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Read excerpts from Douglass’ speech below; then thoughtfully answer the questions at the
end of the passage.
From The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, Volume II
Pre-Civil War Decade 1850-1860
...Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow meto ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-
day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your nationalindependence? Are
the great principlesof political freedom and of naturaljustice, embodied in that
Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to
bring our humble offeringto the national altar, and to confess the benefits and
express devoutgratitudefor the blessings resultingfrom your independenceto us?
[…]
I say it with a sad senseof the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale
of gloriousanniversary!Your high independenceonly revealsthe immeasurable
distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in
common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence,
bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, notby me. The sunlight that brought
light and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth July is
yours, notmine. You may rejoice, I mustmourn. To drag a man in fetters into the
grand illuminated templeof liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyousanthems,
were inhuman mockery and sacrilegiousirony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by
asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And letme warn
you that it is dangerousto copy the example of a nation whose crimes, towering up to
heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, buryingthat nation in
irrevocable ruin!I can to-day take up the plaintivelament of a peeled and woe-
smitten people!
Fellow-citizens, above your national, tumultuousjoy, Ihear the mournfulwailof
millions! whose chains, heavy and grievousyesterday, are, to-day, rendered more
intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully
remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, "may my right hand forget her
cunning, and may my tonguecleave to the roof of my mouth!" To forget them, to pass
1
2
3
lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would betreason
most scandalousand shocking, and would makemea reproachbefore God and the
world. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and
its popular characteristics from the slave's pointof view. Standingthere identified
with the American bondman, makinghis wrongsmine, I do not hesitate to declare,
with all my soul, that the character and conductof this nation never looked blacker to
me than on this 4th of July!Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the
professionsof the present, the conductof the nation seems equally hideous and
revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly bindsherself
to be false to the future. Standingwith God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this
occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the nameof liberty
which is fettered, in the nameof the constitution and the Bible which are disregarded
and trampled upon, dareto call in question and to denounce, withall the emphasis I
can command, everythingthat serves to perpetuateslavery is the great sin and
shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse"; I will use the severest
language I can command; and yetnot oneword shall escape methat any man, whose
judgmentis notblinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not
confessto be right and just.
[…]
Would you haveme arguethat man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner
of his own body? You have already declared it. MustI argue the wrongfulnessof
slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rulesof logic and
argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involvingadoubtful
application of the principleof justice, hard to be understood? How should Ilook to-
day, in the presence of Americans, dividing, and subdividingadiscourse, to show that
men have a natural right to freedom? speakingof it relatively and positively,
negatively and affirmatively. To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to
offer an insultto your understanding. Thereis not a man beneath the canopy of
heaven that doesnot know that slavery is wrongfor him.
What, am I to argue that it is wrongto make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty,
to work them without wages, to keep them ignorantof their relations to their fellow
men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with
irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to
4
5
knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and
submission to their masters? MustI argue that a system thus marked with blood, and
stained with pollution, is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employmentfor my time
and strength than such argumentswould imply.
[…]
At a time like this, scorching irony, notconvincingargument, is needed. O! had I the
ability, and could reach the nation'sear, I would, to-day, pour outa fiery stream of
biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not
light that is needed, butfire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. Weneed the
storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation mustbe
quickened; the conscience of the nation mustbe roused; the propriety of the nation
mustbe startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against
God and man mustbe proclaimed and denounced.
What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him,
morethan all other daysin the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the
constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy
license; your nationalgreatness, swelling vanity; your soundsof rejoicingare empty
and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; yourshoutsof
liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayersand hymns, your sermonsand
thanksgivings, with all your religious paradeand solemnity, are, to Him, mere
bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy -- a thin veil to cover up crimes
which would disgrace a nationof savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of
practices more shocking and bloody than are the peopleof the United States, at this
very hour…
6
7
1. What is Douglass’s purposein this speech? How do you know? Provide textual
evidence to supportyour response.
2. Identify two important tones present in this speech. What/who is that attitude directed
toward? Provide textual evidence to supportyour response.
3. Is Douglass appealing to pathos or logos more? What type of diction is used to create
this appeal? What are the connotations of his specific word choice?
4. Find an example of figurative language Douglass uses in his speech that you feel is
particularly powerful and copyit below. Explain its meaning and how it contributes to
Douglass’s purposein this speech.
5. Read paragraph 6. What is Douglass’s argument in this paragraph? Discuss one major
strategy he employs to make that argument.
6. In paragraph 7, Douglass uses contrast/juxtaposition repeatedly. Why? What does he
hope to bring his audience to understand by doing this?
7. Which of the following quotes bestsummarizes Douglass’s entire argument?
A. This Fourth July is yours, not mine.
B. There is not a man beneath the canopyof heaven that does not know that slavery
is wrong for him.
C. I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!
D. Forit is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder.

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Douglass 4 july speech and questions

  • 1. Read excerpts from Douglass’ speech below; then thoughtfully answer the questions at the end of the passage. From The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, Volume II Pre-Civil War Decade 1850-1860 ...Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow meto ask, why am I called upon to speak here to- day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your nationalindependence? Are the great principlesof political freedom and of naturaljustice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offeringto the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devoutgratitudefor the blessings resultingfrom your independenceto us? […] I say it with a sad senseof the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of gloriousanniversary!Your high independenceonly revealsthe immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, notby me. The sunlight that brought light and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth July is yours, notmine. You may rejoice, I mustmourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated templeof liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyousanthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegiousirony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And letme warn you that it is dangerousto copy the example of a nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, buryingthat nation in irrevocable ruin!I can to-day take up the plaintivelament of a peeled and woe- smitten people! Fellow-citizens, above your national, tumultuousjoy, Ihear the mournfulwailof millions! whose chains, heavy and grievousyesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, "may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tonguecleave to the roof of my mouth!" To forget them, to pass 1 2 3
  • 2. lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would betreason most scandalousand shocking, and would makemea reproachbefore God and the world. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from the slave's pointof view. Standingthere identified with the American bondman, makinghis wrongsmine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conductof this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July!Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professionsof the present, the conductof the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly bindsherself to be false to the future. Standingwith God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the nameof liberty which is fettered, in the nameof the constitution and the Bible which are disregarded and trampled upon, dareto call in question and to denounce, withall the emphasis I can command, everythingthat serves to perpetuateslavery is the great sin and shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse"; I will use the severest language I can command; and yetnot oneword shall escape methat any man, whose judgmentis notblinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confessto be right and just. […] Would you haveme arguethat man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. MustI argue the wrongfulnessof slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rulesof logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involvingadoubtful application of the principleof justice, hard to be understood? How should Ilook to- day, in the presence of Americans, dividing, and subdividingadiscourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? speakingof it relatively and positively, negatively and affirmatively. To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insultto your understanding. Thereis not a man beneath the canopy of heaven that doesnot know that slavery is wrongfor him. What, am I to argue that it is wrongto make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorantof their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to 4 5
  • 3. knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their masters? MustI argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employmentfor my time and strength than such argumentswould imply. […] At a time like this, scorching irony, notconvincingargument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could reach the nation'sear, I would, to-day, pour outa fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, butfire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. Weneed the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation mustbe quickened; the conscience of the nation mustbe roused; the propriety of the nation mustbe startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man mustbe proclaimed and denounced. What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, morethan all other daysin the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your nationalgreatness, swelling vanity; your soundsof rejoicingare empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; yourshoutsof liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayersand hymns, your sermonsand thanksgivings, with all your religious paradeand solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy -- a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nationof savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the peopleof the United States, at this very hour… 6 7
  • 4. 1. What is Douglass’s purposein this speech? How do you know? Provide textual evidence to supportyour response. 2. Identify two important tones present in this speech. What/who is that attitude directed toward? Provide textual evidence to supportyour response. 3. Is Douglass appealing to pathos or logos more? What type of diction is used to create this appeal? What are the connotations of his specific word choice? 4. Find an example of figurative language Douglass uses in his speech that you feel is particularly powerful and copyit below. Explain its meaning and how it contributes to Douglass’s purposein this speech. 5. Read paragraph 6. What is Douglass’s argument in this paragraph? Discuss one major strategy he employs to make that argument. 6. In paragraph 7, Douglass uses contrast/juxtaposition repeatedly. Why? What does he hope to bring his audience to understand by doing this? 7. Which of the following quotes bestsummarizes Douglass’s entire argument? A. This Fourth July is yours, not mine. B. There is not a man beneath the canopyof heaven that does not know that slavery is wrong for him. C. I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people! D. Forit is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder.