The document discusses the nature and origins of money. It argues that money is a social construct, not a natural phenomenon, and that its value comes from the trust in the institutions that create and circulate it rather than any intrinsic value. It asserts that money systems have been imposed on subsistence communities and have enabled the extraction of profits. While conventional economics sees money as reflecting real economic activity, this document sees money as having its own political dynamics and impact. It also discusses how the modern banking system allows private creation of money through lending.
Retheorizing the "Urbanization of Capital": 200 Years of Evidence from DetroitDavid Bieri
This research investigates how the evolution of finance and the process of urbanization concurrently give rise to different notions of cyclical risk that are coupled to metropolitan form. Specifically, I illustrate the spatial consequences of the political economy of the U.S. monetary-financial system, paying particular attention to the historical process by which institutional risk allocation failures have shaped urban development in Detroit. The city and its suburbs arose, in part, because building at the city's edge was deemed risk-free and cheap -- a natural extension of the frontier mentality codified in the convex bid-rent curves of the monocentric city model. Specifically, this research proposes a new financial-spatial narrative that links a historicized reading of Detroit's rise and decline to Michigan's turbulent financial history over the last 200 years: First, Detroit emerges as a stereotype of land-capital dynamics. Its rise and fall are largely driven by successive waves of overaccumulation and speculative real estate development. Second, Michigan's financial history is a prototype of financial instability. The institutional origins of financial instability and banking-led crises in Michigan can be found in its 1830s legislative embrace of free banking. Detroit was at the epicenter of the 1933 banking crisis and is today setting precedent for municipal bankruptcy. Third, the Detroit metro area can be read as an archetype of frontier finance; as the financial frontier moves across time and space, different “zones of exclusion” emerge in the form of mortgage speculation, large scale vacancies, financial illiteracy and underbanked sections of the population.
Retheorizing the "Urbanization of Capital": 200 Years of Evidence from DetroitDavid Bieri
This research investigates how the evolution of finance and the process of urbanization concurrently give rise to different notions of cyclical risk that are coupled to metropolitan form. Specifically, I illustrate the spatial consequences of the political economy of the U.S. monetary-financial system, paying particular attention to the historical process by which institutional risk allocation failures have shaped urban development in Detroit. The city and its suburbs arose, in part, because building at the city's edge was deemed risk-free and cheap -- a natural extension of the frontier mentality codified in the convex bid-rent curves of the monocentric city model. Specifically, this research proposes a new financial-spatial narrative that links a historicized reading of Detroit's rise and decline to Michigan's turbulent financial history over the last 200 years: First, Detroit emerges as a stereotype of land-capital dynamics. Its rise and fall are largely driven by successive waves of overaccumulation and speculative real estate development. Second, Michigan's financial history is a prototype of financial instability. The institutional origins of financial instability and banking-led crises in Michigan can be found in its 1830s legislative embrace of free banking. Detroit was at the epicenter of the 1933 banking crisis and is today setting precedent for municipal bankruptcy. Third, the Detroit metro area can be read as an archetype of frontier finance; as the financial frontier moves across time and space, different “zones of exclusion” emerge in the form of mortgage speculation, large scale vacancies, financial illiteracy and underbanked sections of the population.
Risk, Finance and Urban Form: On the Spatial Consequences of the Non-Neutrali...David Bieri
Cities are not only central to the organization of production and consumption in a cash economy, but they also form the spatial locus for the accumulation of fixed capital via the built environment. Indeed, capital accumulation and the production of urbanization go hand in hand (Harvey 1985). This work investigates how the interplay between finance and urban real estate production gives rise to different notions of risk that are coupled to metropolitan form. Against the backdrop of the spatial consequences of the political economy of U.S. housing finance, I document the historical process by which institutional risk allocation failures have shaped post-war urban development and the U.S. housing cycle. The suburbs arose, in part, because building on the city’s edge was deemed risk-free, cheap and, perhaps, a natural extension of the frontier mentality that is intellectually anchored by the convex bid-rent curves that emanate from the elegant shorthand of the monocentric city model. But the devastation wrought by ongoing foreclosures across large swaths of suburbia is a sore reminder that building on the edge is anything but risk-free. Specifically, this papers aims to uncover how the increasing financialization of real estate gives rise to new forms of systemic risk, which in turn have little understood consequences for the spatial structure of cities (Bieri 2013). Linking Minsky’s (1993) work on the non-neutrality of money to the role of metropolitan form, this paper documents how the process of urbanization is fundamental to the geographic production of risk by investors and insurers of housing, mortgages, and mortgage-related derivatives. Rather than a state of exception, I argue that the recent upheavals in the housing market must thus be viewed as part of a macrohistory of risk-based financial instability, the causes of which alternatingly emanate from the real economy or the financial system (Davis 2009).
Bieri, David S. 2013. “Form Follows Function: On the Interaction Between Real Estate Finance and Urban Spatial Structure.” CriticalProductive, 2 (1): 7–16.
Davis, Gerald F. 2009. Managed by the Markets: How Finance Re-Shaped America. Oxford University Press.
Harvey, David. 1985. “The Urbanization of Capital: Studies in the History and Theory of Capitalist Urbanization.” In , 1–31. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
Minsky, Hyman P. 1993. “On the Non-Neutrality of Money.” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Quarterly Review, 18 (1): 77–82.
Risk, Finance and Urban Form: On the Spatial Consequences of the Non-Neutrali...David Bieri
Cities are not only central to the organization of production and consumption in a cash economy, but they also form the spatial locus for the accumulation of fixed capital via the built environment. Indeed, capital accumulation and the production of urbanization go hand in hand (Harvey 1985). This work investigates how the interplay between finance and urban real estate production gives rise to different notions of risk that are coupled to metropolitan form. Against the backdrop of the spatial consequences of the political economy of U.S. housing finance, I document the historical process by which institutional risk allocation failures have shaped post-war urban development and the U.S. housing cycle. The suburbs arose, in part, because building on the city’s edge was deemed risk-free, cheap and, perhaps, a natural extension of the frontier mentality that is intellectually anchored by the convex bid-rent curves that emanate from the elegant shorthand of the monocentric city model. But the devastation wrought by ongoing foreclosures across large swaths of suburbia is a sore reminder that building on the edge is anything but risk-free. Specifically, this papers aims to uncover how the increasing financialization of real estate gives rise to new forms of systemic risk, which in turn have little understood consequences for the spatial structure of cities (Bieri 2013). Linking Minsky’s (1993) work on the non-neutrality of money to the role of metropolitan form, this paper documents how the process of urbanization is fundamental to the geographic production of risk by investors and insurers of housing, mortgages, and mortgage-related derivatives. Rather than a state of exception, I argue that the recent upheavals in the housing market must thus be viewed as part of a macrohistory of risk-based financial instability, the causes of which alternatingly emanate from the real economy or the financial system (Davis 2009).
Bieri, David S. 2013. “Form Follows Function: On the Interaction Between Real Estate Finance and Urban Spatial Structure.” CriticalProductive, 2 (1): 7–16.
Davis, Gerald F. 2009. Managed by the Markets: How Finance Re-Shaped America. Oxford University Press.
Harvey, David. 1985. “The Urbanization of Capital: Studies in the History and Theory of Capitalist Urbanization.” In , 1–31. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
Minsky, Hyman P. 1993. “On the Non-Neutrality of Money.” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Quarterly Review, 18 (1): 77–82.
THE CREATION OF FIAT MONEY (created by debt out of thin air, without backing)Jesus Gonzalez Losada
The creation of fiat money (created by debt out of thin air, without backing) is an instrument of control that gradually generates a system of slavery.
Today’s financial “crisis” is facilitating the evolutionary jump to the next stage of human development – shifting from faulty, money-measured GDP growth to the cleaner, greener sustainable economies
Synagogues of Old Dublin
Author(s): Katherine Butler
Source: Dublin Historical Record , Sep., 1974, Vol. 27, No. 4 (Sep., 1974), pp. 118-130
Published by: Old Dublin Society
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/30103909
Equality, Community and the Problem of Irish Finance: Challenges, Blockages, ...Conor McCabe
William Thompson Forum. 6.4.21. Finance in Ireland has a complicated relationship with the state. This talk examines the resulting inequalities and lack of social investment in communities across the country, and explores environmental and feminist economic strategies for a more progressive and democratic financial system.
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
In Odoo, the multi-company feature allows you to manage multiple companies within a single Odoo database instance. Each company can have its own configurations while still sharing common resources such as products, customers, and suppliers.
How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using “invisible” attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
The Roman Empire A Historical Colossus.pdfkaushalkr1407
The Roman Empire, a vast and enduring power, stands as one of history's most remarkable civilizations, leaving an indelible imprint on the world. It emerged from the Roman Republic, transitioning into an imperial powerhouse under the leadership of Augustus Caesar in 27 BCE. This transformation marked the beginning of an era defined by unprecedented territorial expansion, architectural marvels, and profound cultural influence.
The empire's roots lie in the city of Rome, founded, according to legend, by Romulus in 753 BCE. Over centuries, Rome evolved from a small settlement to a formidable republic, characterized by a complex political system with elected officials and checks on power. However, internal strife, class conflicts, and military ambitions paved the way for the end of the Republic. Julius Caesar’s dictatorship and subsequent assassination in 44 BCE created a power vacuum, leading to a civil war. Octavian, later Augustus, emerged victorious, heralding the Roman Empire’s birth.
Under Augustus, the empire experienced the Pax Romana, a 200-year period of relative peace and stability. Augustus reformed the military, established efficient administrative systems, and initiated grand construction projects. The empire's borders expanded, encompassing territories from Britain to Egypt and from Spain to the Euphrates. Roman legions, renowned for their discipline and engineering prowess, secured and maintained these vast territories, building roads, fortifications, and cities that facilitated control and integration.
The Roman Empire’s society was hierarchical, with a rigid class system. At the top were the patricians, wealthy elites who held significant political power. Below them were the plebeians, free citizens with limited political influence, and the vast numbers of slaves who formed the backbone of the economy. The family unit was central, governed by the paterfamilias, the male head who held absolute authority.
Culturally, the Romans were eclectic, absorbing and adapting elements from the civilizations they encountered, particularly the Greeks. Roman art, literature, and philosophy reflected this synthesis, creating a rich cultural tapestry. Latin, the Roman language, became the lingua franca of the Western world, influencing numerous modern languages.
Roman architecture and engineering achievements were monumental. They perfected the arch, vault, and dome, constructing enduring structures like the Colosseum, Pantheon, and aqueducts. These engineering marvels not only showcased Roman ingenuity but also served practical purposes, from public entertainment to water supply.
The Art Pastor's Guide to Sabbath | Steve ThomasonSteve Thomason
What is the purpose of the Sabbath Law in the Torah. It is interesting to compare how the context of the law shifts from Exodus to Deuteronomy. Who gets to rest, and why?
The Indian economy is classified into different sectors to simplify the analysis and understanding of economic activities. For Class 10, it's essential to grasp the sectors of the Indian economy, understand their characteristics, and recognize their importance. This guide will provide detailed notes on the Sectors of the Indian Economy Class 10, using specific long-tail keywords to enhance comprehension.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
We all have good and bad thoughts from time to time and situation to situation. We are bombarded daily with spiraling thoughts(both negative and positive) creating all-consuming feel , making us difficult to manage with associated suffering. Good thoughts are like our Mob Signal (Positive thought) amidst noise(negative thought) in the atmosphere. Negative thoughts like noise outweigh positive thoughts. These thoughts often create unwanted confusion, trouble, stress and frustration in our mind as well as chaos in our physical world. Negative thoughts are also known as “distorted thinking”.
Palestine last event orientationfvgnh .pptxRaedMohamed3
An EFL lesson about the current events in Palestine. It is intended to be for intermediate students who wish to increase their listening skills through a short lesson in power point.
This is a presentation by Dada Robert in a Your Skill Boost masterclass organised by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan (EFSS) on Saturday, the 25th and Sunday, the 26th of May 2024.
He discussed the concept of quality improvement, emphasizing its applicability to various aspects of life, including personal, project, and program improvements. He defined quality as doing the right thing at the right time in the right way to achieve the best possible results and discussed the concept of the "gap" between what we know and what we do, and how this gap represents the areas we need to improve. He explained the scientific approach to quality improvement, which involves systematic performance analysis, testing and learning, and implementing change ideas. He also highlighted the importance of client focus and a team approach to quality improvement.
4. The purpose of capitalism is self-expansion – capital begets capital – and it does so by monetizing social value and human labour.
This is a circuit of transformation.
“Historical capitalism involved therefore the widespread commodification of processes – not merely exchange processes, but
production processes, distribution processes, and investment processes – that had previously been conducted other than via a
„market‟. And, in the course of seeking to accumulate more and more capital, capitalists have sought to commodify more and
more of these social processes in all spheres of economic life.”
Immanuel Wallerstein, Historical Capitalism (London: Verso, 2011), 15.
5.
6.
7. Alfred Mitchell Innes. ‘What is Money?’ Banking Law Monthly
(May 1913)
--- ‘The Credit Theory of Money.’ Banking Law Monthly (Jan 1914)
http://dublinopinion.com/2012/07/08/mary-mellor-the-future-of-
money-referenced-articles-from-chapter-one/
David Graeber. Debt: The First 5,000 Years. Brooklyn: Melville
House, 2011
8. Far from being a precious commodity that had become readily accepted through trade
as the barter theorists thought, money as coin has generally been accepted by fiat, that
is, issued and guaranteed by an authority, such as a powerful leader, an office-holder
or a religious organisation.
9. Far from being a precious commodity that had become readily accepted through trade
as the barter theorists thought, money as coin has generally been accepted by fiat, that
is, issued and guaranteed by an authority, such as a powerful leader, an office-holder
or a religious organisation.
Making coin out of a precious metal confuses the role of money as a measure of value
with the value of the coin itself.
10. Far from being a precious commodity that had become readily accepted through trade
as the barter theorists thought, money as coin has generally been accepted by fiat, that
is, issued and guaranteed by an authority, such as a powerful leader, an office-holder
or a religious organisation.
Making coin out of a precious metal confuses the role of money as a measure of value
with the value of the coin itself.
Gold can change value both as a commodity and as a coin in terms of purchasing
power. Therefore gold/silver as a commodity does not ‘have’ a value. It is valued, but
at any point in time the exact value will vary and will need to be designated in some
other form of commodity or money, such as silver or dollars.
11. Money is more helpfully seen not as a ‘thing’ but as a social
form.
‘Sound money’ is a product of society, not of nature.
12. Money is more helpfully seen not as a ‘thing’ but as a social
form.
‘Sound money’ is a product of society, not of nature.
When we say people trust in money we mean that they are
trusting in the organisations, society and authorities that create
and circulate it, other people, traders, the banks and the state.
13. Money is more helpfully seen not as a ‘thing’ but as a social
form.
‘Sound money’ is a product of society, not of nature.
When we say people trust in money we mean that they are
trusting in the organisations, society and authorities that create
and circulate it, other people, traders, the banks and the state.
Money, whatever its form, is a social construction, not a natural
form.
14. Money is more helpfully seen not as a ‘thing’ but as a social
form.
‘Sound money’ is a product of society, not of nature.
When we say people trust in money we mean that they are
trusting in the organisations, society and authorities that create
and circulate it, other people, traders, the banks and the state.
Money, whatever its form, is a social construction, not a natural
form.
It has not inherent value but it has vast social and political
power. (p.11)
15. money rests upon a social and political base, a
combination of social conventions, banking
systems, public trust and state authority.
16.
17. [In monetary economics textbooks]
money circulation through the
financial system is seen as the
outcome of private economic acts,
not as a function of social
relationships and public authority. P.2
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24. Legal tender means that the state will accept a designated form
of money in payment of taxes and the state also demands that
everyone else has to honour that form of money when it is
presented as payment for goods or debts.
25. Legal tender means that the state will accept a designated form
of money in payment of taxes and the state also demands that
everyone else has to honour that form of money when it is
presented as payment for goods or debts.
In the contemporary money system, state authorised money is
seen as ‘high-powered money’.
26. Legal tender means that the state will accept a designated form
of money in payment of taxes and the state also demands that
everyone else has to honour that form of money when it is
presented as payment for goods or debts.
In the contemporary money system, state authorised money is
seen as ‘high-powered money’.
It is the money of final payment within the money system.
27. Legal tender means that the state will accept a designated form
of money in payment of taxes and the state also demands that
everyone else has to honour that form of money when it is
presented as payment for goods or debts.
In the contemporary money system, state authorised money is
seen as ‘high-powered money’.
It is the money of final payment within the money system.
The basis of high-powered money is the capacity of the state to
raise taxes and, behind that, the productive capacity of the
national economy. (p.18)
28. IV. Money, society and the ‘real economy
- MONEY SYSTEMS AS REPRESENTED IN RENTS, TAXES AND WAGED
LABOUR HAVE BEEN IMPOSED ON PEOPLE WHO HAVE BEEN FROM
SUBSISTENCE COMMUNITIES AND WHO HAVE BEEN FORCED OFF THE
LAND.
29. IV. Money, society and the ‘real economy
- MONEY SYSTEMS AS REPRESENTED IN RENTS, TAXES AND WAGED
LABOUR HAVE BEEN IMPOSED ON PEOPLE WHO HAVE BEEN FROM
SUBSISTENCE COMMUNITIES AND WHO HAVE BEEN FORCED OFF THE
LAND.
- AS ECONOMIES BECAME MONETISED, PEASANT POPULATIONS WERE
FORCED TO SELL THEIR LABOUR AS LANDS WERE ENCLOSED AND
PRIVATISED, AND OFTEN MORTGAGED.
30. IV. Money, society and the ‘real economy
- MONEY SYSTEMS AS REPRESENTED IN RENTS, TAXES AND WAGED
LABOUR HAVE BEEN IMPOSED ON PEOPLE WHO HAVE BEEN FROM
SUBSISTENCE COMMUNITIES AND WHO HAVE BEEN FORCED OFF THE
LAND.
- AS ECONOMIES BECAME MONETISED, PEASANT POPULATIONS WERE
FORCED TO SELL THEIR LABOUR AS LANDS WERE ENCLOSED AND
PRIVATISED, AND OFTEN MORTGAGED.
- FOR THOSE WITHOUT LAND, JOINING THE MONEY ECONOMY
MEANT OBTAINING SUSTENANCE THROUGH WAGED LABOUR – THE
CIRCULATION AND USE OF COIN FROM THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
ENABLED RICH LANDOWNERS TO EXTRACT MORE FLEXIBLE WEALTH
FROM THEIR FEUDAL POPULATIONS. (P.19)
31. - Rather than extracting produce or labour, they began to demands
money from their peasant populations.
- Money systems also enabled the emergence of finance capital which
enabled exploitation and the extraction of profit. (P.19)
32. - Rather than extracting produce or labour, they began to demands
money from their peasant populations.
- Money systems also enabled the emergence of finance capital which
enabled exploitation and the extraction of profit. (P.19)
- Money can be an instrument of speculation and a tool of empire.
33. - Rather than extracting produce or labour, they began to demands
money from their peasant populations.
- Money systems also enabled the emergence of finance capital which
enabled exploitation and the extraction of profit. (P.19)
- Money can be an instrument of speculation and a tool of empire.
- Which conventional economics and much of marxist theory sees
money as being a reflection of the ‘real economy’ of production and
exchange, social analyses of money see it as being a phenomenon that
has its own political dynamics.
34. - Rather than extracting produce or labour, they began to demands
money from their peasant populations.
- Money systems also enabled the emergence of finance capital which
enabled exploitation and the extraction of profit. (P.19)
- Money can be an instrument of speculation and a tool of empire.
- Which conventional economics and much of marxist theory sees
money as being a reflection of the ‘real economy’ of production and
exchange, social analyses of money see it as being a phenomenon that
has its own political dynamics.
- Money cannot be neutral; it is the most powerful of the social
technologies. (P.22)
35. The argument of this book is that as money is such a critical
force in the circulation of goods and services and therefore
provisioning, it is vital to question how money is issued and
circulated, owned and controlled. From this perspective money
is more than just a reflection of value in the ‘real’ economy.
(p.22)
36. The argument of this book is that as money is such a critical
force in the circulation of goods and services and therefore
provisioning, it is vital to question how money is issued and
circulated, owned and controlled. From this perspective money
is more than just a reflection of value in the ‘real’ economy.
(p.22)
The so-called ‘real economy’ – (the economy of capitalist
production and exchange) – is in reality an economy determined
by capitalism and by patriarchy. Outside its boundaries lie the
natural world and the un-monetised labour and needs of women,
children and the poor, as well as non-monetised subsistence
economies.
37. vi. Bank credit and fresh air money
The most important aspect of the shift to money issue through bank debt is that bank
can lend money they don’t have.
38. vi. Bank credit and fresh air money
The most important aspect of the shift to money issue through bank debt is that bank
can lend money they don’t have.
Money creation is effectively in private hands through commercial decisions in the
banking system, while the state retains responsibility for managing and supporting
the system, as has become clear through the financial crisis.
39. vi. Bank credit and fresh air money
The most important aspect of the shift to money issue through bank debt is that bank
can lend money they don’t have.
Money creation is effectively in private hands through commercial decisions in the
banking system, while the state retains responsibility for managing and supporting
the system, as has become clear through the financial crisis.
While society collectively bears ultimate responsibility for the failures of the
commercial money creation system, there is no direct influence on the overall
direction od how finance is invested or used.
40. vi. Bank credit and fresh air money
The most important aspect of the shift to money issue through bank debt is that bank
can lend money they don’t have.
Money creation is effectively in private hands through commercial decisions in the
banking system, while the state retains responsibility for managing and supporting
the system, as has become clear through the financial crisis.
While society collectively bears ultimate responsibility for the failures of the
commercial money creation system, there is no direct influence on the overall
direction od how finance is invested or used.
Far from being a social resource, money is currently being mainly created and
harnessed by the capitalist sysytem. (p.27)