhancing central bank independence and transparency in nations with high corruption, to help address chronic inflation and socio-political instability.
The document analyzes the impact of the 2008 Global Financial Crisis on individuals' trust in national political systems across 18 European countries. It finds that (1) the crisis significantly reduced political trust, with individual factors like economic satisfaction playing a bigger role than macroeconomic indicators, and (2) different countries experienced varying levels of impact, though generally trust declined more where the crisis was perceived to have been handled poorly. The analysis uses survey and economic data from before and after the crisis to construct a political trust index and measure the crisis's effects.
This document compares and analyzes the evolution of economic thought during the Great Depression and Great Recession. It discusses key events of each period like the stock market crashes, as well as government and economic policy responses. During the Great Depression, policies focused on ensuring employment through programs like the New Deal. During the Great Recession, policies addressed concerns about income inequality through stimulus packages and debates around minimum wage. The document also analyzes how economic models like the quantity theory of money influenced policy approaches during each period.
Monetary policy is an important public policy, but it is not the only one to stabilize our economy and reduce its business cycles. The leading central bank, the Federal Reserve of the U.S., has introduced, after the 2008 global financial crisis, new instruments and unusual facilities to implement its new innovative monetary policy. The financial world and mostly the social scientists watch as the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) decides on a target interest rate in the federal funds market for the next period. The framework that the FOMC uses to implement monetary policy has changed over the last twelve years and continues to evolve today. Here, we try to evaluate the new instruments and their “effectiveness”. Before the 2008 financial crisis, policymakers used one set of traditional instruments (tools) to achieve the target rate. However, several policy interventions, introduced soon after the crisis, drastically altered the landscape of the federal funds market and the traditional economic theory. This new and uncertain environment, with enormous reserves and even interest on reserves, necessitated a new set of instruments by the Fed for its monetary policy implementation. Lately, after seven years of zero interest rate, the FOMC began in December 2015 to increase the target rate and then, went back again to a lower one, but many questions arise. How did they evaluate the effectiveness of these new instruments? Is the current federal funds rate the appropriate one for our economic wellbeing? How efficient was so far this ZIR monetary policy after the latest global financial crisis? Why the Fed put all these burdens of its ‘innovated” new monetary policy to the poor taxpayers (bail out) and to the risk-averse depositors (bail in)? Is it possible for the Fed’s policy to prevent the future financial crises? The federal funds rate was very low and affected negatively the financial markets (bubbles were growing), the real rates of interest (it is negative for twelve years), and the deposit rates (they are closed to zero for twelve years). The redistribution of wealth of depositors and taxpayers continues, which means the true economic welfare is falling and a new global recession was in preparation, if the current unfair easy money policy will persist, ignoring the necessity of a prevention of financial crises. Then, it came as an unexpected plague the coronavirus pandemic, following with a new but, the worse in economic history global crisis (chaos).
The Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC) is a non-profit research think tank established in 1995 that focuses on issues related to development, poverty, inequality, governance, social policy, climate, gender, and pro-poor economic growth. It contributes to Pakistan's social development goals through research, policy advice, and advocacy. The SPDC collaborates with other organizations working on relevant issues, both domestic and international. It determines its own research agenda while maintaining a balance between responsive and proactive social sector research.
El jueves 17 de mayo del 2018 se organizó una Mesa Redonda en la Fundación Ramón Areces, en la cual se habló sobre las subidas de tipos en la era Trump y la nueva globalización.
https://www.delhipolicygroup.org/publication/policy-reports/dj-vu-in-myanmar.html - Over the past two months, Myanmar has plunged into a political crisis. Myanmar’s tentative political transition towards democracy, which started in 2010 and gained momentum after the 2015 elections, has been reversed. The military (Tatmadaw) has staged a coup d’état and arrested democratically elected leaders, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Inequality, conflict, and policy - microcon june 2011freida_m
1. The document discusses various types of violence globally and findings from research on civil wars, genocides, riots in India, and routine violence in Indonesia.
2. Research found that inequalities, especially horizontal inequalities related to things like ethnicity, religion, or caste, are important factors for many types of violence, including civil wars and genocides.
3. Studies on riots in India and routine violence in Indonesia showed that redistributive social expenditures that reduce inequalities can decrease violence more effectively than police actions.
This document discusses monetary policy responses to the global financial crisis, using Egypt as a case study. It finds that the Central Bank of Egypt's ideal policy tools are the overnight interest rate and legal reserve requirements. Interest rates have a longer-term impact on goals like growth, price stability, and job creation. The study also argues for enhancing central bank independence and transparency in nations with high corruption, to help address chronic inflation and socio-political instability.
The document analyzes the impact of the 2008 Global Financial Crisis on individuals' trust in national political systems across 18 European countries. It finds that (1) the crisis significantly reduced political trust, with individual factors like economic satisfaction playing a bigger role than macroeconomic indicators, and (2) different countries experienced varying levels of impact, though generally trust declined more where the crisis was perceived to have been handled poorly. The analysis uses survey and economic data from before and after the crisis to construct a political trust index and measure the crisis's effects.
This document compares and analyzes the evolution of economic thought during the Great Depression and Great Recession. It discusses key events of each period like the stock market crashes, as well as government and economic policy responses. During the Great Depression, policies focused on ensuring employment through programs like the New Deal. During the Great Recession, policies addressed concerns about income inequality through stimulus packages and debates around minimum wage. The document also analyzes how economic models like the quantity theory of money influenced policy approaches during each period.
Monetary policy is an important public policy, but it is not the only one to stabilize our economy and reduce its business cycles. The leading central bank, the Federal Reserve of the U.S., has introduced, after the 2008 global financial crisis, new instruments and unusual facilities to implement its new innovative monetary policy. The financial world and mostly the social scientists watch as the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) decides on a target interest rate in the federal funds market for the next period. The framework that the FOMC uses to implement monetary policy has changed over the last twelve years and continues to evolve today. Here, we try to evaluate the new instruments and their “effectiveness”. Before the 2008 financial crisis, policymakers used one set of traditional instruments (tools) to achieve the target rate. However, several policy interventions, introduced soon after the crisis, drastically altered the landscape of the federal funds market and the traditional economic theory. This new and uncertain environment, with enormous reserves and even interest on reserves, necessitated a new set of instruments by the Fed for its monetary policy implementation. Lately, after seven years of zero interest rate, the FOMC began in December 2015 to increase the target rate and then, went back again to a lower one, but many questions arise. How did they evaluate the effectiveness of these new instruments? Is the current federal funds rate the appropriate one for our economic wellbeing? How efficient was so far this ZIR monetary policy after the latest global financial crisis? Why the Fed put all these burdens of its ‘innovated” new monetary policy to the poor taxpayers (bail out) and to the risk-averse depositors (bail in)? Is it possible for the Fed’s policy to prevent the future financial crises? The federal funds rate was very low and affected negatively the financial markets (bubbles were growing), the real rates of interest (it is negative for twelve years), and the deposit rates (they are closed to zero for twelve years). The redistribution of wealth of depositors and taxpayers continues, which means the true economic welfare is falling and a new global recession was in preparation, if the current unfair easy money policy will persist, ignoring the necessity of a prevention of financial crises. Then, it came as an unexpected plague the coronavirus pandemic, following with a new but, the worse in economic history global crisis (chaos).
The Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC) is a non-profit research think tank established in 1995 that focuses on issues related to development, poverty, inequality, governance, social policy, climate, gender, and pro-poor economic growth. It contributes to Pakistan's social development goals through research, policy advice, and advocacy. The SPDC collaborates with other organizations working on relevant issues, both domestic and international. It determines its own research agenda while maintaining a balance between responsive and proactive social sector research.
This document provides an introduction and theoretical framework for examining how different types of civil wars may have varying short-term and long-term impacts on population health in developing countries. It first discusses research showing the negative health effects of war, then presents a synthesized theory that all wars harm health initially but ethnolinguistic wars centered on territory may cause greater long-term damage by disrupting access to healthcare over generations. The document reviews theories on greed-motivated and grievance-motivated civil wars and how their targets and goals may differentially impact population health.
The consequences of War in Africa nd the rest of the world is apparently creating more poor people and less productivity to safe life on our planet, Earth. Read this article of War and Poverty to have a better understanding of the life of others affected.
War and peace are two powerful forces that have been shaping civilizations. Every nation has gone through various degrees of conflicts. In this paper, the author asks what history lessons can be used to educate the public and policy makers on conflict prevention. If we were to avoid repeating the mistakes and wars of the past, the author believes new innovative approaches are needed for solving old problems of conflicts within a nation and between nations. Alongside current steps to promote social order, the psychology of war and peace must be adequately looked into and utilized in forming the needed policies.
This document summarizes Nancy Hayden's PhD dissertation which uses a systems framework to analyze persistent armed civil conflicts in Africa and the impact of international interventions. The key findings are:
1) Conflict outcomes can be categorized into distinct patterns ("reference behaviors") that suggest different system structures and feedback mechanisms such as overshoot and collapse, oscillation, or exponential growth.
2) Statistical analysis found these patterns correlate with theoretical risk factors for conflict persistence such as state capacity, socioeconomics, and type of intervention.
3) Case studies of Somalia found the patterns and correlations scale down to subnational levels, and that interventions can reduce or increase conflict persistence depending on how they interact with local dynamics.
1) The document presents research on the effects of exposure to civil conflict in Peru on political beliefs and participation. It analyzes survey data on Peruvians' trust in government, views on democracy and civil rights, and civic participation, linked to data on violence during the Peruvian civil war from 1980-2000.
2) The results show that exposure to violence during sensitive childhood and adolescent stages is associated with more negative views of democracy and lower civic participation, but does not impact other political outcomes.
3) The authors discuss assumptions, threats to identification like migration, and ideas for future research extensions like analyzing effects by type and perpetrator of violence and inter-generational impacts.
Sarah Cliffe
New York University
ERF 22nd Annual Conference: Towards a New Development Agenda in the Middle East
Cairo, Egypt - March 19-21, 2016
www.erf.org.eg
Youth unemployment and political instability in cameroon by t.h ngwene nkwelleNgweneHansonBAMSc
This document discusses the relationship between youth unemployment and political instability in Cameroon. It begins with background on high youth unemployment rates in Africa and its link to political instability. The paper aims to investigate the effect of youth unemployment on political instability in Cameroon using various measures of both unemployment and political instability. It reviews different ways political instability has been measured in previous studies, and chooses to use the risk of internal conflict as the measure of political instability for this study.
We present a detailed, high-frequency data set on the civil conflict in Colombia during the period 1988–2002. We briefly introduce the Colombian case and the methodological issues that hinder data collection in civil wars, before presenting the pattern over time of conflict actions and intensity for all sides involved in the confrontation. We also describe the pattern of victimisation by group and the victimisation of civilians out of clashes.
The social movement and collective action theoryAlexander Decker
The document analyzes the 2011 Egyptian revolution using the social movement and collective action theory. It summarizes the theory's five stages: 1) issues of discontent formed, 2) issues were framed around calls for democracy, 3) mobilization occurred on social media and protests, 4) confrontation emerged as the government tried to suppress protests violently, 5) outcomes included the overthrow of Mubarak's government. The theory effectively explained the progression of events in Egypt. However, it does not account for why some social movements succeed while others fail, which depends on factors like the type of regime.
Discusses how public support of the war in Iraq has varied more with perceptions of the likelihood of strategic success than with the number of casualties.
In this paper I examine the development effects of military coups. Whereas previous economic literature has primarily viewed coups as a form of broader political instability, less research has focused on its development consequences independent of the factors making coups more likely. Moreover, previous research tends to group coups together regardless of whether they overthrew autocratic or democratically-elected leaders. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically elected leaders imply a very different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders. These differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy, which I discuss in several case studies. Second, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coup as well as matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental to growth. When overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Read more: https://www.hhs.se/site
C. Wright Mills' theory of the distribution of power argues that power is concentrated among elite groups like corporations, the military, and government, rather than being widely distributed. This concentration of power allows corporations to influence policymaking and regulation in ways that help them avoid criminalization for harmful acts. Some ways corporations do this include direct lobbying, representation on government committees, and covertly setting agendas and suppressing information. As a result, many corporate harms go unregulated or unpunished despite their massive impacts, such as hundreds of thousands of workplace deaths annually. Mills' theory provides some explanation but does not fully account for how corporations leverage power and ethics to escape criminalization for acts of theft, fraud, and violence.
This study examines the impact of conflict on economic growth using a production function model. The authors regress GDP growth against capital growth, labor growth, and several conflict variables (terrorism, displacement, violent episodes) for 126 countries. While capital and labor growth are expected to positively impact GDP growth, the conflict variables are expected to have a negative impact by reducing productivity. This cross-country analysis aims to provide a macro-level understanding of how conflict generally affects economic growth, building on prior micro-level case studies of specific countries. The authors acknowledge limitations of their cross-sectional approach compared to prior time-series analyses of individual countries.
1. The document presents a model analyzing the conditions under which mass killings and civil war intensity may reinforce each other or act as substitute forms of strategic violence.
2. The model considers how population size, natural resources, state capacity, and international intervention may impact the likelihood and level of mass killings.
3. Mass killings are more likely under conditions of low state capacity and productivity, high natural resources, and when international pressure for fairness is moderate rather than tight.
This study aims to analyze the impact of conflict on economic growth across 126 countries from 2004 to 2009. It uses a production function model where GDP growth is regressed against capital growth, labor growth, and various measures of conflict, including terrorism, displacement, and violent episodes. This expands upon previous micro-level studies of specific countries by taking a macro-level, cross-country approach. The study predicts conflict will negatively impact GDP growth. However, the conflict variables are not significant in the model, suggesting the model may not adequately capture the effects of conflict on economic growth.
1) Armed conflicts have significant negative impacts on sustainable development across its three pillars of economic, social, and environmental. They divert public funds towards military spending, discourage investment, disrupt trade and tourism, and damage infrastructure.
2) Wars have considerable psychosocial effects such as loss of history and cultural heritage. They also create additional humanitarian needs that strain limited financial resources.
3) A conference of experts found that armed conflicts negatively impact the majority of thematic areas related to sustainable development identified in the Rio+20 document. Current political instability and conflicts in Africa especially hinder sustainable development progress on that continent.
Migration policies are generally restrictive due to public opposition to immigration based on concerns about impacts on the labor market, welfare state, and national culture/identity. However, some interest groups lobby for more open policies to gain access to immigrant workers. While individuals are opposed to increased immigration, business groups support higher levels to meet workforce needs. The political power of unions, which oppose immigration, has also influenced more restrictive policies in some industry sectors. More research is needed on migration policies in developing countries that are becoming major destinations for migrants.
Contrial presents The Fourth Measurement of Social Capital of Colombia
Challenges for Citizenship, Civil Society, Politics and the State
John Sudarsky explains How to build Territorial Settings that accumulate Social Capital, Trust and Sustainable Commitment, articulating participatory and representative democracy.
Economic growth between the epidemic Maltus' idea and political instability f...AI Publications
The objective of this paper is to study the impact of the rate of demographic growth via the the epidemic Maltus' idea on economic growth on the one hand. And on the other hand, we examine the effect of political stability on economic growth. This work follows a methodology describing empirically while using the GMM dynamic panel method on five-year cross-sectional data (2016-2020) for some countries of North Africa and the Middle East.
OJP data from firms like Vicinity Jobs have emerged as a complement to traditional sources of labour demand data, such as the Job Vacancy and Wages Survey (JVWS). Ibrahim Abuallail, PhD Candidate, University of Ottawa, presented research relating to bias in OJPs and a proposed approach to effectively adjust OJP data to complement existing official data (such as from the JVWS) and improve the measurement of labour demand.
[4:55 p.m.] Bryan Oates
OJPs are becoming a critical resource for policy-makers and researchers who study the labour market. LMIC continues to work with Vicinity Jobs’ data on OJPs, which can be explored in our Canadian Job Trends Dashboard. Valuable insights have been gained through our analysis of OJP data, including LMIC research lead
Suzanne Spiteri’s recent report on improving the quality and accessibility of job postings to reduce employment barriers for neurodivergent people.
Decoding job postings: Improving accessibility for neurodivergent job seekers
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This document provides an introduction and theoretical framework for examining how different types of civil wars may have varying short-term and long-term impacts on population health in developing countries. It first discusses research showing the negative health effects of war, then presents a synthesized theory that all wars harm health initially but ethnolinguistic wars centered on territory may cause greater long-term damage by disrupting access to healthcare over generations. The document reviews theories on greed-motivated and grievance-motivated civil wars and how their targets and goals may differentially impact population health.
The consequences of War in Africa nd the rest of the world is apparently creating more poor people and less productivity to safe life on our planet, Earth. Read this article of War and Poverty to have a better understanding of the life of others affected.
War and peace are two powerful forces that have been shaping civilizations. Every nation has gone through various degrees of conflicts. In this paper, the author asks what history lessons can be used to educate the public and policy makers on conflict prevention. If we were to avoid repeating the mistakes and wars of the past, the author believes new innovative approaches are needed for solving old problems of conflicts within a nation and between nations. Alongside current steps to promote social order, the psychology of war and peace must be adequately looked into and utilized in forming the needed policies.
This document summarizes Nancy Hayden's PhD dissertation which uses a systems framework to analyze persistent armed civil conflicts in Africa and the impact of international interventions. The key findings are:
1) Conflict outcomes can be categorized into distinct patterns ("reference behaviors") that suggest different system structures and feedback mechanisms such as overshoot and collapse, oscillation, or exponential growth.
2) Statistical analysis found these patterns correlate with theoretical risk factors for conflict persistence such as state capacity, socioeconomics, and type of intervention.
3) Case studies of Somalia found the patterns and correlations scale down to subnational levels, and that interventions can reduce or increase conflict persistence depending on how they interact with local dynamics.
1) The document presents research on the effects of exposure to civil conflict in Peru on political beliefs and participation. It analyzes survey data on Peruvians' trust in government, views on democracy and civil rights, and civic participation, linked to data on violence during the Peruvian civil war from 1980-2000.
2) The results show that exposure to violence during sensitive childhood and adolescent stages is associated with more negative views of democracy and lower civic participation, but does not impact other political outcomes.
3) The authors discuss assumptions, threats to identification like migration, and ideas for future research extensions like analyzing effects by type and perpetrator of violence and inter-generational impacts.
Sarah Cliffe
New York University
ERF 22nd Annual Conference: Towards a New Development Agenda in the Middle East
Cairo, Egypt - March 19-21, 2016
www.erf.org.eg
Youth unemployment and political instability in cameroon by t.h ngwene nkwelleNgweneHansonBAMSc
This document discusses the relationship between youth unemployment and political instability in Cameroon. It begins with background on high youth unemployment rates in Africa and its link to political instability. The paper aims to investigate the effect of youth unemployment on political instability in Cameroon using various measures of both unemployment and political instability. It reviews different ways political instability has been measured in previous studies, and chooses to use the risk of internal conflict as the measure of political instability for this study.
We present a detailed, high-frequency data set on the civil conflict in Colombia during the period 1988–2002. We briefly introduce the Colombian case and the methodological issues that hinder data collection in civil wars, before presenting the pattern over time of conflict actions and intensity for all sides involved in the confrontation. We also describe the pattern of victimisation by group and the victimisation of civilians out of clashes.
The social movement and collective action theoryAlexander Decker
The document analyzes the 2011 Egyptian revolution using the social movement and collective action theory. It summarizes the theory's five stages: 1) issues of discontent formed, 2) issues were framed around calls for democracy, 3) mobilization occurred on social media and protests, 4) confrontation emerged as the government tried to suppress protests violently, 5) outcomes included the overthrow of Mubarak's government. The theory effectively explained the progression of events in Egypt. However, it does not account for why some social movements succeed while others fail, which depends on factors like the type of regime.
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In this paper I examine the development effects of military coups. Whereas previous economic literature has primarily viewed coups as a form of broader political instability, less research has focused on its development consequences independent of the factors making coups more likely. Moreover, previous research tends to group coups together regardless of whether they overthrew autocratic or democratically-elected leaders. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically elected leaders imply a very different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders. These differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy, which I discuss in several case studies. Second, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coup as well as matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental to growth. When overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Read more: https://www.hhs.se/site
C. Wright Mills' theory of the distribution of power argues that power is concentrated among elite groups like corporations, the military, and government, rather than being widely distributed. This concentration of power allows corporations to influence policymaking and regulation in ways that help them avoid criminalization for harmful acts. Some ways corporations do this include direct lobbying, representation on government committees, and covertly setting agendas and suppressing information. As a result, many corporate harms go unregulated or unpunished despite their massive impacts, such as hundreds of thousands of workplace deaths annually. Mills' theory provides some explanation but does not fully account for how corporations leverage power and ethics to escape criminalization for acts of theft, fraud, and violence.
This study examines the impact of conflict on economic growth using a production function model. The authors regress GDP growth against capital growth, labor growth, and several conflict variables (terrorism, displacement, violent episodes) for 126 countries. While capital and labor growth are expected to positively impact GDP growth, the conflict variables are expected to have a negative impact by reducing productivity. This cross-country analysis aims to provide a macro-level understanding of how conflict generally affects economic growth, building on prior micro-level case studies of specific countries. The authors acknowledge limitations of their cross-sectional approach compared to prior time-series analyses of individual countries.
1. The document presents a model analyzing the conditions under which mass killings and civil war intensity may reinforce each other or act as substitute forms of strategic violence.
2. The model considers how population size, natural resources, state capacity, and international intervention may impact the likelihood and level of mass killings.
3. Mass killings are more likely under conditions of low state capacity and productivity, high natural resources, and when international pressure for fairness is moderate rather than tight.
This study aims to analyze the impact of conflict on economic growth across 126 countries from 2004 to 2009. It uses a production function model where GDP growth is regressed against capital growth, labor growth, and various measures of conflict, including terrorism, displacement, and violent episodes. This expands upon previous micro-level studies of specific countries by taking a macro-level, cross-country approach. The study predicts conflict will negatively impact GDP growth. However, the conflict variables are not significant in the model, suggesting the model may not adequately capture the effects of conflict on economic growth.
1) Armed conflicts have significant negative impacts on sustainable development across its three pillars of economic, social, and environmental. They divert public funds towards military spending, discourage investment, disrupt trade and tourism, and damage infrastructure.
2) Wars have considerable psychosocial effects such as loss of history and cultural heritage. They also create additional humanitarian needs that strain limited financial resources.
3) A conference of experts found that armed conflicts negatively impact the majority of thematic areas related to sustainable development identified in the Rio+20 document. Current political instability and conflicts in Africa especially hinder sustainable development progress on that continent.
Migration policies are generally restrictive due to public opposition to immigration based on concerns about impacts on the labor market, welfare state, and national culture/identity. However, some interest groups lobby for more open policies to gain access to immigrant workers. While individuals are opposed to increased immigration, business groups support higher levels to meet workforce needs. The political power of unions, which oppose immigration, has also influenced more restrictive policies in some industry sectors. More research is needed on migration policies in developing countries that are becoming major destinations for migrants.
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办理美国SDSU毕业证书制作南达科他州立大学假文凭定制Q微168899991做SDSU留信网教留服认证海牙认证改SDSU成绩单GPA做SDSU假学位证假文凭高仿毕业证GRE代考如何申请南达科他州立大学South Dakota State University degree offer diploma Transcript
A toxic combination of 15 years of low growth, and four decades of high inequality, has left Britain poorer and falling behind its peers. Productivity growth is weak and public investment is low, while wages today are no higher than they were before the financial crisis. Britain needs a new economic strategy to lift itself out of stagnation.
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University of North Carolina at Charlotte degree offer diploma Transcripttscdzuip
办理美国UNCC毕业证书制作北卡大学夏洛特分校假文凭定制Q微168899991做UNCC留信网教留服认证海牙认证改UNCC成绩单GPA做UNCC假学位证假文凭高仿毕业证GRE代考如何申请北卡罗莱纳大学夏洛特分校University of North Carolina at Charlotte degree offer diploma Transcript
Independent Study - College of Wooster Research (2023-2024) FDI, Culture, Glo...AntoniaOwensDetwiler
"Does Foreign Direct Investment Negatively Affect Preservation of Culture in the Global South? Case Studies in Thailand and Cambodia."
Do elements of globalization, such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), negatively affect the ability of countries in the Global South to preserve their culture? This research aims to answer this question by employing a cross-sectional comparative case study analysis utilizing methods of difference. Thailand and Cambodia are compared as they are in the same region and have a similar culture. The metric of difference between Thailand and Cambodia is their ability to preserve their culture. This ability is operationalized by their respective attitudes towards FDI; Thailand imposes stringent regulations and limitations on FDI while Cambodia does not hesitate to accept most FDI and imposes fewer limitations. The evidence from this study suggests that FDI from globally influential countries with high gross domestic products (GDPs) (e.g. China, U.S.) challenges the ability of countries with lower GDPs (e.g. Cambodia) to protect their culture. Furthermore, the ability, or lack thereof, of the receiving countries to protect their culture is amplified by the existence and implementation of restrictive FDI policies imposed by their governments.
My study abroad in Bali, Indonesia, inspired this research topic as I noticed how globalization is changing the culture of its people. I learned their language and way of life which helped me understand the beauty and importance of cultural preservation. I believe we could all benefit from learning new perspectives as they could help us ideate solutions to contemporary issues and empathize with others.
Enhancing Asset Quality: Strategies for Financial Institutionsshruti1menon2
Ensuring robust asset quality is not just a mere aspect but a critical cornerstone for the stability and success of financial institutions worldwide. It serves as the bedrock upon which profitability is built and investor confidence is sustained. Therefore, in this presentation, we delve into a comprehensive exploration of strategies that can aid financial institutions in achieving and maintaining superior asset quality.
Enhancing Asset Quality: Strategies for Financial Institutions
Hosam Ibrahim ERF presentation 11032019
1. On the Determinants of Riots,
Coups and Civil Wars:
The Effect of Youth Bulges
ERF Annual Conference
Kuwait, March 2019
Hosam Ibrahim
2. Outline
• Research Question
• Introduction & Motivation
• Literature review
• Conceptual Framework
• Definition of Political Violence
• Empirical Framework
• Results & Robustness Checks
• Discussion
3. Research Question
Are Youth Bulges a Common Determinant of Riots, Coups and Civil
Wars? If Yes, Do Youth Unemployment and Education Drive that Effect?
4. Introduction & Motivation
Grievances Political Violence
Youth
bulges
Economic
stagnation
Popular discontent
Leadership survival
Rebellion
Demand-Induced
Scarcities
Education Unemployment
5. • Collier & Hoeffler (2004) and Huntington (1996) → High youth bulges → most of such events
Introduction & Motivation
Source: Banks (2016), Powell & Thyne (2011), Armed Conflict (PRIO) and U.S. Census Bureau
Youth Bulge
Percentiles
Youth
Bulges
Youth
unemployment (%)
Second & tertiary
enrollment (per 1000)
Riots Coups Civil wars
Average per group % of violence
10 11-18% 18.5 3,289 19.7 0.7 0.7
20 18-21% 22.1 4,747 13.6 0.5 2.0
30 21-25% 19.8 4,054 19.6 1.3 0.6
40 25-29% 20.5 2,903 21.6 1.3 2.1
50 29-31% 16.6 7,530 20.0 1.6 2.5
60 31-33% 15.9 2,649 16.8 1.7 2.5
70 33-34% 14.0 1,368 20.6 1.7 4.1
80 34-35% 15.6 1,069 20.6 8.1 5.9
90 35-36% 15.7 838 16.2 6.2 6.7
100 36-42% 16.1 506 12.8 3.6 2.2
6. Literature Review
The Literature
can be
Categorized:
Determinants
of Civil War
Determinants
of Coups
Determinants
of Riots
(Political &
Social)
Linking Civil
Wars and
Coups
Linking all
Three
Leadership
Survival
Political
Instability &
Democratic
Transition
Human
Capital
Institutions
(Polity)
Political
Violence
7. Literature Review
Author(s) Main Finding
Huntington (1996)
The relationship between youth bulge and civil wars is
non-linear (quadratic) and the threshold is 20%
Collier (2000)
Youth bulges do affect conflict but do not have a non-
linear effect on civil wars.
Urdal (2004)
Youth bulges do have a non-linear effect on civil wars,
suggesting to use youth economic indicators
Barakat and Urdal (2008)
Positive relationship between youth bulges and civil
wars
Omer Yair and Dan Miodownik (2016)
Youth bulges have a negative effect on economic
opportunities for the youth.
9. Conceptual Framework
“If we cannot understand why we get civil war instead of
other forms of organized political violence, then we do not
understand civil war at all”
Sambanis (2004)
What is a civil war? How many dead? New states?
10. Definition of Political Violence
• Civil wars: are defined as conflicts on the national level
between the state and “organized” non-state players.
• Coups d’état: is a sudden political change at the governing
body’s chief executive level to depose the head of state.
• Riots: they are mainly violent clashes between different
parties (civil or otherwise) during demonstrations (organized
or random).
Coups
Riots
Civil
Wars
Multinomial
Logit Model
One very important aspect of the data that we
need to take care of is the reverse causality and
endogeneity problem we might have when dealing
with coups and civil wars. Coups can often be a
determinant of civil wars. On the other hand, ethnic
riots can also be a deterministic cause of civil wars
and coups. But again this is at the heart of the
paper’s motivation, in other words, these three
types are indeed a precise measure for political
instability.
12. Data
• The sample used contains 5,414 observations extending over the period between 1992-2016 and covers 159 countries.
• The three types of conflict onset in the model are separately identified using 3 different data sets.
Variables Source Mean Std. Dev. Min Max
Dependent variable
Riots Banks (2016) 0.200 0.400 0 1
Coups Powell & Thyne (2011) 0.030 0.171 0 1
Civil wars Armed Conflict (PRIO) 0.024 0.154 0 1
Endogeneity controls
Years since the last war Armed Conflict – PRIO 24.258 21.495 0 70
Riots past 5 years Banks (2016) 1.916 5.342 0 90
Coup attempt in the past 5 years Powell & Thyne (2011) 0.096 0.295 0 1
Opportunity cost of
conflict
Youth bulge U.S. Census Bureau 27.101 8.174 10.777 41.597
Uni. and sec. enrollment (1000) Banks (2016) 72,297 237,911 34 2,873,565
Youth unemployment WDI 17.303 12.248 0.306 65.700
GDP per capita growth WDI 2.204 6.462 -62.225 140.501
Rent to GDP WDI 0.085 0.121 0 0.826
Natural log of population WDI 16.095 1.542 12.707 21.060
Political institutions
Polity Marshall et al. (2010) 3.642 6.382 -10 10
Trans. / inter. regimes Marshall et al. (2010) 0.025 0.155 0 1
13. Model Specification
• The model used in this paper is a multinomial logit estimation of the log probability of onset of
the three types of political conflict (reference group = peace):
Where 𝛽 𝑀,𝑘 is the regression coefficient corresponding to the 𝑀 𝑡ℎ
independent variable and the 𝑘 𝑡ℎ
political conflict outcome (riots, coups or civil wars). 𝑦𝑜𝑢𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑡 is a
variable measuring the ratio of the population between the ages of 15-24 to the population above 15. 𝑦𝑜𝑢𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑡
2
is the square term of youth bulges measuring the non-
monotonic relationship between large young cohorts and conflict. 𝑋𝑖𝑡 is the set of covariates measuring the endogeneity controls, opportunity cost of conflict, and
political institutions. While 𝜂𝑖 and 𝜐𝑡 represent regional and half-decadal dummies, respectively.
𝑓 𝑘, 𝑖, 𝑡 = 𝛼𝑖,𝑘 + 𝛽1,𝑘 𝑦𝑜𝑢𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽2,𝑘 𝑦𝑜𝑢𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑡
2
+ 𝛽3,𝑘 𝑋𝑖𝑡 + 𝜂𝑖 + 𝜐𝑡 + 𝜀𝑖𝑡 (1)
𝑙𝑛
𝑃(𝑜𝑢𝑡𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑒=𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑓𝑙𝑖𝑐𝑡 𝑘)
𝑃(𝑜𝑢𝑡𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑒=𝑝𝑒𝑎𝑐𝑒)
= 𝛼𝑖,𝑘 + 𝛽1,𝑘 𝑦𝑜𝑢𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽2,𝑘 𝑦𝑜𝑢𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑡
2
+ 𝛽3,𝑘 𝑋𝑖𝑡 + 𝜂𝑖 + 𝜐𝑡 + 𝜀𝑖𝑡 (2)
14. Model Specification
• Ensuing Gurr’s theory, I pose that different forms of internal violence are indeed
complementary to- and analogous of- each other.
• It is therefore valuable to investigate the underlying common factors leading to
such outcomes.
• Building on Bodea et al. (2017) I use a multinomial logit specification to allow for:
• bridging the gap in the literature of simultaneously studying the three types of conflict;
• investigating whether coups, civil wars, and riots have the same structural determinants; and
• measuring the difference in the impact of one determinant across all three instability
outcomes, if existent.
15. Endogeneity and Fixed Effects
• Mitigating Potential Endogeneity, Controlling for the:
• The history of riots - the past 5 years, (Goemans, 2008; Smith, 2004),
• Number of peace years and coups attempts (Goldstone et al., 2010), and
• Lagging polity and rents.
• Time and Regional Biases:
• Regional and decadal dummies,
• Robust standard errors
17. Raw Coefficients
Riots Coup attempts Civil wars
Years since the last war -0.00370 -0.0400*** 0.00324
(0.00255) (0.00967) (0.00647)
Number of riots in the past 5 years 0.0917*** 0.0593*** 0.0624***
(0.0150) (0.0195) (0.0169)
Coup attempt in the past 5 years -0.313* 1.227*** 0.109
(0.172) (0.214) (0.315)
GDP per capita growth (annual %) -0.0444*** -0.0627*** -0.0469***
(0.0112) (0.0132) (0.0174)
Lagged rents to GDP -1.741* -2.091 5.518**
(1.049) (2.039) (2.268)
Lagged rents to GDP square 2.159 0.527 -8.401**
(1.971) (4.076) (4.119)
Natural log of population 0.427*** 0.108 0.234***
(0.0362) (0.0745) (0.0687)
Lagged Polity2 0.00661 -0.00530 0.00200
(0.00881) (0.0188) (0.0216)
Lagged Polity2 square -0.00702*** -0.0135*** -0.0125***
(0.00171) (0.00361) (0.00363)
Transitional and interregnum regimes 1.125*** 0.508 1.242***
(0.271) (0.446) (0.414)
Constant -7.778*** -4.520*** -7.849***
(0.652) (1.444) (1.298)
5-year dummies Yes
Regional dummies Yes
N 5414
Marginal Effects
Riots Coup attempts Civil wars
Years since the last war -0.000229 -0.000923*** 0.000121
(0.000266) (0.000234) (0.000133)
Number of riots in the past 5 years 0.00905*** 0.000934** 0.000839***
(0.00141) (0.000416) (0.000298)
Coup attempt in the past 5 years -0.0383** 0.0299*** 0.00237
(0.0176) (0.00522) (0.00634)
GDP per capita growth (annual %) -0.00417*** -0.00123*** -0.000716**
(0.00113) (0.000301) (0.000345)
Lagged rents to GDP -0.158* -0.0439 0.0823***
(0.0848) (0.0327) (0.0289)
Natural log of population 0.0431*** 0.000484 0.00292**
(0.00376) (0.00169) (0.00137)
Lagged polity2 -0.00232*** 0.000857** 0.0000994
(0.000863) (0.000398) (0.000296)
Transitional and interregnum regimes 0.110*** 0.00586 0.0203**
(0.0274) (0.0100) (0.00826)
5-year dummies Yes
Regional dummies Yes
N 5414
Robust standard errors in parentheses
+ p < 0.11, * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Robust standard errors in parentheses
+ p < 0.11, * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Baseline Model
21. Wald Chi-square P>chi2
Peace & Riots 610.05 0.000
Peace & Coup attempts 216.406 0.000
Peace & Civil wars 128.735 0.000
Riots & Coup attempts 189.992 0.000
Riots & Civil wars 74.46 0.000
Coup attempts & Civil wars 67.195 0.000
Wald Test of Combined Outcomes
Wald Chi-square P>chi2
Youth bulge 14.375 0.002
Youth bulge square 13.296 0.004
Years since the last war 19.482 0.000
Number of riots in the past 5 years 38.445 0.000
Coup attempt in the past 5 years 39.456 0.000
GDP per capita growth (annual %) 30.196 0.000
Lagged rents to GDP 9.852 0.020
Lagged rents to GDP square 5.341 0.148
Natural log of population 143.268 0.000
Lagged Polity2 1.123 0.772
Lagged Polity2 square 28.496 0.000
Transitional and interregnum regimes 23.069 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 1 24.829 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 2 12.902 0.005
Half-decadal dummy 3 20.582 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 4 39.518 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 5 33.296 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 6 54.562 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 7 67.406 0.000
Half-decadal dummy 8 38.152 0.000
Regional dummy 1 8.908 0.031
Regional dummy 2 23.096 0.000
Regional dummy 3 6.337 0.096
Regional dummy 4 487.813 0.000
Regional dummy 5 10.511 0.015
Regional dummy 6 4.429 0.219
Wald Test for Independent Variables
Wald Test
22. Youth bulge Youth bulge square
Riots Coup attempts Civil wars Riots Coup attempts Civil wars
Youth bulge (15-24), % of tot. pop. 0.00172 -0.0506 0.126** -0.144 2.375** 1.129
(0.0219) (0.0580) (0.0548) (0.161) (0.931) (0.780)
Youth bulge square 0.00413 -0.0644*** -0.0268
(0.00450) (0.0244) (0.0211)
5-year dummies Yes Yes
Regional dummies Yes Yes
N 5414 5414
Highest 20% Youth Unemployment Lowest 20% Youth Unemployment Full sample
Riots Coup attempts Civil wars Riots Coup attempts Civil wars Riots Coup attempts Civil wars
Youth bulge (15-24), % of tot. pop. 0.269** 1.601*** 0.382 -0.198** -0.285 -0.769** 0.0836*** -0.0332 0.160***
(0.107) (0.393) (0.286) (0.0955) (0.203) (0.301) (0.0276) (0.0676) (0.0600)
University and secondary enrollment 0.0000925 0.00334 0.000833+ -0.000823 -0.000898 -0.00229*** 0.0000199 -0.000105 0.000154
(0.000483) (0.00313) (0.000516) (0.000667) (0.000562) (0.000881) (0.0000492) (0.000303) (0.000119)
Youth bulge X Uni. and sec. enrollment -0.000000660 -0.000169 -0.0000403 0.0000495 0.0000621** 0.000124** -0.00000190 0.00000176 -0.00000955
(0.0000255) (0.000138) (0.0000257) (0.0000341) (0.0000313) (0.0000483) (0.00000260) (0.0000149) (0.00000668)
5-year dummies Yes Yes Yes
Decadal dummies Yes Yes Yes
N 488 515 4535
Robust standard errors in parentheses
+ p < 0.11, * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Robust standard errors in parentheses
+ p < 0.11, * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Youth Bulges % of Total Population
23. Highest 20% Youth Unemployment Lowest 20% Youth Unemployment Full sample
Riots Coup attempts Civil wars Riots Coup attempts Civil wars Riots Coup attempts Civil wars
Youth bulge (15-24), % of pop. above 15 0.0943+ 0.0453 0.155 -0.0873** -0.198** -0.196** 0.0374*** -0.00656 0.0802***
(0.0586) (0.167) (0.131) (0.0439) (0.0813) (0.1000) (0.0126) (0.0286) (0.0263)
University and secondary enrollment 0.000101 -0.00258** 0.000329 -0.000419 -0.000211 -0.000718** 0.0000456 -0.000171 0.0000820
(0.000338) (0.00126) (0.000547) (0.000418) (0.000383) (0.000316) (0.0000288) (0.000311) (0.0000581)
Youth bulge X University and secondary enrollment 0.000000779 0.0000849** -0.00000180 0.0000188 0.0000173 0.0000282* -0.00000237** 0.00000347 -0.00000382
(0.0000120) (0.0000410) (0.0000158) (0.0000143) (0.0000145) (0.0000144) (0.00000111) (0.00000991) (0.00000243)
Lagged Liberal Democracy Index -1.480 -3.269 -0.930 0.128 -4.742** -0.699 -0.226 -1.219* -0.810
(1.436) (4.610) (2.302) (1.152) (2.314) (2.787) (0.274) (0.656) (0.678)
Transitional and interregnum regimes -0.508 -16.26*** 1.534 0.618 0.625 -0.313 1.217*** 0.765* 1.333***
(0.656) (1.700) (1.402) (0.666) (0.774) (0.974) (0.270) (0.424) (0.446)
5-year dummies Yes Yes Yes
Regional dummies Yes Yes Yes
N 500 516 4551
Robust standard errors in parentheses
+ p < 0.11, * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Robust standard errors in parentheses
+ p < 0.11, * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Liberal Democracy Index
Youth bulge Youth bulge square
Riots Coup attempts Civil wars Riots Coup attempts Civil wars
Youth bulge (15-24), % of pop. above 15 -0.000405 -0.0110 0.0533** -0.0760 0.511** 0.270*
(0.0104) (0.0253) (0.0250) (0.0562) (0.220) (0.150)
Youth bulge square 0.00137 -0.00854** -0.00370
(0.00100) (0.00344) (0.00242)
Lagged Liberal Democracy Index 2.326*** 4.969* 4.559** 2.508*** 5.171* 4.281**
(0.761) (2.537) (1.987) (0.768) (2.742) (2.024)
Lagged Liberal Democracy square -3.337*** -10.39** -7.503*** -3.583*** -10.58** -6.905***
(0.896) (4.647) (2.512) (0.908) (5.156) (2.615)
Transitional and interregnum regimes 1.312*** 0.774* 1.505*** 1.325*** 0.745* 1.507***
(0.256) (0.405) (0.388) (0.256) (0.413) (0.388)
5-year dummies Yes Yes
Regional dummies Yes Yes
N 5446 5446
24. Discussion
• This paper’s contribution is twofold:
• First, large young cohorts and political violence,
• Second, if such relationship exists, what are the underlying factors
and mechanisms under which youth bulges influence riots, coups
and civil wars?
• To address these two questions (availability and cost of
recruiting participants):
• heterogeneity analysis of youth bulges under different economic
circumstances is presented to answer if youth bulges affect conflict,
and if yes, how and why?
25. Discussion
• The effect of youth bulges on political violence is driven by two economic factors: Youth Unemployment
and Education.
• The impact of youth bulges facing fierce competition in the labor market calls for inclusive growth
policies. Policies aimed at encouraging entrepreneurship and ease of doing business, not only provide an
alternative to traditional job markets, but also ease the pressure on the government to provide public
sector jobs for the youth bulge.
• Additionally, such policies are known to transform informal employment to the formal sector, boosting
the productivity of such businesses in the process. Productivity and high returns to non-rebellion
activities are key to increasing the opportunity cost of joining a rebellion. Government policies must aim
to enshrine two rather essential values in their youth. One is a sense of nationalization and ownership in
the state’s institutions; and two, is the high returns of non-rebellion labor.
• Other policies aimed at including young people in the political process can also drastically reduce the
likelihood of political violence. However, this would require a political dimension, and possibly and
ethnic one too, to the heterogeneity analysis done in this paper to better inform policy makers.