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FORCES AND MOTION 3rd Edition Sophia Chen

FORCES AND MOTION 3rd Edition Sophia Chen FORCES AND MOTION 3rd Edition Sophia Chen FORCES AND MOTION 3rd Edition Sophia Chen

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FORCES AND MOTION 3rd Edition Sophia Chen Digital Instant Download Author(s): Sophia Chen; Amy Graves ISBN(s): 9781646937349, 1646937341 Edition: 3 File Details: PDF, 2.87 MB Language: english
Forces and Motion, Third Edition Copyright © 2021 by Infobase All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher. For more information, contact: Chelsea House An imprint of Infobase 132 West 31st Street New York NY 10001 ISBN 978-1-64693-734-9 You can find Chelsea House on the World Wide Web at http://www.infobase.com
Contents Chapters The Science of Machines and More Speed and Distance Calculation Speed and Acceleration Motion in Three Dimensions Accelerated Motions Forces Forces and Accelerations Support Materials Glossary Bibliography About the Authors Index
Chapters
The Science of Machines and More The term physics comes from a Greek word that means "knowledge of nature." Physicists are people who study the natural world. The way that physicists have built up their rich knowledge is by combining hands-on experience, philosophical thinking, and mathematics. Throughout history, the invention of new technology has sparked progress in physics by enabling game-changing observations. In addition, developments in pure mathematics have also opened doors to new physics by offering new ways to organize and analyze experimental results. This text is about force and motion, which is a subfield of physics called mechanics. Mechanics is the oldest branch of physics, in the sense that it was the first one to be put in a form that is fairly complete and recognizable today. The term mechanics refers to machines. (Today we would say that someone who studies machines is a mechanical engineer.) Before the fifteenth century, people had only scarce knowledge of basic science to guide their design of early machines, such as the wind and water mills to grind grain, or the cranes used to build Europe's cathedrals. The new science of mechanics explained, for example, how these machines decrease the amount of force a person has to exert to perform a task, or how they change one form of motion into another. This deeper understanding thus helped people improve the workings of these classic
machines. Thinkers also wanted to understand the great "machine" in the sky: the motion of the planets and stars. People have studied "celestial mechanics" throughout the world since the start of recorded history. More than 3,000 years ago, Babylonian scholars compiled detailed records of the positions of the Sun, Moon and stars. However, they could not make very accurate predictions. In the fifteenth century and onward, scholars wanted to knit their observations into a theory. A theory would allow them to deduce new facts and make predictions. For example, if you saw a new planet and charted its position over many nights, a theory of planetary motion could allow you to deduce its distance from Earth and predict its motion for years to come. Theories often evolve to explain new experimental results or observations. Occasionally, this may lead physicists to throw out a previously established theory. Around A.D. 100, the Egyptian scholar Ptolemy compiled data from earlier observations and combined it with a theory that predicted how the celestial machine would evolve. Unfortunately, scholars later realized that Ptolemy's theory contained a glaring error that placed the Earth at the center of the universe, with the Sun and everything else in the cosmos orbiting around it. We generally credit Nicolaus Copernicus with first proposing the theory that the Earth moves around the Sun in his work On the Revolution of Heavenly Spheres in 1543. This theory challenged the prevailing orthodoxy of the Roman Catholic Church, and led to his work being placed on a list of forbidden books in 1616. A prohibition on Copernicus's theory remained in effect until 1753, and his original work was not removed from the forbidden book list until 1835.1 Still Copernicus's theory was incomplete. He thought the Sun was fixed at the center of the universe. Using his ideas as a starting point, physicists later understood that the Sun also moves around the center of our galaxy, the Milky Way, which is just one of the estimated hundreds of billions of galaxies in the universe.2
Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) was the astronomer who formulated the first heliocentric (sun-centered) theory of the solar system, in which the Earth spins once every 24 hours about an internal axis, while at the same time making a complete trip around the Sun once every 365 days. Kinematics and Dynamics The name kinematics comes from a Greek word that means "the study of motion." Johannes Kepler, born a few decades after Copernicus died, was apparently the first to correctly understand the kinematics of the planets. He found that they move, to a very good approximation, in orbits that are shaped like ellipses, with a certain relationship between their speed of motion and the size of the orbit. Sir Isaac Newton, who was born just a few years after Kepler died, later explained why this occurs. Newton gave us dynamics (from a Greek word that means "power"). Dynamics explains how force creates the kinematics that we observe.3 Newton's theory of gravity predicted the planet Neptune, which was discovered in 1846. Prior to its discovery, people had observed
Neptune's perturbing effects on the orbit of the planet Uranus, which was already known at that time.4 In the twentieth century, astrophysicists like Vera Rubin have found that a large fraction of the stuff in our universe is "dark matter."5 It does not shine like a star, planet, or gas cloud, with any known type of radiation. Physicists believe dark matter exists because of the detailed way that galaxies rotate around their centers. Some invisible type of matter is creating a force that has a very noticeable dynamic effect on the visible matter around it.6 Many scholars contributed successfully to mechanics before and during Newton's time. While Newton's work builds on others' work, Newton was probably unique among these scholars in the way that he brought observation, philosophy, and mathematics together. It is a powerful synergy that physicists have aspired to ever since. Newton saw the unity between a rock falling from a tower and the Moon orbiting Earth. They really are two siblings in the same "family" of motions. Both are curves that come from solving a single equation: Force = (mass) × (acceleration). For both, the force is the pull of Earth's gravity. A physics book (this one is no exception) typically considers many situations and applies the same mathematical theory to all of them, showing the unity behind the apparent differences. Roadmap for This Text Chapters two through five deal with kinematics, while dynamics is discussed in chapters six and seven. Within each chapter you will find the words, math formulas, graphs, and pictures that are all familiar parts of the language of physics. They will take you through the beginning of the kind of mechanics course you might take in the last two years of high school or the first year of college. We do not get to the topics of angular momentum or energy. We also do not talk about Einstein's theories, which are needed for objects moving very swiftly (near the speed of light) and/or subject to very large forces (say, near a massive star). Every chapter includes problems about motion or force. In chapter two, for example, you will find the average speed of kids hurrying down a long hallway to class. Examples illustrate the relationship between speed, time, and distance. The section introduces the concept of displacement to pave the way for understanding paths that do not necessarily lie along a straight line. In chapter three, you will learn how to solve problems in two different ways: by
manipulating symbols and equations, or by using geometry. You can use both ways to solve problems about acceleration that involve a predator chasing its prey or an ecologist measuring the speed of water in a stream. Chapter four discusses vectors, an essential mathematical tool for understanding the velocity of moving objects such as a plane. In that chapter, we represent vectors both with pictures and in terms of their components, and explore how to do algebra with them. We see how to use displacement, velocity, and acceleration vectors to fully understand interesting motion, and see how a simple accelerometer indicates the strength and direction of acceleration. The importance of acceleration continues in chapter five, where you will learn how to find the g-forces on a roller coaster. We explore examples like a geosynchronous satellite and a plane that must "touch and go" from a runway. Chapter six discusses forces in the context of a science fiction scene in which someone is expelled into outer space. The example explores the nature of motion in the absence of any force (as when one is floating in space) in terms of Newton's first law and the concept of center-of-mass. The example also illustrates pressure forces, and how the human body balances Earth's atmospheric pressure to keep itself from imploding. Finally, chapter seven presents Newton's second and third laws. Here, we introduce inertia, or mass, and the rule that an object feeling a force will experience an acceleration inversely proportional to its inertia. The section closes with an example that applies all three of Newton's laws and the vector nature of velocity, in order to understand the consequences of a collision between a deer and a vehicle. 1. Bald, Margaret. "Copernicus, Nicolaus" in Literature Suppressed on Religious Grounds, 4th ed. (New York: Infobase, 2019). 2. Howell, Elizbeth. "How Many Galaxies Are There?" Space.com, March 19, 2018. Available online. URL: https://www.space.com/25303-how-many- galaxies-are-in-the-universe.html. Accessed August 1, 2021. 3. Gleick, James. Isaac Newton. (New York: Pantheon Books, 2003).
4. American Physical Society. "September 23, 1846: Neptune’s Existence Observationally Confirmed," APS News, 29, no. 8 (2020). Available online. URL: https://www.aps.org/publications/apsnews/202008/history.cfm. Accessed August 1, 2021. 5. Childers, Tim. "Vera Rubin: The Astronomer Who Brought Dark Matter to Light," Space.com, June 11, 2019. Available online. URL: https://www.space.com/vera-rubin.html. Accessed August 1, 2021. 6. Kusky, Timothy. "Dark Matter" in Encyclopedia of Earth and Space Science, Revised Edition. (New York: Infobase, 2020).
Speed and Distance Calculation A satellite in orbit; a sprinter hurtling down a track; an old-timey villain slipping on a banana peel: these are all objects in motion. It turns out, one of the basic tools of physics involves determining the average speed of an object in motion, which you can use to predict where that object will be in the future. This chapter will discuss the concept of average speed, and how it is used in everyday life. Suppose that you notice a dog trotting by the side of a highway, with markers every 1/10 of a mile. You catch sight of the dog starting to run at a marker that says “20 miles” and you watch it run past 3 more markers. The dog has run this far: Distance traveled = (3)(1/10 mile) = 0.3 mile It takes the dog 2 minutes to run this distance: Time spent = 2 minutes The average speed of anything moving is the distance traveled divided by the time spent, as in the following equation: Average speed = distance traveled/time spent Before we plug in numbers, let's rewrite this equation in a way that uses the conventional language of physics. However, before we do that, we must discuss units. Talking About Physics: Dimensions and Units The three fundamental dimensions in mechanics are length, mass, and time. When we refer to the "dimensions" of some quantity, we mean "What type of real-world quantity is it?" For example, when we say that "The distance the dog has run is 0.3 miles," the dimension of the number 0.3 is length. When someone says, "Where have you been? I've been waiting 20 minutes," the number 20 has the dimension of time. Sometimes, a quantity does not have any dimensions; it is a pure number. For example, the five in the statement "Watch, I can fit five
cookies in my mouth all at once!" is a pure number. The number "p" in the statement, "A circle's circumference is p times the diameter," is also a pure number. We can combine the fundamental dimensions of length, mass, and time using the rules of algebra to get new dimensions. For example, if we said that "The diameter of the circle is 10 meters, so its area is 25π meters2," the diameter, 10, has dimensions of length, and its area, 25π, has dimensions of (length)2. The quantity of average speed, defined above, has dimensions of (length/time). We describe these dimensions with units. A meter is a unit of the dimension length, as is a mile. In physics, when we write down a real-world quantity with dimensions, we need to associate units with it. Units make clear the scale of the quantity. For example, if your friend said that her brother was 18, you might think he was 18 years old. But if you saw that the brother was a baby, you would realize that she meant 18 months. Often we write units using abbreviations, such as "s" for seconds and "m" for meters. We can do arithmetic to transform one unit to another. A conversion factor is a number that gives us the proportionality of two different units. For example: Notice how the math operation, division, is performed on the units as well as on the numbers. The conversion factor (1609 m/1 mile) also converts the mile unit into the meter unit, because it makes the miles cancel out. In the United States, the common system of units is the English system, which is why highway signs are labeled using miles. However, the system commonly used in physics is the Système Internationale (SI), which measures length in meters (m), time in seconds (s), and mass in kilograms (kg). We will use these units in addition to other units, such as time in hours, days, or years. In fact, in astrophysics, the length of a day (which is the time for a planet to rotate on its axis) or a year (the time to revolve once around the Sun) depends on what planet you are on. Talking About Physics: Using Symbols
Talking About Physics: Using Symbols In physics, it is often easier to represent an equation in algebraic symbols instead of words. Using such symbols, let's rewrite the following equation: Average speed = distance traveled/time spent Traditionally, physicists choose the letter "v" for the symbol for speed, which comes from the word velocity (from the Greek word velox, meaning "fast"). In addition, we often use subscripts to tell ourselves more about a quantity or to distinguish two quantities which are related in some way. So we write vave for average speed, to distinguish it from a second kind of speed, the instantaneous speed, which we will discuss later. We use the symbol t for time. Moreover, since "time spent" is a time interval, which is a difference in two times, we use a pairing of two symbols, Δt, to stand for this difference. (This might be a tradition that you see in your math classes as well.) The Δ is a Greek letter called delta and represents a difference in something. So Δt is a time difference, and Δd is a distance difference. Our rewritten equation is now: vave = Δd/Δt (equation 2.1) We can use subscripts in physics to distinguish the dog's various locations. For example, the dog is seen at two different distances, 20 miles and then 20.3 miles along the highway. The first location can be symbolized as di, and the second location can be symbolized as df. The subscript i stands for initial, and the subscript f stands for final, another physics convention. Putting our different symbols together, we have: Δd = df - di = (20.3 - 20) miles = 0.3 miles and: Δt = tf - ti = 2 minutes Finding the Average Speed For the dog trotting along the highway: Δd = 0.3 mile and Δt = 2 minutes
When we insert these numbers into our equation for average speed, equation 2.1, we get a result: vave = 0.3 mile/2 minutes = 0.15 mile/minute This is equivalent to nine miles per hour. Not too slow for a domesticated animal! You can use any units you wish in your answer, as long as they have the right dimensions. For speeds, the units always have a dimension of a length over a time. The specific unit to use, such as miles per hour or meters per second, depends on the situation. Suppose you drive alongside the dog at the same speed. If your car has a speedometer that gives km/hour, you would see the dog's speed in those units. (One kilometer, abbreviated km, is equal to 1000 m.) We can use conversion factors to convert the speed to any other units, say, km/hour: vave = (0.15 miles/minute)(1.6 km/mile)(60 minutes/1 hour) = 14.4 km/hour Speed, Time, or Distance? We can turn the speed problem inside out. Say we know an object's average speed. Then, we can ask, how long does it take to travel a certain distance? The answer is: Time spent = distance traveled/average speed Or, using the symbols from equation 2.1: Δt = Δd/vave (equation 2.2) For example, suppose that we shine a powerful laser at the Moon on a cloudless night. How long does it take this light to reach the Moon, which is around 385,000,000 meters away? (This will be an estimate, since Δd, the Earth-Moon distance, varies a little bit throughout the month and the year.)
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dangerous to its safety. This is the natural right of all nations, and particularly of free countries, where the general welfare of the community is the supreme law. While, however, a commerce remains lawful, the citizen embarks in it with the same right to expect protection as in any other lawful occupation; for a Government to refuse it, is a violation of that fundamental principle in free government; that protection on the part of the Government is the basis of support on the part of the citizen. If we are unable or unwilling to interpose in behalf of our citizens, when their personal rights have been invaded—their property captured and condemned under principles unknown to the law of nations—let us give up the farce of pretending to self-government, and go back to the degraded state of colonies. The ground of difference between the United States and Great Britain is too well known for me to dwell on this part of the subject. It has been stated on this floor by a gentleman from Massachusetts, in terms clear, forcible, and manly. The impressment and detention of our seamen is an injury which has justly excited the indignation of the people of America for the last ten years. Every attempt to arrest by negotiation this serious injury has failed, and each year adds new victims to the roll of impressed seamen. The recent captures of American property to the amount of six millions of dollars, under doctrines new and manifestly unjust, is a serious injury to the individuals and to the community. And although I have no doubt, as has been eloquently stated on this floor, that American merchants have in some instances disgraced that character by covering the property of the enemies of Great Britain, I am equally certain that the injuries done to bona fide American merchants, trading fairly on American capital, are sufficiently numerous to justify and demand the interposition of this Government. While, however, I have no doubt as to the right of the citizen on the one hand to demand protection, and of the duty of the Government on the other to extend it to him, I am willing to acknowledge all the difficulties of our present situation. I consider it no disgrace to this infant nation to say we are not able to meet on
the ocean a nation—a match on that element for all the world combined. I hope the period will never arrive when the substance of the citizen here shall be squandered on a navy competent to meet on the ocean the navy of Great Britain. Separated from the rest of the world, at too great a distance to fear invasion, possessing a country abounding with productions valuable to the different nations of Europe with whom we have commercial relations—if we are not able to meet on the ocean Great Britain or any other European power, we can say to them all, Respect in your intercourse with us the principles of justice, or we hold no intercourse with you; if you will not traffic with us on principles that are fair, we will neither receive your manufactures, nor send to you our productions. We are now for the first time about to test this principle so important to a nation jealous of fleets and armies. Of the various measures of the kind which may be resorted to—high discriminating duties—a prohibition of certain enumerated articles, a general prohibition, and as a dernier resort a suspension of all intercourse, are the remedies within our reach. It is a mere question of convenience and expediency to which of these we shall resort. I should prefer for myself, as a first step, the mildest. It is not, in my opinion, the interest of this nation to dissolve at a single blow its commercial connection with Great Britain. The commerce, if carried on, on principles that are fair, is mutually advantageous to the two countries. In Great Britain we find the best market for our most valuable productions, and with us she finds the best market for her manufactures. To prohibit, at a single blow, imports to the amount of thirty-five millions of dollars, however injurious it might be to the manufacturers of Great Britain, would certainly be a serious injury to our own citizens. I cannot but hope that a milder measure will cause the British Government to respect our rights and pursue a course manifestly dictated by a regard to its own interest. If, however, Great Britain is so lost to her own interest as to persevere in a system of injustice calculated to deprive her of the best market for her manufactures—a market daily increasing, with the increasing population of this infant country—let us on our part proceed with that caution and moderation, which shall evince that the course we
are determined to pursue is founded on principle, and will never be abandoned until our wrongs are redressed. I am willing to adopt for the present a prohibition of enumerated articles; if that shall fail, to pass hereafter a total prohibition, and finally, to put forth our whole strength, and say, we hold no future intercourse with you; but dissolve for ever all commercial relations with a nation, which takes for its national law the base principle of necessity, and makes itself the exclusive judge of that necessity. Mr. Nicholson said he had been desirous for some days to offer to the committee his opinions on the subject now under consideration; but as other gentlemen had manifested a similar disposition, he had yielded the floor to them. It was now his intention to offer such remarks as appeared to him pertinent. The resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gregg,) in his opinion, was objectionable in all its parts. There was no point of light in which he could view it, in which objections did not present themselves. He read and commented on the preamble; the style of which he said he did not like, because, instead of a spirit of amity and conciliation, it breathed little less than defiance. While we profess to speak the language of peace, we declare to Great Britain, that unless she will meet us at that precise point which we think proper to mark, we will, in the words of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, stab her in the vitals. While we declare that we approach her as friends, yet our style is that of an enemy. The olive branch that is held out conceals a dagger in its boughs. This threatening manner he said was not calculated to preserve peace in private life, and how could it be expected to succeed between nations? Did gentlemen imagine that Great Britain, even surrounded as she was by her enemies, was yet so tame as to submit to threats? Was the character of her first Minister so little known, as to induce a belief that he would tremble at the rod held over him? No, sir, they are not sunk so low; and if we really wish for an amicable adjustment of our differences, we ought to proceed as friends and not as enemies. A mere commercial regulation, he said, might not, perhaps, produce war; it was the threat held out in the preamble,
and the hostility manifested on the floor of the House of Representatives, that were calculated to wound the national pride of Britain, and, therefore, to excite enmity between the two countries. What does the preamble say? We have marked a point from which we will not recede, and to which we demand that you shall come; if you do not, we strike at your most essential interests; in the language of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, we will stab you in your vitals. Is this the way to conciliate? Is this your method of opening a negotiation? Believe me, sir, instead of presenting the olive branch, we carry a firebrand that will kindle a flame which we may find it difficult to extinguish. Great Britain will feel all this—she will at once ask, is it fair, is it manly, is it honorable to threaten me now, when I am contending for all that is dear to me? Will you insult me in my distress, and while you sustain my enemy on one hand, with the other endeavor to unnerve the arm which you acknowledge is raised in defence of its own existence? If the subsequent parts of the resolution were unobjectionable, the preamble itself would determine me against the whole. To preserve peace, let us proceed to our object in a peaceable manner. If, indeed, gentlemen are for war, then they are right in advocating this measure. The resolution, he said, embraced two points: the one related to the carrying trade; the other to the impressment of American seamen. The latter had always been a source of great anxiety to him. No man in America had deplored the evil more than he did, and none should be more ready to apply the remedy, when an effectual remedy could be devised. To him, however, it was a matter of no little surprise, that gentlemen had so long slept upon a subject, on which they now appeared to manifest so much zeal. He himself twice proposed measures with a view to obtain redress, but he had not been able to carry them through the House. Gentlemen, who now zealously volunteered their services, rendered him no assistance then. At the last session he had introduced a bill on the subject, and such were the variety of objections to it, that it was committed and recommitted several times. Difficulties presented themselves from all
quarters; alterations and amendments innumerable were adopted, until finally it was shuffled through the House, in so imperfect a state that it was not worth the time which had been spent on it. Strong measures were not then the order of the day, nor would they be now, if the impressment of American seamen was the only ground of complaint. Great Britain has pursued this practice for ten or twelve years past, but these patriotic merchants, who are now so clamorous, presented you with no memorials on the subject. No, sir. It is the carrying trade alone, which has covered your tables with the memorials of the merchants, because their interests are affected, and it is out of this that the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania has grown. Although I do not admit the correctness of the principle assumed by Great Britain, in relation to the carrying trade, yet I am willing to acknowledge that with me it is an object of secondary importance only, when compared with the other violations of our flag, in the impressment of our seamen. I have thus endeavored to show with what success the committee must determine, that, by adopting this resolution, we hazard a war; that the course of commerce will be materially, suddenly, and, therefore, injuriously changed; that inasmuch as we cannot procure from other countries many important articles with which Britain supplies us, the revenue will be much diminished; and that the value of our own products will be lessened to an incalculable amount. Having been a considerable time on the floor, I feel extremely exhausted, and will, therefore, close my remarks, although it was my wish to have said much more on this subject; particularly to point out the different effects to be produced by the adoption of the measure now under discussion, and that which was submitted by myself. To my own proposition, however, I am not exclusively attached. I have thought and do still think it the best which has been proposed. This I trust will be the opinion of the House. Believing the conduct of Great Britain towards this country not to be justified, I am willing to unite in such measures as may induce her to do us justice. But I will not go to the extent proposed in this resolution, because I am persuaded it will operate much more
injuriously upon ourselves, than upon those whom we intend to affect by it. Mr. Macon.—Mr. Chairman, I feel myself bound by the call which has been made by three gentlemen from Pennsylvania, (Messrs. Gregg, Smilie, and Findlay,) with whom I have long been in the habit of friendship, a friendship on my part sincere, to state the reasons which will govern my conduct on this occasion; whether they may be satisfactory to others or not, they are perfectly so to me. That a difference of opinion subsists between the members with regard to the measures best adapted to the present crisis of our affairs, is evident from the number of resolutions on your table. An attempt has been made to liken this resolution to one agreed to in 1793; but are they alike? I think not. That was general, and operated alike on every part of the Union, while this, in my opinion, is special, and will only operate on one part of the Union; and this partial operation will be severely felt by that section of the country which I in part represent. Besides this clear difference in the two resolutions, will not all the three gentlemen agree that there is a great and striking difference in our affairs with Great Britain—in 1793 and now? Her motives may be as unfriendly now as then; but I speak of facts known to all, not of motives; she then held the western posts, she then detained an immense property belonging to the Southern people, both in violation of the treaty of peace. She then instigated the Indians to war on the frontiers, and then, as at this time, impressed our sailors and captured our vessels; besides, the United States had not then relinquished the principle, that free ships should make free goods. In relinquishing this principle, they, in a great measure lost sight of the carrying trade, by peaceable means; but, if gentlemen wish to turn to Europe, they will find that, in 1793, the treaties of Pavia and Pilnitz were in force. Let the facts which I have stated be compared with those of the present day, and all must confess that there is a very considerable difference. I have said this much to show that there is no analogy in the facts of the present time and those of 1793, and that there is no change of opinion in me. If, however, I am mistaken, it is an honest mistake.
This nation, in my opinion, must take her choice of two alternatives: to be happy and contented without war, and without internal taxes; or to be warlike and glorious, abounding with what is called honor and dignity, or in other words taxes and blood. If it be the first, the people will continue to enjoy that which they have hitherto enjoyed—more privileges than have fallen to the lot of any nation with whose history we are acquainted; they will, as they have done, live plentifully on their farms, and such as choose, will carry on a fair trade, by exchanging our surplus productions for such foreign articles as we may want. If we take the other ground we shall, I fear, pursue the same career, which has nearly, or quite ruined all the other nations of the globe. Look at the people of England, legally free, but half their time fighting for the honor and dignity of the Crown, and the carrying trade, and see whether they have gained any thing by all their battles for the nation except taxes, and these they have in the greatest abundance. Look also at France, before the Revolution, and we shall see a people possessing a fertile country and fine climate, having the honor to fight, and be taxed as much as they could bear, for the glory and dignity of the grand monarque. Let us turn from these two great nations, and view Switzerland during the same period; though not powerful like the others, we shall see the people free and happy without wars, contented at home, because they had enough to live comfortably on, and not overtaxed. The history of these three nations ought to convince us that public force and liberty cannot dwell in the same country. I mean not to impute improper motives to any one, nor to examine the Journal after changes, though I am perfectly willing to have it thumbed over, from the day I took a seat in the House to the present, after my name; and if, on examination, it shall appear that I have changed my political principles, or have not uniformly adhered to them, I am willing to bear the name of a political hypocrite. I have formerly been, on very great questions, in very small minorities; on a most important question, in a minority not sufficient to command the yeas and nays. I will say no more on this subject;
nothing can be more disagreeable than to talk about one’s self, and nothing could justify it but the call which has been made; perhaps I have already said too much on it, but it was impossible to say less. The dispute with Great Britain is most unquestionably for the carrying trade; a trade which is less beneficial to the nation than any other, and a trade which has produced most of our disputes with foreign nations, and it is the only trade that requires expensive protection. Will any one contend that this trade is half as important as the coasting trade? This cannot and will not be contended, for every one knows that the coasting is the best trade. It not only exchanges the products of one part of the nation for those of another, but it also tends, by making us better acquainted with each other, to connect us more intimately, and to make every part harmonize for the public good. The trade which I consider the next best for a nation to carry on, is the direct trade for home consumption, by which the surplus produce of one country is exchanged for that of another; and in this as in every branch of trade, this great rule will be adhered to—buy cheap and sell dear if you can. With the coasting and direct trade agriculture is more nearly connected than with any other. But a nation may be agricultural without being commercial. The Swiss cantons and Milan were of this description, and it may be remarked that Milan is the most populous country in Europe. China is said to be of the same character; but, as little is known of that country, I shall not quote it to establish a fact which is clearly established by the other two. A country may also be commercial without being highly agricultural, as was the case with Venice and some other European powers. But let us pursue that system which our own experience has proved to be the best for the United States; for, since the adoption of the present constitution, and before this day, we have had trying times. It will be remembered, that during the French Revolution, we had complaints against France. Her government issued orders of which we justly complained; one of them, I believe, declared all the productions and manufactures in Great Britain to be contraband of war; this, if executed, would have nearly cut off all communication with a nation
with whom we carried on the greatest trade. What did we then do? We sent ministers to France, with two of whom she refused to have any intercourse, but pretended to be willing to negotiate with the other. All the ministers finally returned home, and we took half-way measures against her, which are the worst of all measures, and which produced a sort of half war, which I believe injured us more than her—for besides the actual expense, which may be estimated at not less than $10,000,000, it nearly ruined the agricultural people by reducing the price of produce; flour it reduced from twelve and fourteen dollars per barrel to six; and tobacco, from ten and twelve dollars per hundred to three; and it had no doubt the same effect on other articles of exportation. And how were we relieved from these evils? We again sent ministers, who were received, and they made a treaty. Besides what has been before stated of the conduct of Great Britain, it will not be forgotten that she declared all France in a state of blockade, and this order would have cut off all commercial intercourse with her, who then wanted much of our produce. To Great Britain, also, a minister was sent, and he made a treaty. I am now desirous that the same steps should be pursued before we adopt decisive measures. We once laid an embargo, of which we tired. This shows the necessity of acting cautiously, and of taking no measures which we cannot adhere to. All the gentlemen who have supported the resolution now under consideration, have expressed doubts whether it would produce greater effects on Britain or ourselves. This is surely doubting its policy, and if its policy be doubted by its friends, what ought to be the result of our inquiries, especially when it is believed that its adoption will materially injure one part of the country, and that part entirely agricultural? Does the public good, about which we have heard so much, require that a measure which its friends seem to think of doubtful policy, ought to be adopted, when none can doubt but it will injure, if not sacrifice, the real interest of a part of the community? Examine the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and it will, at one glance, show from what quarter the great export is made to Great Britain; cut off the import, and you will lessen the price of the export, if it shall be exported. But we are told that we are bound to protect commerce,
meaning, I suppose, that this resolution must be adopted. Then if we are really bound, and there is no discretion, nothing of expediency, there is no occasion for this investigation. But gentlemen well know, that on every question, discretion may and will be exercised. But have we really done nothing for commerce and navigation? On this subject I can confidently appeal to those most interested. What, since the adoption of the present constitution, has made this the second commercial nation in the world? Before that we had but little claim to the character of a commercial people. Have not the protecting duties on the tonnage of foreign vessels, and on goods imported in them, produced the effect? They have secured to our vessels the carrying our own productions, which encourages navigation in proportion to their bulk. Let gentlemen inquire the number of cargoes which tobacco and cotton alone furnish the American vessels. Besides this encouragement given to navigation, has not a law been passed to favor the fisheries, and thereby to form sailors for the use of the merchant service? It may be right here to observe that I neither approved nor voted for that law, but no attempt has ever been made to repeal it. This is the encouragement by which, during a time of peace, we have become the second commercial nation in the world, and this too in the short space of time since the adoption of the present constitution—say, if you please, since the 3d of March, 1789. One consequence, a little curious, is produced by this encouragement, which is this: When Europe is at peace, the protecting duties prevent any competition by foreign vessels to carry our productions, and when at war, so many of our vessels carry for the belligerent nations, that freight is nearly as high with us as it is with them, so that what the agricultural people pay in time of peace to encourage, they lose the benefit of when Europe is at war, and when it is most wanted. Among the arguments urged to show the effect of this measure on Great Britain, one is that it will ensure us a powerful aid in that country; that the British merchants and manufacturers, whose interests will be seriously affected, will give you all their assistance. This argument has been completely answered by a gentleman from
Georgia, (Mr. Early.) But if gentlemen really calculate to make friends on the other side of the water, it seems to me that a different plan would produce more effect. Cut off all intercourse between them and us, and adhere to the plan long enough, and you will find the merchants and manufacturers of England joined by all the inhabitants of the West Indies, to have the intercourse opened. The Assembly of Jamaica have acknowledged that they cannot get supplies in plenty except from the United States; but this plan would operate as much on beef, pork, fish, and flour, as on tobacco or cotton. But this would be too strong for them, while they are desirous to adopt a measure which will have the same effect on cotton and tobacco. What is this but a sacrifice of a part of the agricultural interests of the country to what they believe will be a protection for the carrying trade? I should like it quite as well if the attempt was not to be made solely at the risk of one part of the Union. The evil is felt in one part, but the remedy is to be applied in another. Adopt general measures, which will operate equally in every part of the country, and if the shoe is to pinch, let it pinch all alike, and all will then be willing to have it off as soon as possible. I am willing to acknowledge that a dollar got by this carrying trade, and made the property of the nation, is just as good as a dollar got any other way, even by the cultivation of land. But does it follow from thence that you are to make more sacrifices to get the dollar in that way than it is worth? I think not. The adoption of the resolution, besides its unjust and partial operation, will considerably affect the revenue, and no ways and means are proposed to meet any deficiency. On the present question we risk a revenue of ten millions of dollars raised on the consumption of foreign articles in the Union, to gain—what? (I speak only of revenue) an additional sum of $850,000, which additional sum you will lose as soon as you depart from your neutrality. It is asked again and again, if we have not a right to the trade about which so much has been said? If the doctrine that free ships should make free goods had obtained, there could be no doubt on the question; but I mean not to examine the right but the effect of the resolution; nor do I mean to deny that the
trade is of some use to the nation. Merchants would not so anxiously pursue it, if they made no profit by it; and their profit adds to the national stock, and may affect the price of native articles offered for sale. I am also willing to acknowledge that a cargo of flour or any other native production sent to the West Indies, and there fairly exchanged for sugar, and the sugar brought home, that the sugar is as much ours as the produce of our own soil, and this sugar so obtained we have a right to carry to those that may want it. But the question before the committee is not a question of right, but of expediency. Is the protection which will be given to this carrying trade, by the adoption of the resolution, of that sort and of such certainty, as to justify the adoption of a measure, which will operate excessively hard on one part of the Union? The right of deposit at New Orleans before we purchased the country, was certainly as well established as our right to carry coffee and sugar to France and Spain, or any where else—it was a right acknowledged by treaty. But when the deposit was refused, what did we do? we took pacific measures, and succeeded. We heard then much about honor and dignity, and that it was our duty to enforce our right by arms; but notwithstanding all this, we adopted no measure like the present; we then acted for the general welfare. Does it follow, because I am opposed to the resolution, that I am unwilling for our citizens to own vessels? It does not. I am willing they may have as many as they please, and do as they please with them, so that they do not involve the nation in war by them. On this subject the interests of the husbandman in New Hampshire and Georgia are the same. The gentleman who introduced the resolution expressed a wish that no party or geographical feelings should be brought into the debate. If there was no cause for geographical feelings, why then wish, or why anticipate them? Let the report of the Secretary of the Treasury be examined, and it will be seen that there is cause for this feeling; indeed, the statement, made from that document by a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) must have convinced all of the partial operation of the resolution. On the first page of the report it appears, that the annual exports to Great Britain and her
dependencies are estimated at about $15,690,000, of which sum, tobacco and cotton alone make $8,860,000; it also appears, that we exported to the dominions of Great Britain in Europe, for each of the three years ending on 30th September:—in 1802, the sum of $12,066,521; and that cotton, tobacco, rice, pitch, tar and rosin, made of that sum $8,485,762; in 1803, the sum of $16,459,264, and that the same articles made of that sum, $11,912,493; in 1804, the sum of $11,787,659, and that the same articles made of that sum, $9,443,807. These articles are selected, because they are the produce of one section of the Union. The same part of the country produces the following articles in common with other parts of the nation, but the proportion of each is not known:—flour, wheat, beef, pork, staves, heading, boards, plank, scantling, timber, flaxseed, skins, wax, hams, bacon, turpentine, spirits, lard, and Indian meal, and I may add, pickled fish; some of these articles are carried to the Middle and perhaps to the Eastern States, and are there exported, or consumed; and, if consumed, enable them to export more of their own productions. It has also been said, that if we adopt the resolution, and cannot get what we want from Great Britain, we will manufacture for ourselves. This sounds well on this floor, but I very much doubt the practicability of making this nation manufacture for itself, while we have land enough for every industrious citizen to become a landholder, and a cultivator of the soil. Connecticut and Massachusetts have tried the experiment, and both without success, and both on articles in which it was most likely to succeed; if these States, with their population, could not succeed, what chance of success is there in other States? The practicability ought to be satisfactorily shown before we enter on the plan. It may, as has been said, prevent our wives from wearing silk gowns, and ourselves from wearing broadcloth; whether it will produce this effect is quite uncertain; fashion is as great a tyrant as any we have to contend with; it will, I fear, be difficult to destroy its influence by legislating. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) and myself, plain as
we are, are both obliged in some degree to yield to it; we can no more contend with it, than we can fly to Europe. I come now to that part of the subject where every man must feel the injury done to his fellow-citizens; I mean the impressment of our seamen. Is there a father who does not feel this? No; not one in the nation; and that man who shall devise a certain remedy for this evil, will deserve the thanks of his country; he will, indeed, be its greatest benefactor; he, like the impressed sailor, will have a place in the tenderest part of the hearts of his countrymen. If a plan to prevent this injury was only made known, the very knowledge of the plan would put an end to the injury. But can gentlemen seriously believe that the adoption of the resolution will produce this effect? The means are not adequate to the end, I conceive; at least, it remains to be shown that they are. I will, without hesitation, state what I believe to be the best remedy for the evil. It is this: to agree with Great Britain that neither country shall employ the sailors of the other; and to agree, also, on the proof that shall be required on both sides; we might expect that Great Britain would adhere to an agreement of this kind, because it would be her interest to do so, and on her interest alone, I should rely. In considering this subject, we must look at things as they really are, and not as we would wish them to be. The British Government exercise the right, or rather the power, of impressing their sailors; and, I believe, in time of war, of prohibiting their going into foreign service. Under these circumstances, it may be advisable for us not to employ them, notwithstanding we may do it with their consent, especially if it would prevent their impressing our countrymen. If the merchants really be the friends of the American sailors, they would willingly agree to such a regulation. If they would not be willing, is it not clear they would employ British sailors at the risk of having ours impressed? On this subject it might not be improper to state that I have been informed, in some parts of the world, certificates of persons being American citizens are sold, and that the market has been well supplied. I have also been informed that a British officer in Philadelphia actually procured one for the purpose of enabling him
to go home. This favored Great Britain. I have given this information, to show that others, besides citizens, may obtain certificates. Impressments, I fear, can only be prevented by negotiation; indeed, I have heard that the two Governments have been engaged on this interesting subject. I hope it will be resumed, and that it will end in securing to our countrymen their safety on the ocean. We are told that the nation calls for strong measures, that the President has recommended them, and that men of the greatest talents think them requisite. This may be true, but as I have neither seen nor heard of this call of the nation, and as I do not know the opinions of others, I shall certainly pursue my own. The first Message of the President to Congress, most unquestionably pointed as strong towards Spain as it did to Great Britain; and, hitherto, but little has been said about the usage we received from her. But the recommendation of the President alone, is not always a good reason for legislating, I apprehend, because every President has recommended subjects for the consideration of Congress, on which no act was ever passed. If ever the liberties of this nation are destroyed by strong measures, it will be when the recommendation of the President shall alone be deemed good cause for their adoption. At present, we have choice of all the resolutions on the table, notwithstanding all that has been said in favor of the one now under consideration. No doubt can be entertained, but the mover of each thinks his own the best. From the number, it would seem there was no difficulty in finding remedies for the injuries we have received. Again: we must adopt this resolution, or we shall be degraded. This is no new phrase to me; I have formerly heard it so often, and on so many occasions, that I have become a sort of a skeptic on it. We shall not be degraded by living in peace with all the world. We shall not be degraded by not following the example of the European nations, by rushing into war, on every opportunity that may offer. War is nothing but another name for blood and taxes; we shall not be degraded, being free and happy at home; but we shall be
degraded, if we fail in paying the national debt, or if we refuse to observe treaties constitutionally made. This will be the worst kind of degradation, because it will proceed from a want of morality. In order to induce us to adopt the resolution, we are seriously told that the revenue is derived from commerce. This I deny, and say that it is derived from the whole labor of the community. Stop the laborer in his field, and the revenue is gone. Commerce is useful, it is the means by which our productions are exchanged for the productions of other countries. It has been said that the land tax overthrew one Administration; adopt this measure, and you may possibly overthrow another. I doubt whether the gentleman who made the assertion is altogether correct in point of fact; it may have aided, but other laws were passed, which undoubtedly had more effect, and were more obnoxious in the part of the country where I live. I mean the attempt to raise an army without an actual war; an army of officers, almost without soldiers; the Alien and Sedition laws. It was also said, we were pledged to protect this carrying trade. This reminds me of what I once heard said before, which is this: that we were pledged to pay the salaries of certain judges, after the law was repealed under which they were appointed. I believe we are as much pledged in one case as in the other, and not more; I know of nothing binding in this country, except the constitution and the laws. A majority of both Houses of Congress may pass a law to give the carrying trade what protection they please, and that law will be binding. We are also called on to become the champions of the laws of nations, as if all nations would at once agree with us what these laws really are, and as if a majority of them adhered to their principles; when we know that scarcely a nation in Europe pays any regard to them; and that they will, at different times, entertain different opinions on the same subject. Have not most of them formerly declared, that free ships should make free goods, and have not some of the same nations since given up the principle? Before we undertake this business, would it not be prudent to endeavor to ascertain the opinions of other nations, whose interest may be most like our own?
I wish no alliance with any of them; but, if all the nations of Europe should be willing to yield the principle which we are desirous to maintain, no man will be mad enough to say we ought to contend for it. There is certainly a great difference of opinion as to the nature of the measure. Some think it a war measure; others that it may lead to war, and others again, consider it entirely pacific. Without attempting now to inquire which of the three opinions is most correct, it is sufficient for me, that I believe it will not produce the effect intended, and that its operation on the United States will be partial. If, however, it should be adopted, and produce war, that war we must support with all our strength; and if it produce a good effect, I, for one, will rejoice as much as any man in this House. A great many appeals have been made to the spirit of 1776; that spirit was not only the spirit of liberty, but also of magnanimity and justice; all the measures then taken operated equally on every part of the Union. It is said, this is the right time to settle all our disputes with Great Britain, because she is now hard pushed. If we wish to make a treaty that may be lasting, we ought not to take any unjust advantage of her situation; if we do, whenever she shall be free from her present embarrassments, she will be discontented and restless under it, and never satisfied until she gets clear of it. The true rule for us, is to take no advantage, and in all cases to act justly. I agree in opinion with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smilie,) that war destroys the morals of the people. Hence I was greatly surprised when he followed this correct sentiment with an assertion that he would rather have war than loss of national honor. This thing called national honor has ruined more than half the people in the world, and has almost banished liberty and happiness from Europe. Destroy the morals of the people, and we may play over such a game of war as has been played in France; nothing less than to perpetuate the liberty and happiness of the nation ought to induce us to go to war.
It is a little remarkable that the United States have, since the adoption of the present constitution, become the second commercial power in the world; when, if we believe the public prints, she has lost capital enough to have ruined the most wealthy nation in Europe. Million after million is lost, and yet her prosperity is unrivalled, either in ancient or modern times. I know full well that, according to the opinions of the writers on the laws of nations, we have just cause of war against Great Britain. I also know as well, that we have heretofore had as good a cause of war against both Great Britain and France. We then preferred peace—the result has been prosperity. What destroyed the prosperity and liberty of Venice, of Genoa, and of Holland? Wars, and wars, too, generally undertaken to protect the carrying trade. Tuesday, March 11. Importation of British Goods. Mr. Macon.—Much has been said about the spirit of the nation, and that we are far behind it—meaning, I suppose, those who oppose the resolution. As to my part, I know not how the spirit of the nation has been ascertained. There is no manifestation of it on the table. It is, however, true, that two towns have sent resolutions pledging their lives and fortunes to support whatever measures Congress may adopt. There are, also, several memorials from the merchants and insurance companies; but if gentlemen take these for the manifestation of the national spirit, they are, I think, mistaken. The national spirit is to be found nowhere but among those who are to fight your battles. These people may, for aught I know, be of that number. They may have been before Tripoli, and they may now be ready to enter into the army or navy. Addresses, we well know, will not fight battles, nor fill regiments. We have seen, in former days, the Speaker’s table loaded with addresses from almost every part of the Union, pledging, also, their lives and fortunes to support any measures that the then Administration might adopt. What was done?
Among other acts, one was passed to raise twelve regiments of infantry. There was no difficulty in getting officers—unless, indeed, it was to make the selection out of the great number who applied—but how was it about privates? Instead of getting enough for the twelve regiments, scarcely enough for four could be enlisted. At that time, too, we heard a great deal about the spirit of the nation, and saw a something of the spirit then talked of, in a corps called the —— Blues. Those who then spoke of the spirit of the nation were deceived. They took the vaporings of the towns and the noise of the addressers to be really the spirit of the nation. But, be assured, sir, that whenever the spirit of this nation shall move, every individual, in every department of the government, will move too. The ocean must be considered a common and undivided property, to which each nation has a right; hence the difficulty of affording the same security and protection there as on land, where each knows the spot where his dominion ends and his neighbor’s begins. It is vain, therefore, the real situation of the United States being considered, to expect from her that perfect protection on the ocean which she can afford within her territorial limits. I believe this cannot be done, even to that part of the ocean from whence we get our exports. Other nations also frequent the same place, for the same purpose. This, like the rest, is joint property. Not so with our land, no nation pretends to claim a right to cultivate that. The gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Elliot) has told us, that by adopting the resolution we shall encourage other European nations to manufacture for us. It is, I conceive, quite enough for the agricultural part of the community to pay their money to encourage the manufactures of this country. It is as much as I am willing to do. But what certainty have we, if we adopt the resolution, and give the proposed encouragement, that any of them will leave their present occupation, be that what it may, to take our advice? Each one of them may think that their interest is as well understood at home as we can possibly understand it.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bidwell) stated the case of our prisoners at Tripoli, as a case in point. He is, I think, mistaken. We were at open war with that power, when the frigate Philadelphia unfortunately struck on the rocks in the harbor of Tripoli. The result is known. The enemy got possession of the vessel, and the crew were made prisoners of war. There then existed a state of actual war between the United States and the Tripolitans. In the present case we have just cause of complaints against Britain, and are endeavoring to have them settled by negotiation. I will state a case which seems to me to compare better with the situation of our unfortunate countrymen who may be now impressed on board the British ships of war. It is the case of Captain O’Brian and his crew, who were captured by the Algerines, and remained with them so long, that I believe the captain, in the latter part of the time, dated all his letters to his friends by the year of his captivity. I have understood they suffered as much as any people could bear. We had then, I believe, no addresses, no resolutions, nor memorials from the merchants and insurance companies. But this case may not be thought to apply to that part of our complaints which relate to the capture of our vessels, carrying coffee and sugar to France and Spain, by the British armed ships. I will state one which I think has some; it is the case of Scott, of South Carolina, which has been decided in this House. He claimed pay for property taken by the Indians at a time when no open and declared war existed. He got nothing from the national Government. The United States in a treaty gave the property up to the Indians. I believe, at the time it was taken, some hostilities had been committed. Permit me here to observe, that no agent was appointed by the Government to endeavor to recover this property, and that I well recollect, when the claim was under debate, that it was stated by a member of the House that one of the Indian agents had got the treaty, at his desire, so formed, as to relinquish a claim for the property. I have endeavored to confine my observations to the resolution now under consideration, and to answer some of the arguments urged in its support; though I confess, that, while examining this, I
have also paid some attention to the others on the table. I wish gentlemen, before they vote, would seriously consider whether this is the best. I think it is not. When we reflect on the happiness we enjoy, the prosperity of the nation, the growth of the villages, towns, and cities, the improving state of agriculture, the number of turnpike roads, bridges, and canals, which are undertaken in many parts of the Union, and that one improper act may alter for a time this happy state, and retard every improvement, we ought to be cautious before we change the ground on which we stand. Complaints have been made of delay on this important subject; they are, in my opinion, without foundation. It required serious deliberation and no time has been lost. It is always far better to decide rightly than quickly. It is immaterial to other nations what estimate we form of our own strength—there are two rules by which they will judge: the number of men and the state of the treasury. Indeed, it seems of late to have become a maxim in war, that the longest purse is the longest sword. It is true that we have a single million in the treasury to spare; it is equally true that resolutions are before us, which, if adopted, will require at least that sum to carry them into execution. In this situation, ought we to take measures which may endanger the revenue without providing ways and means to meet any deficiency? We talk of war with an almost empty treasury; no two things can be less connected, except that they are both bad. I have stated that which appeared to me to be the best plan to secure our seamen from impressment; but the man who shall actually produce the plan which shall have the effect, will deserve the gratitude of the nation. In this time of difficulty we are all embarked in the same ship; my ardent prayer is, that whatever shall be done, may promote the interest and happiness of all. Mr. G. W. Campbell.—Mr. Chairman, I rise to submit to the committee some of the reasons that will govern my vote on the measure now under discussion. In doing this, it is not my intention to go over the various grounds taken in this debate, or to answer the several arguments that have been advanced, in support of
principles to which I am opposed. My object will be to lay before the committee such a view of the subject as I conceive best calculated to ascertain the true ground on which we stand, and the measures which, in the present crisis of our affairs, it would be advisable to adopt. I am not disposed, Mr. Chairman, to pursue measures that will crimson the American fields with the blood of her citizens, any more than other gentlemen who have spoken on this subject; nor am I willing that thousands of innocent persons should suffer distress and ruin, for the benefit of a few individuals—a few merchants; which, it has been stated, will be the effect of the measure before you; neither, sir, will I ever give my vote for any measure that shall appear to me calculated to sacrifice the agricultural interest of this nation to that of commerce, or have a tendency to enhance the latter at the expense of the former; and so far as the resolution before you appears to me likely to produce this effect, I shall oppose it. The people whom I have the honor to represent are chiefly agriculturists, and it will always be my wish and my pride, to support their interests, and to cherish and promote the agricultural interest of this country in general, so far as it may be in my power. But I am not, at the same time, prepared to see the nation suffer, without resistance, every indignity with which Great Britain may choose to treat her, and submit patiently to every aggression and outrage her cruisers, under her authority, may choose to commit on our citizens and our commerce. I conceive it our duty to take such measures as will prove to the world a determination on our part to resist injuries and maintain our rights. In regard to the commercial relations of this country with foreign powers, I deem it proper on this occasion to declare it as my opinion, which I have always entertained, that it would have been better for the American people, if Government had never given protection to commerce, out of sight of our own territory, or beyond the reach of our cannon from our shores. It would have been well for us, if the American flag had never floated on the ocean, under the authority of Government, to waft to this country the luxuries and vices of European nations that effeminate
and corrupt our people, to excite the jealousies and cupidity of those powers whose existence, in a great degree, depends on commerce, and to court, as it were, their aggressions, and embroil us in their unjust and bloody contests. If we had guarded against those pending evils by leaving commerce to seek her own protection, except within the limits of our own jurisdiction, we should have had a fair prospect of continuing to flourish a free, independent, and happy nation, much longer than I fear will be our destiny to do, if we continue to become more and more entangled in European politics and intrigues—to be subject to feel the effects of European convulsions, and national contests, in consequence of being deeply engaged in commercial relations with European powers. If we had adopted this policy, foreign nations would have vied with each other for our commerce and our friendship, and would convey the surplus productions of our country from our storehouses, and furnish us in return with those articles and manufactures of their countries, which our necessities or convenience might require; and we might then behold the collisions of the great powers on the continent of Europe, and their jarring interests contending for superiority, without endangering our peace or our happiness, and with no other inconvenience than the regret we might feel for the miseries and sufferings of that portion of the human family, with whom, however, we had no immediate connections. But, Mr. Chairman, we have assumed the character of a commercial nation, abroad as well as at home. Our Government has, in some degree, pledged the nation to protect commerce, and under this impression our citizens have embarked largely in trade, and made considerable progress therein. The enterprising spirit of our merchants has raised this nation to rank, in regard to commerce, the second in the world, and from this source also, our revenue is chiefly derived. Under these circumstances, I am not prepared to say this is the propitious moment to retrace our steps, and without even giving notice of our intention to do so, abandon our merchants and their property to the rapacity of a foreign nation. I conceive, on the contrary, it is our duty to afford them such protection as the
resources of our country, and the prospects we have heretofore held out, would authorize them to expect. In examining this subject, the first important inquiry that presents itself, is, in regard to the grounds of complaint which have occasioned the resolution before you to be proposed. There are two. First, the impressment of our seamen; and second, the unjust, and, as we believe, unauthorized aggressions committed on our commerce by the cruisers of Great Britain. If you look at the documents on your table, you will see that our seamen have been impressed by that nation for years past, without the color of right, and in a manner, which it is not pretended, on this floor, is authorized by justice, or sanctioned by the laws or usages of nations. They have been treated in the most inhuman manner, if information is to be relied upon; compelled to perform the hardest duty in her ships of war, and forced against their will to fight her enemies, who were at the same time on terms of friendship with us. They have been taken from sea to sea, and from place to place— from one country or island to another; shifted from ship to ship, and often sent to distant parts of the world, so as to place them beyond the research of their friends or their country, and put it out of the power of either to reclaim them, by producing the proofs required of their citizenship to obtain their liberation. It has been stated that Great Britain has always been willing to deliver up such impressed seamen as were proved to be bona fide American citizens. But this is a fallacious pretext on her part, from which little or no benefit can arise to us. She impresses our people, without inquiring in regard to their citizenship, or paying the least regard to their protections. Their friends knew not where to find them, the Government cannot ascertain where they are, and years sometimes pass before it is known whither they have been carried. It has, therefore, in most cases, been found impossible to procure their release, and restore them to their friends and their country; and there are at this moment, unjustly detained by that nation, between two and three thousand of our seamen; who have been impressed without any other pretext, than that they spoke the English language, or
resembled, in their persons, the inhabitants of the British empire. Our Government has, in vain, remonstrated, time after time, on this subject to the Court of St. James. No satisfactory arrangements could be obtained, nor is there any fair ground to expect a change in the conduct of that Government in this respect. Complaints have been made and repeated in every quarter of the Union on this subject. The outrages committed on our citizens have made an impression on the public mind, that demands on our part the adoption of some decisive measure to correct the growing evil. It has, indeed, been said by some gentlemen on this floor, that there exists the prospect of the fair adjustment of our differences with Great Britain on this subject. I would ask those gentlemen, upon what information this opinion is founded? For myself, Mr. Chairman, I know of no just ground to authorize such expectation. The documents on your table do not justify a belief, that there is at this time the least prospect of adjustment. They inform us, there was once such a prospect, but that it has long since vanished; and so far as we can collect information from those documents, as well as from other sources, there is not to be found in the conduct of the British Ministers, the slightest foundation for a belief that they are disposed to relinquish the ground they have taken, unless it is rendered necessary by some effective measures on our part. I would then put it to gentlemen to say, if we are not at this time to take any step whatever, towards vindicating our violated rights, when will be the proper time for us to act? Have we not patiently endured those injuries long enough? And if not, how much longer must we tamely submit to them? What time can be more favorable than the present to resist them? Will it be when Great Britain has got into her possession a greater number of our seamen? When, instead of near three thousand, she will have gotten six, eight, or ten thousand? Will it then be a more proper time to make a stand—to call upon her by some efficient measure to do us justice—to treat us as an independent nation, or to tell her, that we will at least cease to treat her as a friend? I presume not, sir. I cannot conceive it proper that we should wait for such an event, before we make a stand in defence of our rights. On the contrary, it is my opinion, there can be
no time more likely than the present, to render effectual any measures we may adopt. The present state of the war in Europe, which sufficiently occupies the great powers in that quarter, if properly considered, and its probable results, in regard to us, duly weighed, ought, it appears to me, to convince any man of reflection that this is the most favorable moment to insist on finally adjusting our differences on this subject with Great Britain. The right of our seamen to protection, while they sail under our flag is undeniable. It is a perfect right, as much so as the right to be protected within our houses, or in our carriages on the highway. You ought, therefore, never to abandon it, on any pretence whatever; nay, sir, you cannot abandon it, in justice to your citizens, unless, indeed, you are willing to surrender your independence as a nation. The ocean is a highway for all nations, over which no one power has exclusive jurisdiction. If you resign this right now to Great Britain, what reason have you to believe she will not push her demands further, and urge you to resign another, that may be still more important? It is high time that this business was brought to a final close, for if your seamen are to be seized wherever they are found on the ocean, you had better strip your ships of every sail they carry, confine your citizens within the limits of your own jurisdiction, to fight your own battles, should it become necessary, rather than see them exposed against their will, in fighting the battles of a foreign nation. The second ground of complaint is the aggressions committed on our commerce, contrary to the law of nations, and in violation of every principle of justice. Great Britain assumes to herself the right to interdict to neutral nations a commercial intercourse with the colonies of her enemies, except under such modifications as she has been pleased to prescribe. She justifies the capture of your vessels on the ground of their being engaged in a commerce, during the war, that was not open to them in time of peace. If this principle be once admitted as correct, and carried to the full extent of which it is capable, it will be found, in its consequences, almost wholly to destroy, not only the commerce of this country as a neutral, but that of every neutral nation in the world. You are told you must not in
time of war exceed your accustomed traffic in time of peace. What is the consequence? War, in a great degree, destroys the trade which you were accustomed to enjoy in time of peace, as a great part of it becomes contraband of war; and this new principle shuts up all the avenues of commerce that were opened, in consequence of, or even during the war. What commerce, then, let me ask, will be left to the neutral? None, sir, that will deserve the name of commerce. But the reasons advanced in support of this principle, will go still further to show its destructive consequences. One of the reasons given why you must not carry on this trade, is, because it is beneficial to the enemies of Great Britain, as you thereby furnish them with provisions and other articles of merchandise, which relieve them from the pressure of the war, and prevent her from deriving all the benefits she otherwise would do, from her superiority at sea. If there is any solidity in this reasoning it will go the whole length to prohibit you from carrying the productions of your own farms to any nation the enemy of Great Britain. Your provisions, bread stuffs, beef, and pork, are surely as useful for carrying on war as the produce of the West India islands. She has hitherto, it is true, applied this reasoning only to the productions of the colonies, but it will equally apply to those of your own country. Hence, the injustice and absurdity of the principle must appear evident to every discerning and unprejudiced mind. But she has already, in carrying into effect her new principle, gone further than merely to prohibit neutrals from carrying colonial produce directly to the ports of her enemies. She has laid the groundwork to prevent you from carrying to those ports your own productions. Your vessels are seized and condemned for being engaged in conveying to her enemies colonial produce, which has been fairly purchased and paid for by your citizens, brought to this country, and, according to your revenue laws, made a part of the common stock of the nation. If there is a shade of difference in principle between this case and that in which the produce of your own farms should be captured on its way to the same enemy’s ports, it is as flimsy as can be conceived to exist. When your people have purchased the productions of other countries, and fairly paid for them; brought them into your own, and complied with your
municipal regulations respecting them, they become neutralized, and as much a part of the common stock of the nation as if they had been raised on your own farms; and the same principle that would inhibit you from carrying these to the ports of a belligerent, would, by parity of reasoning, prevent you from carrying to the same ports the productions of your own farms. But, Mr. Chairman, let us for a moment inquire whence Great Britain derives the right, according to any known principle of law or justice, to seize and condemn colonial produce, the property of a neutral, in consequence of its being destined for the ports of the parent State, her enemy? Strangers can acquire no rights against each other, in consequence of the domestic regulations relative to commerce, which a power independent of them may choose to establish. Suppose France, by law, in time of peace, should prohibit the importation of colonial produce to her ports, on the continent, except in her own vessels, Great Britain could have no right to capture an American vessel engaged in such trade. France alone could rightfully seize and condemn such vessel for the infraction of her laws; but no other power could have such right. Suppose such prohibitions removed by France during a war, and the trade declared lawful, could Great Britain thereby acquire a right to capture such vessels for being engaged in a trade now declared lawful, which she could not do when it was unlawful? Certainly she would not. Such doctrine would be contrary to the plainest dictates of reason and common sense. She had no right to capture such vessel while the prohibition continued, and she could not certainly acquire the right by such prohibition being removed. The intervention of war cannot alter the case, for the rights of neutrals, except as to contraband, remain the same in time of war as they were during peace. I must therefore consider this principle assumed by Great Britain as a flagrant violation of the law of nations, contrary to every principle of justice, and such as ought not to be sanctioned by this or any other independent nation. If you tamely submit in this instance, she will assuredly push her aggressions still further; encroach on your rights, step by step, as her convenience and interest may require, until she
has effectually destroyed your commerce, and monopolized to herself the whole of its profits. That part of our commerce that becomes immediately subject to the operation of this new principle, has been stated as very unimportant, and under the name of the carrying trade, has been ridiculed as not meriting the notice of Government. A very few remarks however will, I apprehend, show that it is not so insignificant as has been represented. In our trade with Great Britain, there is a balance in her favor of nearly twelve millions of dollars. This balance must be paid out of the proceeds of the exports of the United States to other countries. Many of those countries that consume a great portion of our produce, cannot give us specie in return. Our merchants must, therefore, in all such cases, return the produce and manufactures of such countries instead of specie; and, as the quantity of foreign produce and goods thus received exceeds the amount necessary to supply the demands for consumption in this country, it becomes important that this surplus should be carried to other markets, where there is a demand for it, and where specie can be obtained in return. This has heretofore been done by our merchants, by first importing such foreign produce into our own country, and then re-exporting the same for a market; and by means of this trade alone have they been enabled to discharge the balance against us in our trade with Great Britain. The annual value of imports into the United States amounts to about seventy-five millions of dollars; of this, twenty-eight millions are re- exported to all parts of the world, and of that amount, eighteen millions go to the dominions of Holland, France, Spain, and Italy— the greater part of which is subject to capture by the new principle of the law of nations acted upon by Great Britain. This is the carrying trade, sir, which gentlemen have considered so unimportant as not to merit the attention of Government. Instead of estimating this trade at $850,000, as gentlemen have done, being the net revenue derived therefrom, (and which is not considered as paid by citizens of the United States,) it may fairly be estimated at nearly eighteen millions, or about one-fourth of the whole of your imports, nearly in the proportion of eighteen million to seventy-five. For if your merchants are not permitted to re-export the surplus foreign
produce to those markets where there is a demand for it, it will remain on their hands and rot in their storehouses. This would also sink the price of your own produce, as there could not be a sufficient demand for it, because your merchants would not receive in return foreign produce. Your trade must, therefore, be diminished nearly in the proportion before stated. I ask gentlemen if this trade is cut off, how your merchants are to get specie to meet the balance in favor of Great Britain of twelve millions of dollars? If this cannot be done, your imports must diminish in proportion as the means of remittance fail, and your revenue must also feel the shock, and suffer in the same proportion as your importations are lessened. This is a view of the subject which I presume deserves at least the serious consideration of gentlemen, and I beg of them to pause before they agree to relinquish, without a struggle, this portion of our national rights—for, if you submit in this instance to the interdiction imposed by Great Britain of carrying colonial produce to the ports of her enemies, she will assuredly advance her pretensions, as already stated, still further, and insist on the right to prohibit you from supplying them with your own; and it may fairly be asked, on the ground she has taken, where is the difference between sending colonial produce to her enemies and sending your own produce? The quantum of injury to her, and of benefit to them, will be the same; and she will have nearly the same right to prohibit in the one case as in the other. This shows the necessity of taking some decisive step that will convince Great Britain that we are determined not to submit to these aggressions; that will tell her, in firm and manly language, thus far you may go, but not farther. On this subject, also, our Government has remonstrated to that of Great Britain without effect. No satisfactory arrangements could be obtained, and there is no greater prospect of an amicable adjustment of our differences with that nation at this moment than there was a year ago, nor have I any idea that we shall find ourselves in a better situation in this respect, one, two, or three years hence, if we tamely acquiesce, than we now are. There is, therefore, no ground for delay; we can derive no benefit from it; this is the time we ought to act, the most propitious that is likely to present itself.
But, it is insisted, this measure will produce war; I consider it entirely in the nature of a commercial regulation, and such as cannot, as already stated, give any just cause of war. But, it is asked, will Great Britain inquire whether it is, or is not, just cause of war? Will she not consider it so, because it is against her interest? If gentlemen will have it that Great Britain has abandoned every principle of justice, it is vain to expect she will, on any occasion, be governed by reason, or motives of propriety, in her conduct toward us; if she is totally regardless of common right, and governed by her interests alone, she waits only a more favorable opportunity to give our commerce a more deadly blow; and it is, therefore, high time to withdraw ourselves from all connections with her. But, I am not prepared to go this length; I cannot believe a great nation, who holds a dignified rank among the powers of the earth, would expose herself to the indignation and derision of the world, by abandoning all respect for justice and public right. I must believe she still retains some regard for her national honor; and, if not for her honor, she does for her interest: all that she could say, with any color of justice, would be, that she has the right to adopt other regulations on her part to counteract yours. Let us inquire into the effect of such regulations. She may say, your produce shall not go to her colonies, her islands, or any of her dominions. If she takes this measure, she will prepare the most effectual scourge for her own subjects. She will reduce the inhabitants of those islands not only to a state of starvation, but force them at length, in all probability, into insurrection. We have already witnessed the complaints of those people to the mother country. We have seen the picture they have drawn of their sufferings and distress, and their declarations that they cannot exist without the produce of the United States. How, then, shall Britain retaliate? She cannot do it effectually without injuring herself more than she will you. Hence, I am clearly of opinion, the adoption of proper measures on our part—of measures similar to that before you—would be likely to produce the desired effect in the conduct of Great Britain toward us.
It has, Mr. Chairman, been observed by a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Masters,) that national animosity produced the resolution before you. I regret that such an idea should be expressed on this floor. I know of no such animosity, but I believe, on the contrary, if a national partiality exists in this country, it is in favor of Great Britain; not that I believe such partiality criminal; but Great Britain being the parent country, speaking the same language with ourselves, and so many of her subjects becoming citizens of this country, there is naturally felt a degree of attachment towards the people of that nation. If these feelings do not go too far, they are laudable; but in regard to a national animosity to Great Britain, I do not believe it exists in this country, at least to any considerable extent. If gentlemen mean that this animosity exists against tyranny, I hope it will eternally exist, so long as its cause exists. But, Mr. Chairman, I hope we shall not cherish animosity against France, any more than against Great Britain. Nor do I wish us to cherish partiality for either. There was, I believe, sir, a time when the people of this country felt a generous impulse in favor of the French nation. The flame of liberty that issued from the bosom of America, during the Revolution, had kindled up anew in France, and promised for awhile to illuminate the whole world. The American people rejoiced at the prospect, and felt a generous sentiment of enthusiasm towards those who appeared to be advocating the cause of liberty and the freedom of man. But I am not prepared to say, that their flame has continued to burn, or that the expectations it created have been realized; but I may, I presume, say, there is no ground to believe that this nation entertains a criminal animosity against or partiality for either Great Britain or France. The same gentleman has observed, what I admit is too true, that Great Britain governs the commerce of the world. This, however, is the strongest reason that could be advanced, against a tame submission to every act of aggression which that Government may choose to commit on your commerce, unless, indeed, you are willing to acknowledge a national pusillanimity, and an inability to resist injury. If we are unable to oppose Great Britain on the ocean, and she will persist in
her unjust violation of our rights, let us withdraw from all connections with her—confine ourselves within the limits of our territory, and live independent of her luxuries and her commerce, on the productions and manufactures of our own country. To conclude my remarks on this subject, I will briefly repeat, that I am decidedly of opinion, the conduct of Great Britain is such, in impressing our seamen, and capturing merchant vessels, on the ground of their being engaged in a trade with her enemies, not open to them in time of peace, is manifestly unjust and unauthorized by the laws of nations. I conceive we have an undoubted right, without giving just cause of war, to regulate our own commerce, and to say from what nations we will, or will not, import articles of consumption; and what description, and under what circumstances. I also believe it our duty at this time to adopt some decisive measure on the subject, that will evince to Great Britain our determination to resist aggression, and to maintain our rights. I would, sir, prefer a measure in which we could, and would persevere, unless it should be found our interest to change it—a measure that would be least likely to paralyze our revenue or affect the agricultural interest. With this view, I would prefer, in the first instance, imposing additional or discriminating duties on certain specified articles, imported from Great Britain; such as would give the preference to other European markets. Or, if more agreeable to the majority of this House, I would concur in interdicting the importation of such articles. And if this should not prove effectual, I would take still stronger ground. I would prohibit the importation of all merchandise, the growth or manufacture of the British dominions. And, should it become necessary, I would cut off all intercourse with that nation; which would effectually starve her West India islands, and compel her to come to just terms, or abandon her colonies to distress and ruin. These measures I am willing to take, and support in succession, as the occasion may require; and in doing so I shall act under the conscientious and perfect conviction that they are for the good of the nation; that they are necessary to vindicate the
injured rights and insulted honor of my country; and that country will, I am confident, in this, justify my conduct. Mr. Jackson.—My conviction of the importance of this subject will plead my apology for the trespass I shall make on the time of the committee. I purpose to take a rapid review of the points in discussion between this country and Great Britain, and to touch lightly upon the arguments of gentlemen, who have contended that it is better to surrender them than to assume an attitude of resistance, or to adopt measures perfectly pacific for the purpose of producing a relaxation of the arbitrary systematic attacks upon our neutral rights; for, with one or two exceptions, the objections adduced go to sanction the opinion that the commerce in question ought to be abandoned; and that this Government ought not to do any thing to protect it. The measure presented to the consideration of this committee is calculated to produce a redress of the grievances complained of with so much justice. First, the capture of our vessels sailing on the high seas, in strict observance and obedience to the law of nations; and, secondly, the impressment of our seamen, bona fide citizens, protected by the flag of the nation. While we are discussing the proposition of resorting to a remedy to redress these evils, we are met by gentlemen who deny that it is right to do any thing. First, because the Executive has not recommended any particular measure; and, secondly, because the trade under consideration is fraudulent, and the citizens impressed are the subjects of Great Britain. With regard to the first allegation, that the Executive has not recommended any specific measure, was it not objected under a former Administration that the Executive interfered improperly in legislative measures? Congress possesses the constitutional power of declaring war, and should the Executive recommend a declaration of war to us, I presume we should hear much of the Executive attempting an undue and indecent influence over our legislative powers; for, judging by the past, I have no doubt that whenever such a recommendation shall be made by the Executive, it will be
opposed by the same persons who now call for his recommendation, and express dissatisfaction at his withholding it. But it is asserted this trade is fraudulent, and it is dishonorable to protect it. So much has been said and written on this subject, that it is altogether useless to combat the arguments urged on this floor; for it is not because a celebrated pamphlet, without an author, has been written on the subject on this side of the water, vindicating the fairness and legality of the trade, or as gentlemen will have it, surrendering the question at the threshold, or because another equally celebrated has been written on the other, declaring it “War in Disguise,” that we will consent to be concluded on the question, as they are all free game, and ought to pass for nothing unless their arguments carry conviction to the mind. The question resolves itself into the consideration whether this trade is fraudulent or not. Can we exchange our productions with the colonies of the belligerent nations—bring here theirs, and carry any surplus beyond our wants to other nations? I conceive that we can; common sense sanctions the opinion. Gentlemen, however, say we cannot. That the property is not changed, but still belongs to the original owner of it, and that our neutral flag fraudulently covers the enemy’s property. But gentlemen deal in a mere coinage of the fancy when they say so. I demand their proofs; they will not accept our opinions; and I with equal propriety reject theirs. How will they show that this is not our property? It is said that a want of capital is a proof of it; but, on investigation, it will be found, that the American capital is fully adequate to the carrying on this trade. Do not we find our merchants engaged in the trade to the East Indies, which requires a capital of three and four hundred thousand dollars, and if the trade to the West India islands be equally profitable, is it not to be presumed that they will likewise engage in it? If this property does not pass by the transfer, as we contend it does, it may be maintained that a horse sold in the open market will be subject to an execution subsequently issued against its previous owner; nay, even that the executor of such owner may sue for and recover it. But this argument shakes every principle involved in commerce to its
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FORCES AND MOTION 3rd Edition Sophia Chen

  • 1.
    FORCES AND MOTION3rd Edition Sophia Chen download https://ebookultra.com/download/forces-and-motion-3rd-edition- sophia-chen/ Explore and download more ebooks or textbooks at ebookultra.com
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    We believe theseproducts will be a great fit for you. Click the link to download now, or visit ebookultra.com to discover even more! Energy 3rd Edition Sophia Chen https://ebookultra.com/download/energy-3rd-edition-sophia-chen/ Multilevel and Longitudinal Modeling Using Stata 3rd Edition Sophia Rabe-Hesketh https://ebookultra.com/download/multilevel-and-longitudinal-modeling- using-stata-3rd-edition-sophia-rabe-hesketh/ Terence and Interpretation 1st Edition Sophia Papaioannou https://ebookultra.com/download/terence-and-interpretation-1st- edition-sophia-papaioannou/ Beauvoir and Belle 1st Edition Kathryn Sophia Belle https://ebookultra.com/download/beauvoir-and-belle-1st-edition- kathryn-sophia-belle/
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    Old Frame ChenFamily Taijiquan Mark Chen https://ebookultra.com/download/old-frame-chen-family-taijiquan-mark- chen/ Chen s Clinical Anatomy MCQs 1st Edition Chen https://ebookultra.com/download/chen-s-clinical-anatomy-mcqs-1st- edition-chen/ The Circuits and Filters Handbook Fundamentals of Circuits and Filters 3rd Edition Wai-Kai Chen (Ed.) https://ebookultra.com/download/the-circuits-and-filters-handbook- fundamentals-of-circuits-and-filters-3rd-edition-wai-kai-chen-ed/ The circuits and filters handbook Computer aided design and design automation 3rd ed Edition Wai-Kai Chen https://ebookultra.com/download/the-circuits-and-filters-handbook- computer-aided-design-and-design-automation-3rd-ed-edition-wai-kai- chen/ Nuclear collective motion models and theory Rowe https://ebookultra.com/download/nuclear-collective-motion-models-and- theory-rowe/
  • 5.
    FORCES AND MOTION3rd Edition Sophia Chen Digital Instant Download Author(s): Sophia Chen; Amy Graves ISBN(s): 9781646937349, 1646937341 Edition: 3 File Details: PDF, 2.87 MB Language: english
  • 8.
    Forces and Motion,Third Edition Copyright © 2021 by Infobase All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher. For more information, contact: Chelsea House An imprint of Infobase 132 West 31st Street New York NY 10001 ISBN 978-1-64693-734-9 You can find Chelsea House on the World Wide Web at http://www.infobase.com
  • 9.
    Contents Chapters The Science ofMachines and More Speed and Distance Calculation Speed and Acceleration Motion in Three Dimensions Accelerated Motions Forces Forces and Accelerations Support Materials Glossary Bibliography About the Authors Index
  • 10.
  • 11.
    The Science ofMachines and More The term physics comes from a Greek word that means "knowledge of nature." Physicists are people who study the natural world. The way that physicists have built up their rich knowledge is by combining hands-on experience, philosophical thinking, and mathematics. Throughout history, the invention of new technology has sparked progress in physics by enabling game-changing observations. In addition, developments in pure mathematics have also opened doors to new physics by offering new ways to organize and analyze experimental results. This text is about force and motion, which is a subfield of physics called mechanics. Mechanics is the oldest branch of physics, in the sense that it was the first one to be put in a form that is fairly complete and recognizable today. The term mechanics refers to machines. (Today we would say that someone who studies machines is a mechanical engineer.) Before the fifteenth century, people had only scarce knowledge of basic science to guide their design of early machines, such as the wind and water mills to grind grain, or the cranes used to build Europe's cathedrals. The new science of mechanics explained, for example, how these machines decrease the amount of force a person has to exert to perform a task, or how they change one form of motion into another. This deeper understanding thus helped people improve the workings of these classic
  • 12.
    machines. Thinkers also wantedto understand the great "machine" in the sky: the motion of the planets and stars. People have studied "celestial mechanics" throughout the world since the start of recorded history. More than 3,000 years ago, Babylonian scholars compiled detailed records of the positions of the Sun, Moon and stars. However, they could not make very accurate predictions. In the fifteenth century and onward, scholars wanted to knit their observations into a theory. A theory would allow them to deduce new facts and make predictions. For example, if you saw a new planet and charted its position over many nights, a theory of planetary motion could allow you to deduce its distance from Earth and predict its motion for years to come. Theories often evolve to explain new experimental results or observations. Occasionally, this may lead physicists to throw out a previously established theory. Around A.D. 100, the Egyptian scholar Ptolemy compiled data from earlier observations and combined it with a theory that predicted how the celestial machine would evolve. Unfortunately, scholars later realized that Ptolemy's theory contained a glaring error that placed the Earth at the center of the universe, with the Sun and everything else in the cosmos orbiting around it. We generally credit Nicolaus Copernicus with first proposing the theory that the Earth moves around the Sun in his work On the Revolution of Heavenly Spheres in 1543. This theory challenged the prevailing orthodoxy of the Roman Catholic Church, and led to his work being placed on a list of forbidden books in 1616. A prohibition on Copernicus's theory remained in effect until 1753, and his original work was not removed from the forbidden book list until 1835.1 Still Copernicus's theory was incomplete. He thought the Sun was fixed at the center of the universe. Using his ideas as a starting point, physicists later understood that the Sun also moves around the center of our galaxy, the Milky Way, which is just one of the estimated hundreds of billions of galaxies in the universe.2
  • 13.
    Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543)was the astronomer who formulated the first heliocentric (sun-centered) theory of the solar system, in which the Earth spins once every 24 hours about an internal axis, while at the same time making a complete trip around the Sun once every 365 days. Kinematics and Dynamics The name kinematics comes from a Greek word that means "the study of motion." Johannes Kepler, born a few decades after Copernicus died, was apparently the first to correctly understand the kinematics of the planets. He found that they move, to a very good approximation, in orbits that are shaped like ellipses, with a certain relationship between their speed of motion and the size of the orbit. Sir Isaac Newton, who was born just a few years after Kepler died, later explained why this occurs. Newton gave us dynamics (from a Greek word that means "power"). Dynamics explains how force creates the kinematics that we observe.3 Newton's theory of gravity predicted the planet Neptune, which was discovered in 1846. Prior to its discovery, people had observed
  • 14.
    Neptune's perturbing effectson the orbit of the planet Uranus, which was already known at that time.4 In the twentieth century, astrophysicists like Vera Rubin have found that a large fraction of the stuff in our universe is "dark matter."5 It does not shine like a star, planet, or gas cloud, with any known type of radiation. Physicists believe dark matter exists because of the detailed way that galaxies rotate around their centers. Some invisible type of matter is creating a force that has a very noticeable dynamic effect on the visible matter around it.6 Many scholars contributed successfully to mechanics before and during Newton's time. While Newton's work builds on others' work, Newton was probably unique among these scholars in the way that he brought observation, philosophy, and mathematics together. It is a powerful synergy that physicists have aspired to ever since. Newton saw the unity between a rock falling from a tower and the Moon orbiting Earth. They really are two siblings in the same "family" of motions. Both are curves that come from solving a single equation: Force = (mass) × (acceleration). For both, the force is the pull of Earth's gravity. A physics book (this one is no exception) typically considers many situations and applies the same mathematical theory to all of them, showing the unity behind the apparent differences. Roadmap for This Text Chapters two through five deal with kinematics, while dynamics is discussed in chapters six and seven. Within each chapter you will find the words, math formulas, graphs, and pictures that are all familiar parts of the language of physics. They will take you through the beginning of the kind of mechanics course you might take in the last two years of high school or the first year of college. We do not get to the topics of angular momentum or energy. We also do not talk about Einstein's theories, which are needed for objects moving very swiftly (near the speed of light) and/or subject to very large forces (say, near a massive star). Every chapter includes problems about motion or force. In chapter two, for example, you will find the average speed of kids hurrying down a long hallway to class. Examples illustrate the relationship between speed, time, and distance. The section introduces the concept of displacement to pave the way for understanding paths that do not necessarily lie along a straight line. In chapter three, you will learn how to solve problems in two different ways: by
  • 15.
    manipulating symbols andequations, or by using geometry. You can use both ways to solve problems about acceleration that involve a predator chasing its prey or an ecologist measuring the speed of water in a stream. Chapter four discusses vectors, an essential mathematical tool for understanding the velocity of moving objects such as a plane. In that chapter, we represent vectors both with pictures and in terms of their components, and explore how to do algebra with them. We see how to use displacement, velocity, and acceleration vectors to fully understand interesting motion, and see how a simple accelerometer indicates the strength and direction of acceleration. The importance of acceleration continues in chapter five, where you will learn how to find the g-forces on a roller coaster. We explore examples like a geosynchronous satellite and a plane that must "touch and go" from a runway. Chapter six discusses forces in the context of a science fiction scene in which someone is expelled into outer space. The example explores the nature of motion in the absence of any force (as when one is floating in space) in terms of Newton's first law and the concept of center-of-mass. The example also illustrates pressure forces, and how the human body balances Earth's atmospheric pressure to keep itself from imploding. Finally, chapter seven presents Newton's second and third laws. Here, we introduce inertia, or mass, and the rule that an object feeling a force will experience an acceleration inversely proportional to its inertia. The section closes with an example that applies all three of Newton's laws and the vector nature of velocity, in order to understand the consequences of a collision between a deer and a vehicle. 1. Bald, Margaret. "Copernicus, Nicolaus" in Literature Suppressed on Religious Grounds, 4th ed. (New York: Infobase, 2019). 2. Howell, Elizbeth. "How Many Galaxies Are There?" Space.com, March 19, 2018. Available online. URL: https://www.space.com/25303-how-many- galaxies-are-in-the-universe.html. Accessed August 1, 2021. 3. Gleick, James. Isaac Newton. (New York: Pantheon Books, 2003).
  • 16.
    4. American PhysicalSociety. "September 23, 1846: Neptune’s Existence Observationally Confirmed," APS News, 29, no. 8 (2020). Available online. URL: https://www.aps.org/publications/apsnews/202008/history.cfm. Accessed August 1, 2021. 5. Childers, Tim. "Vera Rubin: The Astronomer Who Brought Dark Matter to Light," Space.com, June 11, 2019. Available online. URL: https://www.space.com/vera-rubin.html. Accessed August 1, 2021. 6. Kusky, Timothy. "Dark Matter" in Encyclopedia of Earth and Space Science, Revised Edition. (New York: Infobase, 2020).
  • 17.
    Speed and DistanceCalculation A satellite in orbit; a sprinter hurtling down a track; an old-timey villain slipping on a banana peel: these are all objects in motion. It turns out, one of the basic tools of physics involves determining the average speed of an object in motion, which you can use to predict where that object will be in the future. This chapter will discuss the concept of average speed, and how it is used in everyday life. Suppose that you notice a dog trotting by the side of a highway, with markers every 1/10 of a mile. You catch sight of the dog starting to run at a marker that says “20 miles” and you watch it run past 3 more markers. The dog has run this far: Distance traveled = (3)(1/10 mile) = 0.3 mile It takes the dog 2 minutes to run this distance: Time spent = 2 minutes The average speed of anything moving is the distance traveled divided by the time spent, as in the following equation: Average speed = distance traveled/time spent Before we plug in numbers, let's rewrite this equation in a way that uses the conventional language of physics. However, before we do that, we must discuss units. Talking About Physics: Dimensions and Units The three fundamental dimensions in mechanics are length, mass, and time. When we refer to the "dimensions" of some quantity, we mean "What type of real-world quantity is it?" For example, when we say that "The distance the dog has run is 0.3 miles," the dimension of the number 0.3 is length. When someone says, "Where have you been? I've been waiting 20 minutes," the number 20 has the dimension of time. Sometimes, a quantity does not have any dimensions; it is a pure number. For example, the five in the statement "Watch, I can fit five
  • 18.
    cookies in mymouth all at once!" is a pure number. The number "p" in the statement, "A circle's circumference is p times the diameter," is also a pure number. We can combine the fundamental dimensions of length, mass, and time using the rules of algebra to get new dimensions. For example, if we said that "The diameter of the circle is 10 meters, so its area is 25π meters2," the diameter, 10, has dimensions of length, and its area, 25π, has dimensions of (length)2. The quantity of average speed, defined above, has dimensions of (length/time). We describe these dimensions with units. A meter is a unit of the dimension length, as is a mile. In physics, when we write down a real-world quantity with dimensions, we need to associate units with it. Units make clear the scale of the quantity. For example, if your friend said that her brother was 18, you might think he was 18 years old. But if you saw that the brother was a baby, you would realize that she meant 18 months. Often we write units using abbreviations, such as "s" for seconds and "m" for meters. We can do arithmetic to transform one unit to another. A conversion factor is a number that gives us the proportionality of two different units. For example: Notice how the math operation, division, is performed on the units as well as on the numbers. The conversion factor (1609 m/1 mile) also converts the mile unit into the meter unit, because it makes the miles cancel out. In the United States, the common system of units is the English system, which is why highway signs are labeled using miles. However, the system commonly used in physics is the Système Internationale (SI), which measures length in meters (m), time in seconds (s), and mass in kilograms (kg). We will use these units in addition to other units, such as time in hours, days, or years. In fact, in astrophysics, the length of a day (which is the time for a planet to rotate on its axis) or a year (the time to revolve once around the Sun) depends on what planet you are on. Talking About Physics: Using Symbols
  • 19.
    Talking About Physics:Using Symbols In physics, it is often easier to represent an equation in algebraic symbols instead of words. Using such symbols, let's rewrite the following equation: Average speed = distance traveled/time spent Traditionally, physicists choose the letter "v" for the symbol for speed, which comes from the word velocity (from the Greek word velox, meaning "fast"). In addition, we often use subscripts to tell ourselves more about a quantity or to distinguish two quantities which are related in some way. So we write vave for average speed, to distinguish it from a second kind of speed, the instantaneous speed, which we will discuss later. We use the symbol t for time. Moreover, since "time spent" is a time interval, which is a difference in two times, we use a pairing of two symbols, Δt, to stand for this difference. (This might be a tradition that you see in your math classes as well.) The Δ is a Greek letter called delta and represents a difference in something. So Δt is a time difference, and Δd is a distance difference. Our rewritten equation is now: vave = Δd/Δt (equation 2.1) We can use subscripts in physics to distinguish the dog's various locations. For example, the dog is seen at two different distances, 20 miles and then 20.3 miles along the highway. The first location can be symbolized as di, and the second location can be symbolized as df. The subscript i stands for initial, and the subscript f stands for final, another physics convention. Putting our different symbols together, we have: Δd = df - di = (20.3 - 20) miles = 0.3 miles and: Δt = tf - ti = 2 minutes Finding the Average Speed For the dog trotting along the highway: Δd = 0.3 mile and Δt = 2 minutes
  • 20.
    When we insertthese numbers into our equation for average speed, equation 2.1, we get a result: vave = 0.3 mile/2 minutes = 0.15 mile/minute This is equivalent to nine miles per hour. Not too slow for a domesticated animal! You can use any units you wish in your answer, as long as they have the right dimensions. For speeds, the units always have a dimension of a length over a time. The specific unit to use, such as miles per hour or meters per second, depends on the situation. Suppose you drive alongside the dog at the same speed. If your car has a speedometer that gives km/hour, you would see the dog's speed in those units. (One kilometer, abbreviated km, is equal to 1000 m.) We can use conversion factors to convert the speed to any other units, say, km/hour: vave = (0.15 miles/minute)(1.6 km/mile)(60 minutes/1 hour) = 14.4 km/hour Speed, Time, or Distance? We can turn the speed problem inside out. Say we know an object's average speed. Then, we can ask, how long does it take to travel a certain distance? The answer is: Time spent = distance traveled/average speed Or, using the symbols from equation 2.1: Δt = Δd/vave (equation 2.2) For example, suppose that we shine a powerful laser at the Moon on a cloudless night. How long does it take this light to reach the Moon, which is around 385,000,000 meters away? (This will be an estimate, since Δd, the Earth-Moon distance, varies a little bit throughout the month and the year.)
  • 21.
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  • 22.
    dangerous to itssafety. This is the natural right of all nations, and particularly of free countries, where the general welfare of the community is the supreme law. While, however, a commerce remains lawful, the citizen embarks in it with the same right to expect protection as in any other lawful occupation; for a Government to refuse it, is a violation of that fundamental principle in free government; that protection on the part of the Government is the basis of support on the part of the citizen. If we are unable or unwilling to interpose in behalf of our citizens, when their personal rights have been invaded—their property captured and condemned under principles unknown to the law of nations—let us give up the farce of pretending to self-government, and go back to the degraded state of colonies. The ground of difference between the United States and Great Britain is too well known for me to dwell on this part of the subject. It has been stated on this floor by a gentleman from Massachusetts, in terms clear, forcible, and manly. The impressment and detention of our seamen is an injury which has justly excited the indignation of the people of America for the last ten years. Every attempt to arrest by negotiation this serious injury has failed, and each year adds new victims to the roll of impressed seamen. The recent captures of American property to the amount of six millions of dollars, under doctrines new and manifestly unjust, is a serious injury to the individuals and to the community. And although I have no doubt, as has been eloquently stated on this floor, that American merchants have in some instances disgraced that character by covering the property of the enemies of Great Britain, I am equally certain that the injuries done to bona fide American merchants, trading fairly on American capital, are sufficiently numerous to justify and demand the interposition of this Government. While, however, I have no doubt as to the right of the citizen on the one hand to demand protection, and of the duty of the Government on the other to extend it to him, I am willing to acknowledge all the difficulties of our present situation. I consider it no disgrace to this infant nation to say we are not able to meet on
  • 23.
    the ocean anation—a match on that element for all the world combined. I hope the period will never arrive when the substance of the citizen here shall be squandered on a navy competent to meet on the ocean the navy of Great Britain. Separated from the rest of the world, at too great a distance to fear invasion, possessing a country abounding with productions valuable to the different nations of Europe with whom we have commercial relations—if we are not able to meet on the ocean Great Britain or any other European power, we can say to them all, Respect in your intercourse with us the principles of justice, or we hold no intercourse with you; if you will not traffic with us on principles that are fair, we will neither receive your manufactures, nor send to you our productions. We are now for the first time about to test this principle so important to a nation jealous of fleets and armies. Of the various measures of the kind which may be resorted to—high discriminating duties—a prohibition of certain enumerated articles, a general prohibition, and as a dernier resort a suspension of all intercourse, are the remedies within our reach. It is a mere question of convenience and expediency to which of these we shall resort. I should prefer for myself, as a first step, the mildest. It is not, in my opinion, the interest of this nation to dissolve at a single blow its commercial connection with Great Britain. The commerce, if carried on, on principles that are fair, is mutually advantageous to the two countries. In Great Britain we find the best market for our most valuable productions, and with us she finds the best market for her manufactures. To prohibit, at a single blow, imports to the amount of thirty-five millions of dollars, however injurious it might be to the manufacturers of Great Britain, would certainly be a serious injury to our own citizens. I cannot but hope that a milder measure will cause the British Government to respect our rights and pursue a course manifestly dictated by a regard to its own interest. If, however, Great Britain is so lost to her own interest as to persevere in a system of injustice calculated to deprive her of the best market for her manufactures—a market daily increasing, with the increasing population of this infant country—let us on our part proceed with that caution and moderation, which shall evince that the course we
  • 24.
    are determined topursue is founded on principle, and will never be abandoned until our wrongs are redressed. I am willing to adopt for the present a prohibition of enumerated articles; if that shall fail, to pass hereafter a total prohibition, and finally, to put forth our whole strength, and say, we hold no future intercourse with you; but dissolve for ever all commercial relations with a nation, which takes for its national law the base principle of necessity, and makes itself the exclusive judge of that necessity. Mr. Nicholson said he had been desirous for some days to offer to the committee his opinions on the subject now under consideration; but as other gentlemen had manifested a similar disposition, he had yielded the floor to them. It was now his intention to offer such remarks as appeared to him pertinent. The resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gregg,) in his opinion, was objectionable in all its parts. There was no point of light in which he could view it, in which objections did not present themselves. He read and commented on the preamble; the style of which he said he did not like, because, instead of a spirit of amity and conciliation, it breathed little less than defiance. While we profess to speak the language of peace, we declare to Great Britain, that unless she will meet us at that precise point which we think proper to mark, we will, in the words of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, stab her in the vitals. While we declare that we approach her as friends, yet our style is that of an enemy. The olive branch that is held out conceals a dagger in its boughs. This threatening manner he said was not calculated to preserve peace in private life, and how could it be expected to succeed between nations? Did gentlemen imagine that Great Britain, even surrounded as she was by her enemies, was yet so tame as to submit to threats? Was the character of her first Minister so little known, as to induce a belief that he would tremble at the rod held over him? No, sir, they are not sunk so low; and if we really wish for an amicable adjustment of our differences, we ought to proceed as friends and not as enemies. A mere commercial regulation, he said, might not, perhaps, produce war; it was the threat held out in the preamble,
  • 25.
    and the hostilitymanifested on the floor of the House of Representatives, that were calculated to wound the national pride of Britain, and, therefore, to excite enmity between the two countries. What does the preamble say? We have marked a point from which we will not recede, and to which we demand that you shall come; if you do not, we strike at your most essential interests; in the language of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, we will stab you in your vitals. Is this the way to conciliate? Is this your method of opening a negotiation? Believe me, sir, instead of presenting the olive branch, we carry a firebrand that will kindle a flame which we may find it difficult to extinguish. Great Britain will feel all this—she will at once ask, is it fair, is it manly, is it honorable to threaten me now, when I am contending for all that is dear to me? Will you insult me in my distress, and while you sustain my enemy on one hand, with the other endeavor to unnerve the arm which you acknowledge is raised in defence of its own existence? If the subsequent parts of the resolution were unobjectionable, the preamble itself would determine me against the whole. To preserve peace, let us proceed to our object in a peaceable manner. If, indeed, gentlemen are for war, then they are right in advocating this measure. The resolution, he said, embraced two points: the one related to the carrying trade; the other to the impressment of American seamen. The latter had always been a source of great anxiety to him. No man in America had deplored the evil more than he did, and none should be more ready to apply the remedy, when an effectual remedy could be devised. To him, however, it was a matter of no little surprise, that gentlemen had so long slept upon a subject, on which they now appeared to manifest so much zeal. He himself twice proposed measures with a view to obtain redress, but he had not been able to carry them through the House. Gentlemen, who now zealously volunteered their services, rendered him no assistance then. At the last session he had introduced a bill on the subject, and such were the variety of objections to it, that it was committed and recommitted several times. Difficulties presented themselves from all
  • 26.
    quarters; alterations andamendments innumerable were adopted, until finally it was shuffled through the House, in so imperfect a state that it was not worth the time which had been spent on it. Strong measures were not then the order of the day, nor would they be now, if the impressment of American seamen was the only ground of complaint. Great Britain has pursued this practice for ten or twelve years past, but these patriotic merchants, who are now so clamorous, presented you with no memorials on the subject. No, sir. It is the carrying trade alone, which has covered your tables with the memorials of the merchants, because their interests are affected, and it is out of this that the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania has grown. Although I do not admit the correctness of the principle assumed by Great Britain, in relation to the carrying trade, yet I am willing to acknowledge that with me it is an object of secondary importance only, when compared with the other violations of our flag, in the impressment of our seamen. I have thus endeavored to show with what success the committee must determine, that, by adopting this resolution, we hazard a war; that the course of commerce will be materially, suddenly, and, therefore, injuriously changed; that inasmuch as we cannot procure from other countries many important articles with which Britain supplies us, the revenue will be much diminished; and that the value of our own products will be lessened to an incalculable amount. Having been a considerable time on the floor, I feel extremely exhausted, and will, therefore, close my remarks, although it was my wish to have said much more on this subject; particularly to point out the different effects to be produced by the adoption of the measure now under discussion, and that which was submitted by myself. To my own proposition, however, I am not exclusively attached. I have thought and do still think it the best which has been proposed. This I trust will be the opinion of the House. Believing the conduct of Great Britain towards this country not to be justified, I am willing to unite in such measures as may induce her to do us justice. But I will not go to the extent proposed in this resolution, because I am persuaded it will operate much more
  • 27.
    injuriously upon ourselves,than upon those whom we intend to affect by it. Mr. Macon.—Mr. Chairman, I feel myself bound by the call which has been made by three gentlemen from Pennsylvania, (Messrs. Gregg, Smilie, and Findlay,) with whom I have long been in the habit of friendship, a friendship on my part sincere, to state the reasons which will govern my conduct on this occasion; whether they may be satisfactory to others or not, they are perfectly so to me. That a difference of opinion subsists between the members with regard to the measures best adapted to the present crisis of our affairs, is evident from the number of resolutions on your table. An attempt has been made to liken this resolution to one agreed to in 1793; but are they alike? I think not. That was general, and operated alike on every part of the Union, while this, in my opinion, is special, and will only operate on one part of the Union; and this partial operation will be severely felt by that section of the country which I in part represent. Besides this clear difference in the two resolutions, will not all the three gentlemen agree that there is a great and striking difference in our affairs with Great Britain—in 1793 and now? Her motives may be as unfriendly now as then; but I speak of facts known to all, not of motives; she then held the western posts, she then detained an immense property belonging to the Southern people, both in violation of the treaty of peace. She then instigated the Indians to war on the frontiers, and then, as at this time, impressed our sailors and captured our vessels; besides, the United States had not then relinquished the principle, that free ships should make free goods. In relinquishing this principle, they, in a great measure lost sight of the carrying trade, by peaceable means; but, if gentlemen wish to turn to Europe, they will find that, in 1793, the treaties of Pavia and Pilnitz were in force. Let the facts which I have stated be compared with those of the present day, and all must confess that there is a very considerable difference. I have said this much to show that there is no analogy in the facts of the present time and those of 1793, and that there is no change of opinion in me. If, however, I am mistaken, it is an honest mistake.
  • 28.
    This nation, inmy opinion, must take her choice of two alternatives: to be happy and contented without war, and without internal taxes; or to be warlike and glorious, abounding with what is called honor and dignity, or in other words taxes and blood. If it be the first, the people will continue to enjoy that which they have hitherto enjoyed—more privileges than have fallen to the lot of any nation with whose history we are acquainted; they will, as they have done, live plentifully on their farms, and such as choose, will carry on a fair trade, by exchanging our surplus productions for such foreign articles as we may want. If we take the other ground we shall, I fear, pursue the same career, which has nearly, or quite ruined all the other nations of the globe. Look at the people of England, legally free, but half their time fighting for the honor and dignity of the Crown, and the carrying trade, and see whether they have gained any thing by all their battles for the nation except taxes, and these they have in the greatest abundance. Look also at France, before the Revolution, and we shall see a people possessing a fertile country and fine climate, having the honor to fight, and be taxed as much as they could bear, for the glory and dignity of the grand monarque. Let us turn from these two great nations, and view Switzerland during the same period; though not powerful like the others, we shall see the people free and happy without wars, contented at home, because they had enough to live comfortably on, and not overtaxed. The history of these three nations ought to convince us that public force and liberty cannot dwell in the same country. I mean not to impute improper motives to any one, nor to examine the Journal after changes, though I am perfectly willing to have it thumbed over, from the day I took a seat in the House to the present, after my name; and if, on examination, it shall appear that I have changed my political principles, or have not uniformly adhered to them, I am willing to bear the name of a political hypocrite. I have formerly been, on very great questions, in very small minorities; on a most important question, in a minority not sufficient to command the yeas and nays. I will say no more on this subject;
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    nothing can bemore disagreeable than to talk about one’s self, and nothing could justify it but the call which has been made; perhaps I have already said too much on it, but it was impossible to say less. The dispute with Great Britain is most unquestionably for the carrying trade; a trade which is less beneficial to the nation than any other, and a trade which has produced most of our disputes with foreign nations, and it is the only trade that requires expensive protection. Will any one contend that this trade is half as important as the coasting trade? This cannot and will not be contended, for every one knows that the coasting is the best trade. It not only exchanges the products of one part of the nation for those of another, but it also tends, by making us better acquainted with each other, to connect us more intimately, and to make every part harmonize for the public good. The trade which I consider the next best for a nation to carry on, is the direct trade for home consumption, by which the surplus produce of one country is exchanged for that of another; and in this as in every branch of trade, this great rule will be adhered to—buy cheap and sell dear if you can. With the coasting and direct trade agriculture is more nearly connected than with any other. But a nation may be agricultural without being commercial. The Swiss cantons and Milan were of this description, and it may be remarked that Milan is the most populous country in Europe. China is said to be of the same character; but, as little is known of that country, I shall not quote it to establish a fact which is clearly established by the other two. A country may also be commercial without being highly agricultural, as was the case with Venice and some other European powers. But let us pursue that system which our own experience has proved to be the best for the United States; for, since the adoption of the present constitution, and before this day, we have had trying times. It will be remembered, that during the French Revolution, we had complaints against France. Her government issued orders of which we justly complained; one of them, I believe, declared all the productions and manufactures in Great Britain to be contraband of war; this, if executed, would have nearly cut off all communication with a nation
  • 30.
    with whom wecarried on the greatest trade. What did we then do? We sent ministers to France, with two of whom she refused to have any intercourse, but pretended to be willing to negotiate with the other. All the ministers finally returned home, and we took half-way measures against her, which are the worst of all measures, and which produced a sort of half war, which I believe injured us more than her—for besides the actual expense, which may be estimated at not less than $10,000,000, it nearly ruined the agricultural people by reducing the price of produce; flour it reduced from twelve and fourteen dollars per barrel to six; and tobacco, from ten and twelve dollars per hundred to three; and it had no doubt the same effect on other articles of exportation. And how were we relieved from these evils? We again sent ministers, who were received, and they made a treaty. Besides what has been before stated of the conduct of Great Britain, it will not be forgotten that she declared all France in a state of blockade, and this order would have cut off all commercial intercourse with her, who then wanted much of our produce. To Great Britain, also, a minister was sent, and he made a treaty. I am now desirous that the same steps should be pursued before we adopt decisive measures. We once laid an embargo, of which we tired. This shows the necessity of acting cautiously, and of taking no measures which we cannot adhere to. All the gentlemen who have supported the resolution now under consideration, have expressed doubts whether it would produce greater effects on Britain or ourselves. This is surely doubting its policy, and if its policy be doubted by its friends, what ought to be the result of our inquiries, especially when it is believed that its adoption will materially injure one part of the country, and that part entirely agricultural? Does the public good, about which we have heard so much, require that a measure which its friends seem to think of doubtful policy, ought to be adopted, when none can doubt but it will injure, if not sacrifice, the real interest of a part of the community? Examine the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and it will, at one glance, show from what quarter the great export is made to Great Britain; cut off the import, and you will lessen the price of the export, if it shall be exported. But we are told that we are bound to protect commerce,
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    meaning, I suppose,that this resolution must be adopted. Then if we are really bound, and there is no discretion, nothing of expediency, there is no occasion for this investigation. But gentlemen well know, that on every question, discretion may and will be exercised. But have we really done nothing for commerce and navigation? On this subject I can confidently appeal to those most interested. What, since the adoption of the present constitution, has made this the second commercial nation in the world? Before that we had but little claim to the character of a commercial people. Have not the protecting duties on the tonnage of foreign vessels, and on goods imported in them, produced the effect? They have secured to our vessels the carrying our own productions, which encourages navigation in proportion to their bulk. Let gentlemen inquire the number of cargoes which tobacco and cotton alone furnish the American vessels. Besides this encouragement given to navigation, has not a law been passed to favor the fisheries, and thereby to form sailors for the use of the merchant service? It may be right here to observe that I neither approved nor voted for that law, but no attempt has ever been made to repeal it. This is the encouragement by which, during a time of peace, we have become the second commercial nation in the world, and this too in the short space of time since the adoption of the present constitution—say, if you please, since the 3d of March, 1789. One consequence, a little curious, is produced by this encouragement, which is this: When Europe is at peace, the protecting duties prevent any competition by foreign vessels to carry our productions, and when at war, so many of our vessels carry for the belligerent nations, that freight is nearly as high with us as it is with them, so that what the agricultural people pay in time of peace to encourage, they lose the benefit of when Europe is at war, and when it is most wanted. Among the arguments urged to show the effect of this measure on Great Britain, one is that it will ensure us a powerful aid in that country; that the British merchants and manufacturers, whose interests will be seriously affected, will give you all their assistance. This argument has been completely answered by a gentleman from
  • 32.
    Georgia, (Mr. Early.)But if gentlemen really calculate to make friends on the other side of the water, it seems to me that a different plan would produce more effect. Cut off all intercourse between them and us, and adhere to the plan long enough, and you will find the merchants and manufacturers of England joined by all the inhabitants of the West Indies, to have the intercourse opened. The Assembly of Jamaica have acknowledged that they cannot get supplies in plenty except from the United States; but this plan would operate as much on beef, pork, fish, and flour, as on tobacco or cotton. But this would be too strong for them, while they are desirous to adopt a measure which will have the same effect on cotton and tobacco. What is this but a sacrifice of a part of the agricultural interests of the country to what they believe will be a protection for the carrying trade? I should like it quite as well if the attempt was not to be made solely at the risk of one part of the Union. The evil is felt in one part, but the remedy is to be applied in another. Adopt general measures, which will operate equally in every part of the country, and if the shoe is to pinch, let it pinch all alike, and all will then be willing to have it off as soon as possible. I am willing to acknowledge that a dollar got by this carrying trade, and made the property of the nation, is just as good as a dollar got any other way, even by the cultivation of land. But does it follow from thence that you are to make more sacrifices to get the dollar in that way than it is worth? I think not. The adoption of the resolution, besides its unjust and partial operation, will considerably affect the revenue, and no ways and means are proposed to meet any deficiency. On the present question we risk a revenue of ten millions of dollars raised on the consumption of foreign articles in the Union, to gain—what? (I speak only of revenue) an additional sum of $850,000, which additional sum you will lose as soon as you depart from your neutrality. It is asked again and again, if we have not a right to the trade about which so much has been said? If the doctrine that free ships should make free goods had obtained, there could be no doubt on the question; but I mean not to examine the right but the effect of the resolution; nor do I mean to deny that the
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    trade is ofsome use to the nation. Merchants would not so anxiously pursue it, if they made no profit by it; and their profit adds to the national stock, and may affect the price of native articles offered for sale. I am also willing to acknowledge that a cargo of flour or any other native production sent to the West Indies, and there fairly exchanged for sugar, and the sugar brought home, that the sugar is as much ours as the produce of our own soil, and this sugar so obtained we have a right to carry to those that may want it. But the question before the committee is not a question of right, but of expediency. Is the protection which will be given to this carrying trade, by the adoption of the resolution, of that sort and of such certainty, as to justify the adoption of a measure, which will operate excessively hard on one part of the Union? The right of deposit at New Orleans before we purchased the country, was certainly as well established as our right to carry coffee and sugar to France and Spain, or any where else—it was a right acknowledged by treaty. But when the deposit was refused, what did we do? we took pacific measures, and succeeded. We heard then much about honor and dignity, and that it was our duty to enforce our right by arms; but notwithstanding all this, we adopted no measure like the present; we then acted for the general welfare. Does it follow, because I am opposed to the resolution, that I am unwilling for our citizens to own vessels? It does not. I am willing they may have as many as they please, and do as they please with them, so that they do not involve the nation in war by them. On this subject the interests of the husbandman in New Hampshire and Georgia are the same. The gentleman who introduced the resolution expressed a wish that no party or geographical feelings should be brought into the debate. If there was no cause for geographical feelings, why then wish, or why anticipate them? Let the report of the Secretary of the Treasury be examined, and it will be seen that there is cause for this feeling; indeed, the statement, made from that document by a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) must have convinced all of the partial operation of the resolution. On the first page of the report it appears, that the annual exports to Great Britain and her
  • 34.
    dependencies are estimatedat about $15,690,000, of which sum, tobacco and cotton alone make $8,860,000; it also appears, that we exported to the dominions of Great Britain in Europe, for each of the three years ending on 30th September:—in 1802, the sum of $12,066,521; and that cotton, tobacco, rice, pitch, tar and rosin, made of that sum $8,485,762; in 1803, the sum of $16,459,264, and that the same articles made of that sum, $11,912,493; in 1804, the sum of $11,787,659, and that the same articles made of that sum, $9,443,807. These articles are selected, because they are the produce of one section of the Union. The same part of the country produces the following articles in common with other parts of the nation, but the proportion of each is not known:—flour, wheat, beef, pork, staves, heading, boards, plank, scantling, timber, flaxseed, skins, wax, hams, bacon, turpentine, spirits, lard, and Indian meal, and I may add, pickled fish; some of these articles are carried to the Middle and perhaps to the Eastern States, and are there exported, or consumed; and, if consumed, enable them to export more of their own productions. It has also been said, that if we adopt the resolution, and cannot get what we want from Great Britain, we will manufacture for ourselves. This sounds well on this floor, but I very much doubt the practicability of making this nation manufacture for itself, while we have land enough for every industrious citizen to become a landholder, and a cultivator of the soil. Connecticut and Massachusetts have tried the experiment, and both without success, and both on articles in which it was most likely to succeed; if these States, with their population, could not succeed, what chance of success is there in other States? The practicability ought to be satisfactorily shown before we enter on the plan. It may, as has been said, prevent our wives from wearing silk gowns, and ourselves from wearing broadcloth; whether it will produce this effect is quite uncertain; fashion is as great a tyrant as any we have to contend with; it will, I fear, be difficult to destroy its influence by legislating. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) and myself, plain as
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    we are, areboth obliged in some degree to yield to it; we can no more contend with it, than we can fly to Europe. I come now to that part of the subject where every man must feel the injury done to his fellow-citizens; I mean the impressment of our seamen. Is there a father who does not feel this? No; not one in the nation; and that man who shall devise a certain remedy for this evil, will deserve the thanks of his country; he will, indeed, be its greatest benefactor; he, like the impressed sailor, will have a place in the tenderest part of the hearts of his countrymen. If a plan to prevent this injury was only made known, the very knowledge of the plan would put an end to the injury. But can gentlemen seriously believe that the adoption of the resolution will produce this effect? The means are not adequate to the end, I conceive; at least, it remains to be shown that they are. I will, without hesitation, state what I believe to be the best remedy for the evil. It is this: to agree with Great Britain that neither country shall employ the sailors of the other; and to agree, also, on the proof that shall be required on both sides; we might expect that Great Britain would adhere to an agreement of this kind, because it would be her interest to do so, and on her interest alone, I should rely. In considering this subject, we must look at things as they really are, and not as we would wish them to be. The British Government exercise the right, or rather the power, of impressing their sailors; and, I believe, in time of war, of prohibiting their going into foreign service. Under these circumstances, it may be advisable for us not to employ them, notwithstanding we may do it with their consent, especially if it would prevent their impressing our countrymen. If the merchants really be the friends of the American sailors, they would willingly agree to such a regulation. If they would not be willing, is it not clear they would employ British sailors at the risk of having ours impressed? On this subject it might not be improper to state that I have been informed, in some parts of the world, certificates of persons being American citizens are sold, and that the market has been well supplied. I have also been informed that a British officer in Philadelphia actually procured one for the purpose of enabling him
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    to go home.This favored Great Britain. I have given this information, to show that others, besides citizens, may obtain certificates. Impressments, I fear, can only be prevented by negotiation; indeed, I have heard that the two Governments have been engaged on this interesting subject. I hope it will be resumed, and that it will end in securing to our countrymen their safety on the ocean. We are told that the nation calls for strong measures, that the President has recommended them, and that men of the greatest talents think them requisite. This may be true, but as I have neither seen nor heard of this call of the nation, and as I do not know the opinions of others, I shall certainly pursue my own. The first Message of the President to Congress, most unquestionably pointed as strong towards Spain as it did to Great Britain; and, hitherto, but little has been said about the usage we received from her. But the recommendation of the President alone, is not always a good reason for legislating, I apprehend, because every President has recommended subjects for the consideration of Congress, on which no act was ever passed. If ever the liberties of this nation are destroyed by strong measures, it will be when the recommendation of the President shall alone be deemed good cause for their adoption. At present, we have choice of all the resolutions on the table, notwithstanding all that has been said in favor of the one now under consideration. No doubt can be entertained, but the mover of each thinks his own the best. From the number, it would seem there was no difficulty in finding remedies for the injuries we have received. Again: we must adopt this resolution, or we shall be degraded. This is no new phrase to me; I have formerly heard it so often, and on so many occasions, that I have become a sort of a skeptic on it. We shall not be degraded by living in peace with all the world. We shall not be degraded by not following the example of the European nations, by rushing into war, on every opportunity that may offer. War is nothing but another name for blood and taxes; we shall not be degraded, being free and happy at home; but we shall be
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    degraded, if wefail in paying the national debt, or if we refuse to observe treaties constitutionally made. This will be the worst kind of degradation, because it will proceed from a want of morality. In order to induce us to adopt the resolution, we are seriously told that the revenue is derived from commerce. This I deny, and say that it is derived from the whole labor of the community. Stop the laborer in his field, and the revenue is gone. Commerce is useful, it is the means by which our productions are exchanged for the productions of other countries. It has been said that the land tax overthrew one Administration; adopt this measure, and you may possibly overthrow another. I doubt whether the gentleman who made the assertion is altogether correct in point of fact; it may have aided, but other laws were passed, which undoubtedly had more effect, and were more obnoxious in the part of the country where I live. I mean the attempt to raise an army without an actual war; an army of officers, almost without soldiers; the Alien and Sedition laws. It was also said, we were pledged to protect this carrying trade. This reminds me of what I once heard said before, which is this: that we were pledged to pay the salaries of certain judges, after the law was repealed under which they were appointed. I believe we are as much pledged in one case as in the other, and not more; I know of nothing binding in this country, except the constitution and the laws. A majority of both Houses of Congress may pass a law to give the carrying trade what protection they please, and that law will be binding. We are also called on to become the champions of the laws of nations, as if all nations would at once agree with us what these laws really are, and as if a majority of them adhered to their principles; when we know that scarcely a nation in Europe pays any regard to them; and that they will, at different times, entertain different opinions on the same subject. Have not most of them formerly declared, that free ships should make free goods, and have not some of the same nations since given up the principle? Before we undertake this business, would it not be prudent to endeavor to ascertain the opinions of other nations, whose interest may be most like our own?
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    I wish noalliance with any of them; but, if all the nations of Europe should be willing to yield the principle which we are desirous to maintain, no man will be mad enough to say we ought to contend for it. There is certainly a great difference of opinion as to the nature of the measure. Some think it a war measure; others that it may lead to war, and others again, consider it entirely pacific. Without attempting now to inquire which of the three opinions is most correct, it is sufficient for me, that I believe it will not produce the effect intended, and that its operation on the United States will be partial. If, however, it should be adopted, and produce war, that war we must support with all our strength; and if it produce a good effect, I, for one, will rejoice as much as any man in this House. A great many appeals have been made to the spirit of 1776; that spirit was not only the spirit of liberty, but also of magnanimity and justice; all the measures then taken operated equally on every part of the Union. It is said, this is the right time to settle all our disputes with Great Britain, because she is now hard pushed. If we wish to make a treaty that may be lasting, we ought not to take any unjust advantage of her situation; if we do, whenever she shall be free from her present embarrassments, she will be discontented and restless under it, and never satisfied until she gets clear of it. The true rule for us, is to take no advantage, and in all cases to act justly. I agree in opinion with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smilie,) that war destroys the morals of the people. Hence I was greatly surprised when he followed this correct sentiment with an assertion that he would rather have war than loss of national honor. This thing called national honor has ruined more than half the people in the world, and has almost banished liberty and happiness from Europe. Destroy the morals of the people, and we may play over such a game of war as has been played in France; nothing less than to perpetuate the liberty and happiness of the nation ought to induce us to go to war.
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    It is alittle remarkable that the United States have, since the adoption of the present constitution, become the second commercial power in the world; when, if we believe the public prints, she has lost capital enough to have ruined the most wealthy nation in Europe. Million after million is lost, and yet her prosperity is unrivalled, either in ancient or modern times. I know full well that, according to the opinions of the writers on the laws of nations, we have just cause of war against Great Britain. I also know as well, that we have heretofore had as good a cause of war against both Great Britain and France. We then preferred peace—the result has been prosperity. What destroyed the prosperity and liberty of Venice, of Genoa, and of Holland? Wars, and wars, too, generally undertaken to protect the carrying trade. Tuesday, March 11. Importation of British Goods. Mr. Macon.—Much has been said about the spirit of the nation, and that we are far behind it—meaning, I suppose, those who oppose the resolution. As to my part, I know not how the spirit of the nation has been ascertained. There is no manifestation of it on the table. It is, however, true, that two towns have sent resolutions pledging their lives and fortunes to support whatever measures Congress may adopt. There are, also, several memorials from the merchants and insurance companies; but if gentlemen take these for the manifestation of the national spirit, they are, I think, mistaken. The national spirit is to be found nowhere but among those who are to fight your battles. These people may, for aught I know, be of that number. They may have been before Tripoli, and they may now be ready to enter into the army or navy. Addresses, we well know, will not fight battles, nor fill regiments. We have seen, in former days, the Speaker’s table loaded with addresses from almost every part of the Union, pledging, also, their lives and fortunes to support any measures that the then Administration might adopt. What was done?
  • 40.
    Among other acts,one was passed to raise twelve regiments of infantry. There was no difficulty in getting officers—unless, indeed, it was to make the selection out of the great number who applied—but how was it about privates? Instead of getting enough for the twelve regiments, scarcely enough for four could be enlisted. At that time, too, we heard a great deal about the spirit of the nation, and saw a something of the spirit then talked of, in a corps called the —— Blues. Those who then spoke of the spirit of the nation were deceived. They took the vaporings of the towns and the noise of the addressers to be really the spirit of the nation. But, be assured, sir, that whenever the spirit of this nation shall move, every individual, in every department of the government, will move too. The ocean must be considered a common and undivided property, to which each nation has a right; hence the difficulty of affording the same security and protection there as on land, where each knows the spot where his dominion ends and his neighbor’s begins. It is vain, therefore, the real situation of the United States being considered, to expect from her that perfect protection on the ocean which she can afford within her territorial limits. I believe this cannot be done, even to that part of the ocean from whence we get our exports. Other nations also frequent the same place, for the same purpose. This, like the rest, is joint property. Not so with our land, no nation pretends to claim a right to cultivate that. The gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Elliot) has told us, that by adopting the resolution we shall encourage other European nations to manufacture for us. It is, I conceive, quite enough for the agricultural part of the community to pay their money to encourage the manufactures of this country. It is as much as I am willing to do. But what certainty have we, if we adopt the resolution, and give the proposed encouragement, that any of them will leave their present occupation, be that what it may, to take our advice? Each one of them may think that their interest is as well understood at home as we can possibly understand it.
  • 41.
    The gentleman fromMassachusetts (Mr. Bidwell) stated the case of our prisoners at Tripoli, as a case in point. He is, I think, mistaken. We were at open war with that power, when the frigate Philadelphia unfortunately struck on the rocks in the harbor of Tripoli. The result is known. The enemy got possession of the vessel, and the crew were made prisoners of war. There then existed a state of actual war between the United States and the Tripolitans. In the present case we have just cause of complaints against Britain, and are endeavoring to have them settled by negotiation. I will state a case which seems to me to compare better with the situation of our unfortunate countrymen who may be now impressed on board the British ships of war. It is the case of Captain O’Brian and his crew, who were captured by the Algerines, and remained with them so long, that I believe the captain, in the latter part of the time, dated all his letters to his friends by the year of his captivity. I have understood they suffered as much as any people could bear. We had then, I believe, no addresses, no resolutions, nor memorials from the merchants and insurance companies. But this case may not be thought to apply to that part of our complaints which relate to the capture of our vessels, carrying coffee and sugar to France and Spain, by the British armed ships. I will state one which I think has some; it is the case of Scott, of South Carolina, which has been decided in this House. He claimed pay for property taken by the Indians at a time when no open and declared war existed. He got nothing from the national Government. The United States in a treaty gave the property up to the Indians. I believe, at the time it was taken, some hostilities had been committed. Permit me here to observe, that no agent was appointed by the Government to endeavor to recover this property, and that I well recollect, when the claim was under debate, that it was stated by a member of the House that one of the Indian agents had got the treaty, at his desire, so formed, as to relinquish a claim for the property. I have endeavored to confine my observations to the resolution now under consideration, and to answer some of the arguments urged in its support; though I confess, that, while examining this, I
  • 42.
    have also paidsome attention to the others on the table. I wish gentlemen, before they vote, would seriously consider whether this is the best. I think it is not. When we reflect on the happiness we enjoy, the prosperity of the nation, the growth of the villages, towns, and cities, the improving state of agriculture, the number of turnpike roads, bridges, and canals, which are undertaken in many parts of the Union, and that one improper act may alter for a time this happy state, and retard every improvement, we ought to be cautious before we change the ground on which we stand. Complaints have been made of delay on this important subject; they are, in my opinion, without foundation. It required serious deliberation and no time has been lost. It is always far better to decide rightly than quickly. It is immaterial to other nations what estimate we form of our own strength—there are two rules by which they will judge: the number of men and the state of the treasury. Indeed, it seems of late to have become a maxim in war, that the longest purse is the longest sword. It is true that we have a single million in the treasury to spare; it is equally true that resolutions are before us, which, if adopted, will require at least that sum to carry them into execution. In this situation, ought we to take measures which may endanger the revenue without providing ways and means to meet any deficiency? We talk of war with an almost empty treasury; no two things can be less connected, except that they are both bad. I have stated that which appeared to me to be the best plan to secure our seamen from impressment; but the man who shall actually produce the plan which shall have the effect, will deserve the gratitude of the nation. In this time of difficulty we are all embarked in the same ship; my ardent prayer is, that whatever shall be done, may promote the interest and happiness of all. Mr. G. W. Campbell.—Mr. Chairman, I rise to submit to the committee some of the reasons that will govern my vote on the measure now under discussion. In doing this, it is not my intention to go over the various grounds taken in this debate, or to answer the several arguments that have been advanced, in support of
  • 43.
    principles to whichI am opposed. My object will be to lay before the committee such a view of the subject as I conceive best calculated to ascertain the true ground on which we stand, and the measures which, in the present crisis of our affairs, it would be advisable to adopt. I am not disposed, Mr. Chairman, to pursue measures that will crimson the American fields with the blood of her citizens, any more than other gentlemen who have spoken on this subject; nor am I willing that thousands of innocent persons should suffer distress and ruin, for the benefit of a few individuals—a few merchants; which, it has been stated, will be the effect of the measure before you; neither, sir, will I ever give my vote for any measure that shall appear to me calculated to sacrifice the agricultural interest of this nation to that of commerce, or have a tendency to enhance the latter at the expense of the former; and so far as the resolution before you appears to me likely to produce this effect, I shall oppose it. The people whom I have the honor to represent are chiefly agriculturists, and it will always be my wish and my pride, to support their interests, and to cherish and promote the agricultural interest of this country in general, so far as it may be in my power. But I am not, at the same time, prepared to see the nation suffer, without resistance, every indignity with which Great Britain may choose to treat her, and submit patiently to every aggression and outrage her cruisers, under her authority, may choose to commit on our citizens and our commerce. I conceive it our duty to take such measures as will prove to the world a determination on our part to resist injuries and maintain our rights. In regard to the commercial relations of this country with foreign powers, I deem it proper on this occasion to declare it as my opinion, which I have always entertained, that it would have been better for the American people, if Government had never given protection to commerce, out of sight of our own territory, or beyond the reach of our cannon from our shores. It would have been well for us, if the American flag had never floated on the ocean, under the authority of Government, to waft to this country the luxuries and vices of European nations that effeminate
  • 44.
    and corrupt ourpeople, to excite the jealousies and cupidity of those powers whose existence, in a great degree, depends on commerce, and to court, as it were, their aggressions, and embroil us in their unjust and bloody contests. If we had guarded against those pending evils by leaving commerce to seek her own protection, except within the limits of our own jurisdiction, we should have had a fair prospect of continuing to flourish a free, independent, and happy nation, much longer than I fear will be our destiny to do, if we continue to become more and more entangled in European politics and intrigues—to be subject to feel the effects of European convulsions, and national contests, in consequence of being deeply engaged in commercial relations with European powers. If we had adopted this policy, foreign nations would have vied with each other for our commerce and our friendship, and would convey the surplus productions of our country from our storehouses, and furnish us in return with those articles and manufactures of their countries, which our necessities or convenience might require; and we might then behold the collisions of the great powers on the continent of Europe, and their jarring interests contending for superiority, without endangering our peace or our happiness, and with no other inconvenience than the regret we might feel for the miseries and sufferings of that portion of the human family, with whom, however, we had no immediate connections. But, Mr. Chairman, we have assumed the character of a commercial nation, abroad as well as at home. Our Government has, in some degree, pledged the nation to protect commerce, and under this impression our citizens have embarked largely in trade, and made considerable progress therein. The enterprising spirit of our merchants has raised this nation to rank, in regard to commerce, the second in the world, and from this source also, our revenue is chiefly derived. Under these circumstances, I am not prepared to say this is the propitious moment to retrace our steps, and without even giving notice of our intention to do so, abandon our merchants and their property to the rapacity of a foreign nation. I conceive, on the contrary, it is our duty to afford them such protection as the
  • 45.
    resources of ourcountry, and the prospects we have heretofore held out, would authorize them to expect. In examining this subject, the first important inquiry that presents itself, is, in regard to the grounds of complaint which have occasioned the resolution before you to be proposed. There are two. First, the impressment of our seamen; and second, the unjust, and, as we believe, unauthorized aggressions committed on our commerce by the cruisers of Great Britain. If you look at the documents on your table, you will see that our seamen have been impressed by that nation for years past, without the color of right, and in a manner, which it is not pretended, on this floor, is authorized by justice, or sanctioned by the laws or usages of nations. They have been treated in the most inhuman manner, if information is to be relied upon; compelled to perform the hardest duty in her ships of war, and forced against their will to fight her enemies, who were at the same time on terms of friendship with us. They have been taken from sea to sea, and from place to place— from one country or island to another; shifted from ship to ship, and often sent to distant parts of the world, so as to place them beyond the research of their friends or their country, and put it out of the power of either to reclaim them, by producing the proofs required of their citizenship to obtain their liberation. It has been stated that Great Britain has always been willing to deliver up such impressed seamen as were proved to be bona fide American citizens. But this is a fallacious pretext on her part, from which little or no benefit can arise to us. She impresses our people, without inquiring in regard to their citizenship, or paying the least regard to their protections. Their friends knew not where to find them, the Government cannot ascertain where they are, and years sometimes pass before it is known whither they have been carried. It has, therefore, in most cases, been found impossible to procure their release, and restore them to their friends and their country; and there are at this moment, unjustly detained by that nation, between two and three thousand of our seamen; who have been impressed without any other pretext, than that they spoke the English language, or
  • 46.
    resembled, in theirpersons, the inhabitants of the British empire. Our Government has, in vain, remonstrated, time after time, on this subject to the Court of St. James. No satisfactory arrangements could be obtained, nor is there any fair ground to expect a change in the conduct of that Government in this respect. Complaints have been made and repeated in every quarter of the Union on this subject. The outrages committed on our citizens have made an impression on the public mind, that demands on our part the adoption of some decisive measure to correct the growing evil. It has, indeed, been said by some gentlemen on this floor, that there exists the prospect of the fair adjustment of our differences with Great Britain on this subject. I would ask those gentlemen, upon what information this opinion is founded? For myself, Mr. Chairman, I know of no just ground to authorize such expectation. The documents on your table do not justify a belief, that there is at this time the least prospect of adjustment. They inform us, there was once such a prospect, but that it has long since vanished; and so far as we can collect information from those documents, as well as from other sources, there is not to be found in the conduct of the British Ministers, the slightest foundation for a belief that they are disposed to relinquish the ground they have taken, unless it is rendered necessary by some effective measures on our part. I would then put it to gentlemen to say, if we are not at this time to take any step whatever, towards vindicating our violated rights, when will be the proper time for us to act? Have we not patiently endured those injuries long enough? And if not, how much longer must we tamely submit to them? What time can be more favorable than the present to resist them? Will it be when Great Britain has got into her possession a greater number of our seamen? When, instead of near three thousand, she will have gotten six, eight, or ten thousand? Will it then be a more proper time to make a stand—to call upon her by some efficient measure to do us justice—to treat us as an independent nation, or to tell her, that we will at least cease to treat her as a friend? I presume not, sir. I cannot conceive it proper that we should wait for such an event, before we make a stand in defence of our rights. On the contrary, it is my opinion, there can be
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    no time morelikely than the present, to render effectual any measures we may adopt. The present state of the war in Europe, which sufficiently occupies the great powers in that quarter, if properly considered, and its probable results, in regard to us, duly weighed, ought, it appears to me, to convince any man of reflection that this is the most favorable moment to insist on finally adjusting our differences on this subject with Great Britain. The right of our seamen to protection, while they sail under our flag is undeniable. It is a perfect right, as much so as the right to be protected within our houses, or in our carriages on the highway. You ought, therefore, never to abandon it, on any pretence whatever; nay, sir, you cannot abandon it, in justice to your citizens, unless, indeed, you are willing to surrender your independence as a nation. The ocean is a highway for all nations, over which no one power has exclusive jurisdiction. If you resign this right now to Great Britain, what reason have you to believe she will not push her demands further, and urge you to resign another, that may be still more important? It is high time that this business was brought to a final close, for if your seamen are to be seized wherever they are found on the ocean, you had better strip your ships of every sail they carry, confine your citizens within the limits of your own jurisdiction, to fight your own battles, should it become necessary, rather than see them exposed against their will, in fighting the battles of a foreign nation. The second ground of complaint is the aggressions committed on our commerce, contrary to the law of nations, and in violation of every principle of justice. Great Britain assumes to herself the right to interdict to neutral nations a commercial intercourse with the colonies of her enemies, except under such modifications as she has been pleased to prescribe. She justifies the capture of your vessels on the ground of their being engaged in a commerce, during the war, that was not open to them in time of peace. If this principle be once admitted as correct, and carried to the full extent of which it is capable, it will be found, in its consequences, almost wholly to destroy, not only the commerce of this country as a neutral, but that of every neutral nation in the world. You are told you must not in
  • 48.
    time of warexceed your accustomed traffic in time of peace. What is the consequence? War, in a great degree, destroys the trade which you were accustomed to enjoy in time of peace, as a great part of it becomes contraband of war; and this new principle shuts up all the avenues of commerce that were opened, in consequence of, or even during the war. What commerce, then, let me ask, will be left to the neutral? None, sir, that will deserve the name of commerce. But the reasons advanced in support of this principle, will go still further to show its destructive consequences. One of the reasons given why you must not carry on this trade, is, because it is beneficial to the enemies of Great Britain, as you thereby furnish them with provisions and other articles of merchandise, which relieve them from the pressure of the war, and prevent her from deriving all the benefits she otherwise would do, from her superiority at sea. If there is any solidity in this reasoning it will go the whole length to prohibit you from carrying the productions of your own farms to any nation the enemy of Great Britain. Your provisions, bread stuffs, beef, and pork, are surely as useful for carrying on war as the produce of the West India islands. She has hitherto, it is true, applied this reasoning only to the productions of the colonies, but it will equally apply to those of your own country. Hence, the injustice and absurdity of the principle must appear evident to every discerning and unprejudiced mind. But she has already, in carrying into effect her new principle, gone further than merely to prohibit neutrals from carrying colonial produce directly to the ports of her enemies. She has laid the groundwork to prevent you from carrying to those ports your own productions. Your vessels are seized and condemned for being engaged in conveying to her enemies colonial produce, which has been fairly purchased and paid for by your citizens, brought to this country, and, according to your revenue laws, made a part of the common stock of the nation. If there is a shade of difference in principle between this case and that in which the produce of your own farms should be captured on its way to the same enemy’s ports, it is as flimsy as can be conceived to exist. When your people have purchased the productions of other countries, and fairly paid for them; brought them into your own, and complied with your
  • 49.
    municipal regulations respectingthem, they become neutralized, and as much a part of the common stock of the nation as if they had been raised on your own farms; and the same principle that would inhibit you from carrying these to the ports of a belligerent, would, by parity of reasoning, prevent you from carrying to the same ports the productions of your own farms. But, Mr. Chairman, let us for a moment inquire whence Great Britain derives the right, according to any known principle of law or justice, to seize and condemn colonial produce, the property of a neutral, in consequence of its being destined for the ports of the parent State, her enemy? Strangers can acquire no rights against each other, in consequence of the domestic regulations relative to commerce, which a power independent of them may choose to establish. Suppose France, by law, in time of peace, should prohibit the importation of colonial produce to her ports, on the continent, except in her own vessels, Great Britain could have no right to capture an American vessel engaged in such trade. France alone could rightfully seize and condemn such vessel for the infraction of her laws; but no other power could have such right. Suppose such prohibitions removed by France during a war, and the trade declared lawful, could Great Britain thereby acquire a right to capture such vessels for being engaged in a trade now declared lawful, which she could not do when it was unlawful? Certainly she would not. Such doctrine would be contrary to the plainest dictates of reason and common sense. She had no right to capture such vessel while the prohibition continued, and she could not certainly acquire the right by such prohibition being removed. The intervention of war cannot alter the case, for the rights of neutrals, except as to contraband, remain the same in time of war as they were during peace. I must therefore consider this principle assumed by Great Britain as a flagrant violation of the law of nations, contrary to every principle of justice, and such as ought not to be sanctioned by this or any other independent nation. If you tamely submit in this instance, she will assuredly push her aggressions still further; encroach on your rights, step by step, as her convenience and interest may require, until she
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    has effectually destroyedyour commerce, and monopolized to herself the whole of its profits. That part of our commerce that becomes immediately subject to the operation of this new principle, has been stated as very unimportant, and under the name of the carrying trade, has been ridiculed as not meriting the notice of Government. A very few remarks however will, I apprehend, show that it is not so insignificant as has been represented. In our trade with Great Britain, there is a balance in her favor of nearly twelve millions of dollars. This balance must be paid out of the proceeds of the exports of the United States to other countries. Many of those countries that consume a great portion of our produce, cannot give us specie in return. Our merchants must, therefore, in all such cases, return the produce and manufactures of such countries instead of specie; and, as the quantity of foreign produce and goods thus received exceeds the amount necessary to supply the demands for consumption in this country, it becomes important that this surplus should be carried to other markets, where there is a demand for it, and where specie can be obtained in return. This has heretofore been done by our merchants, by first importing such foreign produce into our own country, and then re-exporting the same for a market; and by means of this trade alone have they been enabled to discharge the balance against us in our trade with Great Britain. The annual value of imports into the United States amounts to about seventy-five millions of dollars; of this, twenty-eight millions are re- exported to all parts of the world, and of that amount, eighteen millions go to the dominions of Holland, France, Spain, and Italy— the greater part of which is subject to capture by the new principle of the law of nations acted upon by Great Britain. This is the carrying trade, sir, which gentlemen have considered so unimportant as not to merit the attention of Government. Instead of estimating this trade at $850,000, as gentlemen have done, being the net revenue derived therefrom, (and which is not considered as paid by citizens of the United States,) it may fairly be estimated at nearly eighteen millions, or about one-fourth of the whole of your imports, nearly in the proportion of eighteen million to seventy-five. For if your merchants are not permitted to re-export the surplus foreign
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    produce to thosemarkets where there is a demand for it, it will remain on their hands and rot in their storehouses. This would also sink the price of your own produce, as there could not be a sufficient demand for it, because your merchants would not receive in return foreign produce. Your trade must, therefore, be diminished nearly in the proportion before stated. I ask gentlemen if this trade is cut off, how your merchants are to get specie to meet the balance in favor of Great Britain of twelve millions of dollars? If this cannot be done, your imports must diminish in proportion as the means of remittance fail, and your revenue must also feel the shock, and suffer in the same proportion as your importations are lessened. This is a view of the subject which I presume deserves at least the serious consideration of gentlemen, and I beg of them to pause before they agree to relinquish, without a struggle, this portion of our national rights—for, if you submit in this instance to the interdiction imposed by Great Britain of carrying colonial produce to the ports of her enemies, she will assuredly advance her pretensions, as already stated, still further, and insist on the right to prohibit you from supplying them with your own; and it may fairly be asked, on the ground she has taken, where is the difference between sending colonial produce to her enemies and sending your own produce? The quantum of injury to her, and of benefit to them, will be the same; and she will have nearly the same right to prohibit in the one case as in the other. This shows the necessity of taking some decisive step that will convince Great Britain that we are determined not to submit to these aggressions; that will tell her, in firm and manly language, thus far you may go, but not farther. On this subject, also, our Government has remonstrated to that of Great Britain without effect. No satisfactory arrangements could be obtained, and there is no greater prospect of an amicable adjustment of our differences with that nation at this moment than there was a year ago, nor have I any idea that we shall find ourselves in a better situation in this respect, one, two, or three years hence, if we tamely acquiesce, than we now are. There is, therefore, no ground for delay; we can derive no benefit from it; this is the time we ought to act, the most propitious that is likely to present itself.
  • 52.
    But, it isinsisted, this measure will produce war; I consider it entirely in the nature of a commercial regulation, and such as cannot, as already stated, give any just cause of war. But, it is asked, will Great Britain inquire whether it is, or is not, just cause of war? Will she not consider it so, because it is against her interest? If gentlemen will have it that Great Britain has abandoned every principle of justice, it is vain to expect she will, on any occasion, be governed by reason, or motives of propriety, in her conduct toward us; if she is totally regardless of common right, and governed by her interests alone, she waits only a more favorable opportunity to give our commerce a more deadly blow; and it is, therefore, high time to withdraw ourselves from all connections with her. But, I am not prepared to go this length; I cannot believe a great nation, who holds a dignified rank among the powers of the earth, would expose herself to the indignation and derision of the world, by abandoning all respect for justice and public right. I must believe she still retains some regard for her national honor; and, if not for her honor, she does for her interest: all that she could say, with any color of justice, would be, that she has the right to adopt other regulations on her part to counteract yours. Let us inquire into the effect of such regulations. She may say, your produce shall not go to her colonies, her islands, or any of her dominions. If she takes this measure, she will prepare the most effectual scourge for her own subjects. She will reduce the inhabitants of those islands not only to a state of starvation, but force them at length, in all probability, into insurrection. We have already witnessed the complaints of those people to the mother country. We have seen the picture they have drawn of their sufferings and distress, and their declarations that they cannot exist without the produce of the United States. How, then, shall Britain retaliate? She cannot do it effectually without injuring herself more than she will you. Hence, I am clearly of opinion, the adoption of proper measures on our part—of measures similar to that before you—would be likely to produce the desired effect in the conduct of Great Britain toward us.
  • 53.
    It has, Mr.Chairman, been observed by a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Masters,) that national animosity produced the resolution before you. I regret that such an idea should be expressed on this floor. I know of no such animosity, but I believe, on the contrary, if a national partiality exists in this country, it is in favor of Great Britain; not that I believe such partiality criminal; but Great Britain being the parent country, speaking the same language with ourselves, and so many of her subjects becoming citizens of this country, there is naturally felt a degree of attachment towards the people of that nation. If these feelings do not go too far, they are laudable; but in regard to a national animosity to Great Britain, I do not believe it exists in this country, at least to any considerable extent. If gentlemen mean that this animosity exists against tyranny, I hope it will eternally exist, so long as its cause exists. But, Mr. Chairman, I hope we shall not cherish animosity against France, any more than against Great Britain. Nor do I wish us to cherish partiality for either. There was, I believe, sir, a time when the people of this country felt a generous impulse in favor of the French nation. The flame of liberty that issued from the bosom of America, during the Revolution, had kindled up anew in France, and promised for awhile to illuminate the whole world. The American people rejoiced at the prospect, and felt a generous sentiment of enthusiasm towards those who appeared to be advocating the cause of liberty and the freedom of man. But I am not prepared to say, that their flame has continued to burn, or that the expectations it created have been realized; but I may, I presume, say, there is no ground to believe that this nation entertains a criminal animosity against or partiality for either Great Britain or France. The same gentleman has observed, what I admit is too true, that Great Britain governs the commerce of the world. This, however, is the strongest reason that could be advanced, against a tame submission to every act of aggression which that Government may choose to commit on your commerce, unless, indeed, you are willing to acknowledge a national pusillanimity, and an inability to resist injury. If we are unable to oppose Great Britain on the ocean, and she will persist in
  • 54.
    her unjust violationof our rights, let us withdraw from all connections with her—confine ourselves within the limits of our territory, and live independent of her luxuries and her commerce, on the productions and manufactures of our own country. To conclude my remarks on this subject, I will briefly repeat, that I am decidedly of opinion, the conduct of Great Britain is such, in impressing our seamen, and capturing merchant vessels, on the ground of their being engaged in a trade with her enemies, not open to them in time of peace, is manifestly unjust and unauthorized by the laws of nations. I conceive we have an undoubted right, without giving just cause of war, to regulate our own commerce, and to say from what nations we will, or will not, import articles of consumption; and what description, and under what circumstances. I also believe it our duty at this time to adopt some decisive measure on the subject, that will evince to Great Britain our determination to resist aggression, and to maintain our rights. I would, sir, prefer a measure in which we could, and would persevere, unless it should be found our interest to change it—a measure that would be least likely to paralyze our revenue or affect the agricultural interest. With this view, I would prefer, in the first instance, imposing additional or discriminating duties on certain specified articles, imported from Great Britain; such as would give the preference to other European markets. Or, if more agreeable to the majority of this House, I would concur in interdicting the importation of such articles. And if this should not prove effectual, I would take still stronger ground. I would prohibit the importation of all merchandise, the growth or manufacture of the British dominions. And, should it become necessary, I would cut off all intercourse with that nation; which would effectually starve her West India islands, and compel her to come to just terms, or abandon her colonies to distress and ruin. These measures I am willing to take, and support in succession, as the occasion may require; and in doing so I shall act under the conscientious and perfect conviction that they are for the good of the nation; that they are necessary to vindicate the
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    injured rights andinsulted honor of my country; and that country will, I am confident, in this, justify my conduct. Mr. Jackson.—My conviction of the importance of this subject will plead my apology for the trespass I shall make on the time of the committee. I purpose to take a rapid review of the points in discussion between this country and Great Britain, and to touch lightly upon the arguments of gentlemen, who have contended that it is better to surrender them than to assume an attitude of resistance, or to adopt measures perfectly pacific for the purpose of producing a relaxation of the arbitrary systematic attacks upon our neutral rights; for, with one or two exceptions, the objections adduced go to sanction the opinion that the commerce in question ought to be abandoned; and that this Government ought not to do any thing to protect it. The measure presented to the consideration of this committee is calculated to produce a redress of the grievances complained of with so much justice. First, the capture of our vessels sailing on the high seas, in strict observance and obedience to the law of nations; and, secondly, the impressment of our seamen, bona fide citizens, protected by the flag of the nation. While we are discussing the proposition of resorting to a remedy to redress these evils, we are met by gentlemen who deny that it is right to do any thing. First, because the Executive has not recommended any particular measure; and, secondly, because the trade under consideration is fraudulent, and the citizens impressed are the subjects of Great Britain. With regard to the first allegation, that the Executive has not recommended any specific measure, was it not objected under a former Administration that the Executive interfered improperly in legislative measures? Congress possesses the constitutional power of declaring war, and should the Executive recommend a declaration of war to us, I presume we should hear much of the Executive attempting an undue and indecent influence over our legislative powers; for, judging by the past, I have no doubt that whenever such a recommendation shall be made by the Executive, it will be
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    opposed by thesame persons who now call for his recommendation, and express dissatisfaction at his withholding it. But it is asserted this trade is fraudulent, and it is dishonorable to protect it. So much has been said and written on this subject, that it is altogether useless to combat the arguments urged on this floor; for it is not because a celebrated pamphlet, without an author, has been written on the subject on this side of the water, vindicating the fairness and legality of the trade, or as gentlemen will have it, surrendering the question at the threshold, or because another equally celebrated has been written on the other, declaring it “War in Disguise,” that we will consent to be concluded on the question, as they are all free game, and ought to pass for nothing unless their arguments carry conviction to the mind. The question resolves itself into the consideration whether this trade is fraudulent or not. Can we exchange our productions with the colonies of the belligerent nations—bring here theirs, and carry any surplus beyond our wants to other nations? I conceive that we can; common sense sanctions the opinion. Gentlemen, however, say we cannot. That the property is not changed, but still belongs to the original owner of it, and that our neutral flag fraudulently covers the enemy’s property. But gentlemen deal in a mere coinage of the fancy when they say so. I demand their proofs; they will not accept our opinions; and I with equal propriety reject theirs. How will they show that this is not our property? It is said that a want of capital is a proof of it; but, on investigation, it will be found, that the American capital is fully adequate to the carrying on this trade. Do not we find our merchants engaged in the trade to the East Indies, which requires a capital of three and four hundred thousand dollars, and if the trade to the West India islands be equally profitable, is it not to be presumed that they will likewise engage in it? If this property does not pass by the transfer, as we contend it does, it may be maintained that a horse sold in the open market will be subject to an execution subsequently issued against its previous owner; nay, even that the executor of such owner may sue for and recover it. But this argument shakes every principle involved in commerce to its
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