This document is an English dissertation written by a university student about the Suffragette movement during World War 1. It contains an introduction, two chapters analyzing the perspectives and experiences of Sylvia Pankhurst and the British public towards the Suffragettes during the war, and a conclusion. Images and sources are cited in appendices at the end to support the analysis presented in the chapters.

1.
Soldiers
in
Petticoats:
a
glimpse
into
the
Suffragette
Movement
during
the
First
World
War
May
2015
ESH365
English
Dissertation
Student
Number:
120061037
/
le12020

2. 120061037
le12020
2
Contents
List
of
Figures
3
Introduction
6
Chapter
1
–
A
family
torn
apart
by
war:
the
voice
of
the
Pankhurst
sisters
Sylvia
Pankhurst,
the
Pacifist
From
Suffragette
to
Britannia
The
German
Threat:
Two
Sides
of
the
Same
Coin
11
12
18
21
Chapter
2
–
The
Suffragette
Movement
through
the
eyes
of
the
British
public
Sylvia
Pankhurst:
A
Recount
Cartoon
Politics
The
Nation’s
Newspapers
Postcard
Propaganda
26
28
29
32
35
Conclusion
42
Appendix
44
Bibliography
71

3. 120061037
le12020
3
List
of
Figures
Fig.
1
–
A
letter
from
Sylvia
Pankhurst
describing
being
force-­‐fed
12
Fig.
2
–
Advertisement
of
a
‘Cost-­‐Price
Restaurant’
14
Fig.
3
–
‘Victims
of
War’,
The
Women’s
Dreadnought
14
Fig.
4
–
‘Conscription’,
The
Women’s
Dreadnought
16
Fig.
5
–
Cover
pages
of
Britannia,
15
Oct
1915
and
3
Dec
1915
18
Fig.
6
–
Recruitment
advertisement:
‘Every
girl
will
do
her
duty’
19
Fig.
7
–
Notice:
‘W.S.P.U.
removing
to
West
End’
21
Fig.
8
–
‘Appeal
for
Help’,
The
Times
27
Fig.
9
–
Cartoon:
‘At
Last’,
Punch
30
Fig.
10
–
Cartoon:
‘For
what
you
about
to
receive…’,
The
Daily
Herald
30
Fig.
11
–
Cartoon:
‘The
New
Advocate’,
The
Daily
Herald
32
Fig.
12
–
‘The
Sophistries
of
Suffragettism’,
Anti-­‐Suffrage
Review
33
Fig.
13
–
‘Childish
Tactics’,
The
Sheffield
Daily
Telegraph
34
Fig.
14
–
‘Our
Magazine’,
Yorkshire
Telegraph
and
Star
34
Fig.
15
–
Postcard:
‘Because
you
are
women’
36
Fig.
16
–
Postcard:
‘Rights
of
Women’
36
Fig.
17
–
Postcard:
‘Waiting
for
a
living
wage’
36
Fig.
18
–
Postcard:
‘In
this
sign
conquer’
37
Fig.
19
–
Postcard:
‘The
Appeal
of
Womanhood’
37
Fig.
20
–
Postcard:
‘Suffragettes
go
to
Parliament’
38
Fig.
21
-­‐
Postcard:
‘Miss
Hissy’
38
Fig.
22
-­‐
Postcard:
‘Stand
Up
for
Women’s
Rights’
38

4. 120061037
le12020
4
Fig.
23
-­‐
Postcard:
‘A
Perfect
Woman’
38
Fig.
24
-­‐
Postcard:
‘Votes
for
Women’
39
Fig.
25
-­‐
Postcard:
‘So
your
wife
a
suffragette?’
39
Fig.
26
–
Postcard:
‘I’ve
suffered
ever
since!’
39
Fig
27
-­‐
Postcard:
‘Rest
for
the
Weary’
40

5. 120061037
le12020
5
Acknowledgments
This
dissertation
would
not
have
been
possible
without
the
support
and
guidance
of
my
supervisor,
Prof.
Peggy
Reynolds.
For
their
encouragement,
advice
and
occasional
chocolate
bar,
I
am
also
forever
grateful
to
Dr.
Rachael
Gilmour
and
Prof.
Bill
Schwarz.
These
past
three
years
wouldn’t
have
been
the
same
without
you.
I
dedicate
this
thesis
to
Sylvia
Pankhurst,
a
woman
who
was
unceasingly
mindful
of
the
world’s
innocent
victims
and
revolutionised
the
East
End.
In
turn,
I
also
dedicate
this
thesis
to
all
the
inspirational
women
in
my
own
life.
You
know
who
you
are.

6. 120061037
le12020
6
Introduction
On Saturday 14th December 1918, over seven million women made their way
to cast their first ever vote in a parliamentary election.1
It was the result of the passing
of a Bill, which, although limited, gave votes to all women over the age of thirty who
met the property qualification. It was also a moment that signaled a significant breach
in the sex barrier and led to the entire electorate increasing from eight to twenty one
million. Among those seven million women were the Pankhursts - Emmeline, and her
daughters, Christabel and Sylvia - whose countless sacrifices and faithful
campaigning, amongst thousands of other suffragettes, had resulted in this very
moment.
The battle for female enfranchisement had begun four decades earlier when
two women, Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, presented a women’s
suffrage petition to Parliament, thus marking the beginning of the organised women’s
suffrage movement.2
Yet it was Emmeline Pankhurst’s formation of the Women’s
Social and Political Union (W.S.P.U.) in 1903 that saw the beginning of the militant
phase within the movement, as demonstrated through its motto: “Deeds, not words”.3
Militancy acted as a rebellion against Edwardian gender roles and their restriction on
personal freedom. Christabel herself insisted she didn’t want the vote to simply be
given to women; they would be empowered only if they forced the Government to
concede it.4
The W.S.P.U. grew from strength to strength, generating considerable
publicity, which increased women’s support for suffrage. However their role in
1
Sophie A. van Wingerden, The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928 (London: Macmillan Press, 2003) p.1
2
van Wingerden, The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928, p.1
3
Harold L. Smith, The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928 (London: Longman, 1998) p.29
4
Smith, The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928, p.29
Italics for effect

7. 120061037
le12020
7
achieving women’s enfranchisement remains controversial. Harold L. Smith argues,
“historians are much more skeptical about [their] contribution… it is generally agreed
that at first the W.S.P.U. revitalised the suffrage campaign, but that after 1910 its
escalation of militancy impeded reform”.5
By 1913, militancy had reached new
heights as it escalated rapidly from civil disobedience, to destruction of property,
before reaching its arsenic climax.
There had been much critical debate in regards to the women’s suffrage movement
and the war. As stated, many historians view the W.S.P.U.’s involvement as a
hindrance rather than a catalyst to the eventual enfranchisement in 1918. Although
much has been written on in regards to the Pankhurst family and their suffrage
involvement, there has been little research and close analysis on their wartime
writings, perhaps the most notable being Angela K. Smith’s anthology of Women’s
writing in the First World War and its corresponding article: ‘The Pankhurst and the
War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War Propaganda’.6
She refers to their
wartime periodical publishing as texts that, despite articulating views that are
uncomfortable in their extremism, hold “undeniable passionate belief” and standing.7
However, it is Michelle Elizabeth Tusan’s Women Making News: Gender and
Journalism in Modern Britain that has proved pivotal in recognising the
underrepresented role of the women’s press during the war, in particular focusing on
the Pankhursts’ own organs: The Women’s Dreadnought and the Britannia. Tusan
argues that with the war came “the rise of a truly mass media” with women being
confronted with “an array of news sources that vied for their loyalty”, as the question
5
Smith, The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928, p.28
6
Women’s Writing in the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
2000)
7
Angela K. Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War Propaganda’ (2003), Women’s
History Review, 12:1, pp.103-118

8. 120061037
le12020
8
of the female’s voice, and its representation, emerged.8
Owing to the increase of
women’s newspapers, and the publishing of wartime propaganda, this female press
“invented a world that continued to place the woman activist at the centre of political
and social change”.9
1914 marked a turbulent year for the Pankhurst family. Following Sylvia’s
establishment of the East London Federation of Suffragettes (E.L.F.S.), which
championed socialism and the working class, she later decided to split from the
Woman’s Social and Political Union, on the basis of her increasing disillusionment. In
particular she did not approve of their arson campaign or their refusal to acknowledge
the force and needs of working class women. She was also unhappy about what she
saw as their abandonment of socialism. The onset of war brought about a complete
break that was a long time coming, and signaled the altering change to their positions.
Sylvia’s pacifism contrasted markedly with Christabel and Emmeline’s support for
the conflict. Although both sides were motivated by the war to insist upon the need
for female enfranchisement, they both used different methods and saw different
priorities.
Through a historical exploration and in-depth close analysis of primary archival
sources, this dissertation seeks to identify each woman’s position and determine to
what extent the 1914-18 war was an altering change to their own stance. It will also
explore not only their consciously projected representations of themselves through
their own periodicals, but the mirroring contemporary reactions to the suffrage
movement in its entirety. The first chapter of this dissertation will think further about
8
Michelle Elizabeth Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, (Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 2005) p.188
9
Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, p.189

9. 120061037
le12020
9
what Tusan refers to as the newspapers’ “greatest challenge”, as the onset of war
provided both sides of the Pankhurst family a periodical platform from which to
showcase their own agendas. This creates an interesting tension, as Sylvia, despite her
unwavering pacifism, uses the outbreak of war to her advantage in revealing working
class social problems that, if not for the conflict, would have remained invisible to the
public eye. In contrast, Christabel, through the Britannia, uses the war as a platform to
celebrate the temporary female enfranchisement as a result of hundreds of women
going into war work, whilst endorsing Government-issued propaganda in regards to
conscription and munitions work - something Sylvia later referred to as “a tragic
betrayal” against the peace they had advocated for so long.10
In the second chapter,
contemporary reactions to the suffrage movement will be explored through a variety
of forms, including cartoons, newspaper articles and postcards. In doing so, I will
demonstrate how the verbal debate of the women’s campaign was firmly bound to the
corresponding pictorial representations of the suffrage movement.
This thesis is also significant in its modern relevance. 2015 is a year that is witness to
one of the most contested General Election in history, as voter apathy remains a
controversial issue. It is also a year that aptly coincides with the release of the greatly
anticipated Suffragette movie in October - the first to be granted permission to film
within the House of Commons, suggesting a sanctification of the movement. 2015
also poignantly marks the approach to the 100 year anniversary of 1917
Enfranchisement Bill. The sacrifices that these women, and hundreds of others, made
in order to secure women the vote is, in some ways, incomprehensible. As Sylvia
10
E. Sylvia Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals (London: Virago History, 1972)
p.595

10. 120061037
le12020
10
herself stated in 1977, “the young women of to-day scarcely realise the great changes
which have already taken place”.11
11
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.609

11. 120061037
le12020
11
Chapter
1
A
family
torn
apart
by
war:
the
voice
of
the
Pankhurst
sisters
As touched upon in my introduction, 1914 proved a significant year for the
Pankhursts. Following Sylvia’s establishment of the East London Federation of
Suffragettes (E.L.F.S.), Christabel and Emmeline Pankhurst expelled her from the
Woman’s Social and Political Union (W.S.P.U) after a disagreement on the
legitimacy of working-class representation in the suffragette movement. The news of
the separation was met with indignation within the East End, as clearly demonstrated
through their defiant tone in the first issue of The Women’s Dreadnought – published
on 8 March 2014, to coincide with International Women’s Day:
“Some people say that the lives of working women are too hard and
their education too small for them to become a powerful voice in
winning the vote. Such people have forgotten their history”.12
The split was further driven by the onset of war in August 1914, as Sylvia’s
commitment to pacifism differed significantly with Christabel and Emmeline’s
patriotic support for the conflict. Although both sides were driven by the war to insist
upon the need for female enfranchisement, they both used different approaches and
saw different priorities.
12
The Women’s Dreadnought (8 March 1914) LSE Women’s Library – n.b. all further references to The Women’s Dreadnought
are sourced from LSE Women’s Library

12. 120061037
le12020
12
Sylvia
Pankhurst,
the
Pacifist
In order to contextualise the women’s situation before the war – long before
patriotism took hold of Christabel and Emmeline – we need to explore the
suffragettes’ position - in particular, the position of Sylvia Pankhurst. In the early
months of 1914 alone, Sylvia had been imprisoned nine times under the ‘Cat and
Mouse Act’, which allowed the early release of prisoners who were so weakened by
hunger striking that they were at risk of death.13
They were then recalled back to
prison once their health had sufficiently recovered, where the process would begin
again. The purpose of the hunger strike, from the point of view of the suffragette
victim, was an assertion of their individual will against the establishment.14
Sylvia’s experience was a harrowing one. In a letter written by Sylvia Pankhurst in
1913 (see fig.1), she describes the trauma of force-feeding whilst in prison.15
The
“friend” she addresses is ambiguous - however, as it is part of the Independent Labour
Party archive, it is likely to be Kier Hardie, the leader and founder, with whom she
had a close relationship. This is illustrated through her words, “you must guess the
rest”, suggesting a loyalty and trust between the addresser and addressee.16
The
desperate tone of the letter is striking, making it difficult to read emotionally as she
states “I have hoped in the minor will become major to get me out” - alluding to the
all-important 1913 ‘Cat and Mouse’ Act, as she prays her “minor” illness will become
severe enough to secure her release.17
Her humour remains in tact however, as
13
‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century’, ed. by Harold Smith (Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990),
p.7
14
‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century, ed. by Harold Smith, p.16
15
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) LSE Women’s Library
16
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)
17
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)

13. 120061037
le12020
13
declares herself as a “rat in a trap”.18
Sylvia’s sentences seem frenzied and short - a
possible effect of her weakening health. As an educated woman, the effects of the
force feeding are clearly evident upon her spelling as she spells “too” wrong, and later
she states “Oh, I can’t spell!”.19
The diagram she includes further exemplifies her
struggle with words - perhaps she felt she failed to express in words the dire
circumstances in which she was force-fed. However, despite the evident desperation,
her resolve is reaffirmed through the words “I never cease to fight”, reminding us of
the battle the suffragettes faced as unofficial soldiers of equality.20
The words,
underlined, portray a woman of conviction. Her main concern however, is
demonstrated towards the end of letter, constantly repeating the words “I” and
“worry” in relation to her East End federation - clearly indicating where her priorities
lay, even before war broke out.21
Sylvia’s priorities remain the same, evidenced through the newspaper she edited: The
Women’s Dreadnought. The name itself is an interesting choice. Dating back from
1573, it defines itself as both “a type of battleship” and “a fearless person” -
somewhat apt considering its war context and its suffrage motives - literally and
figuratively declaring battle against the government and the “propaganda press” being
churned out by the Britannia.22
Even during the very beginning of the war in The
Women’s Dreadnought, there is a lack of focus upon actual war itself - despite the
novelty and obvious distress being caused to the country. Instead, many articles
focused on the war were placed towards the end of newspaper. It is evident that
18
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)
19
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)
20
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)
21
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)
22
Oxford English Dictionary Online, ‘dreadnought’, <http://0-
www.oed.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon.ac.uk/view/Entry/57596?redirectedFrom=dreadnought#eid> [last accessed 26/03/15]

14. 120061037
le12020
14
Sylvia, in her role as editor, is more concerned with using the publication and the war
as a platform for social problems to be brought into the spotlight - especially in the
East End - as she proudly proclaims, “In the East End, hardship from the war rose
immediately - the poor gallantly helping the poor”.23
She continues to promote her
own causes through the media, showing her working class priorities – something that
is also demonstrated through its name change to The Worker’s Dreadnought in 1917.
Sylvia takes a different angle on war, instead promoting sympathy for those left
behind. Despite her being a committed pacifist and firmly against the war, it is
interesting how it undoubtedly served her interests to some extent, to bring such social
inequality and the problems of the working class into public view. For instance, she
promoted and argued for cost-price restaurants, a profit-free toy factory and the
working conditions of female munitions workers (see fig. 2).24
One article, titled ‘Victims of War’ (see fig. 3) which focuses on an inquest into a
death of a “Southwark baby”, is particularly poignant as it reveals the family “had no
relief… on account of the War” and the author scathingly comments on the coroner’s
verdict of “death from natural causes”. 25
The short length of the text seems deliberate:
it is frank yet powerful. It mixes poignancy and harrowing truth to great effect,
speaking to its women readers’ maternal instincts as it states: “His baby, at 15 months,
weighed 7lb 6 oz. instead of 18lbs or 20lbs as it should have done”.26
The use of cold,
harsh numbers powerfully conveys the graveness of the family’s circumstances. The
author’s indignation at the situation is clear, as she bluntly summarises her argument
23
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.592
24
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 Sept 1914)
25
‘The Women’s Dreadnought (12 Dec 1914)
26
‘The Women’s Dreadnought (12 Dec 1914)

15. 120061037
le12020
15
with a reference to the “women - wives and mothers whose babies are dying of
starvation through the effects of War”.27
A second article, titled ‘The Sweating Scandal’ also focuses on the exploitation faced
by the women workers, thrust into the industry on account of war. Sylvia lays down
the brutal facts of such work, detailing not only the painstaking labour the women
undertake, but also the minimal “2¼d. an hour” pay: “For factory work the main
essential is speed… the women… twist wire around the bundle, push it into a hole in
the wooden brush back and fasten off with wire behind: 163 little bundles must they
make and wire and fix into 163 holes for one penny”.28
As Angela K. Smith argues,
“Sylvia’s articles tend to be more complex and fully argued… She draws upon
material evidence, statistics and acts of parliament, in order to prove her point, and
relates all her ideas back to social inequality”.29
Smith’s observations are borne out by
a close analysis of Sylvia Pankhurst’s articles, as Sylvia – in the ‘Sweating Scandal’ -
ends by scornfully attacking the argument by those who defend the sweated rates of
pay to women - “half a loaf is better than no bread” - with the question “But why
should no bread or half the bread that is necessary, be the choice of the daughters of
the richest country in the world?”.30
Her style carries conviction and a demand for the
women reading her articles to “not bolster up the sweating scandal”, as its appeal is
reinforced by a consciously inserted anecdote of a woman exploited by a charity,
which precedes the attack: “On Monday I was paid 4s 6d. for seven days work. The
27
‘The Women’s Dreadnought (12 Dec 1914)
28
The Women’s Dreadnought (24 Oct 1914)
29
Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.110
30
The Women’s Dreadnought (24 Oct 1914)

16. 120061037
le12020
16
woman who used to do the work that I did was paid 2s. a day, and she had a husband
in regular employment. I am a widow”.31
As it became increasingly evident that the war wouldn’t ‘be over by Christmas’, The
Women’s Dreadnought does indeed become more war-focused - yet the work in the
East End, and the continued suffragette movement, continues to take centre stage - as
illustrated by the items incorporated on the cover pages: social gatherings, ongoing
suffrage movement updates, mother and babies and cost-price restaurants. As the war
goes on, later editions begin to place much more emphasis on “political activism”,
often teamed with the welfare of the local women “to give a greater poignancy to the
politics”.32
An article titled ‘Conscription’ (see fig. 4) is just one example of the extent
of opposition to the war found in the newspaper.33
It was written by Sylvia herself,
suggesting that she writes the main pieces, or the articles she considers most
important or which might make the greater impact. Her use of rhetorical techniques,
similar to those used for years in her rallying suffragette speeches, are clearly evident,
with repeated use of the pronouns “We” and “our”, as she battles to rouse indignant
opposition to the bill: “We must oppose conscription with all our force. We must take
our stand by the young men”.34
A longer, more developed article titled ‘The Military Service Bill’ published two
weeks later then follows up the article.35
The article follows the release of Lord
Derby’s statement a week earlier, imposing conscription on all single men aged 18 to
41, with exemptions for those in essential war time employment, those deemed
31
The Women’s Dreadnought (24 Oct 1914)
32
Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.108
33
The Women’s Dreadnought (1 Jan 1916)
34
The Women’s Dreadnought (1 Jan 1916)
35
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)

17. 120061037
le12020
17
medically unfit, religious ministers, and conscientious objectors.36
The title is now the
official name of the bill, and its length is more than double it’s predecessor. Sylvia’s
use of powerful and insistent language – “What a dishonest piece of absurdity!” -
along with the continuation of her characteristic use of collective pronouns “We” and
“our”, convey her insistent condemning opinion on “the most amazing pieces of bluff
and effrontery committed even by this Government”.37
The Bill is transformed into
the enemy, personified as an evil that should “be fought, until it has been destroyed”.38
This, coupled with her use of martial language such as “under cover”, “command”
and “bodies”, transcends the Bill into belonging to almost German enemy territory, as
her language suggests a need to attack it. Her use of figures eerily predict exactly
what we know did end up happening: “Soon we are likely to find that a boy of 16,
whose physique appears to be that of 19, may be called up as a conscript”, as she
directly addresses those “Mothers and fathers” affected.39
As the article goes on, its
paragraphs become shorter and shorter, illustrating the author’s incredulous tone,
whilst the lyrical nature of repeated plosive sounds emphasises her eloquence: “It
appears to us peculiarly mean that middle-aged politicians, from their well-paid
security, should be endeavoring to exercise compulsion against young lads who are
still under the legal age of maturity and may not vote”.40
As we might expect, Sylvia reverts back to her political voting agenda, now extending
her sympathies to not only women, but also the underage “lads”, both of whom she
deems vulnerable members of the contemporary war-driven patriarchal society.41
The
36
‘Called to Active Service…’, Parliamentary Archives, <http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/parliamentary-
archives/archives-highlights/archives-ww1-conscription/> [last accessed 29/04/15]
37
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)
38
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)
39
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)
40
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)
41
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)

18. 120061037
le12020
18
use of the word ‘lads’ not only emphasises their youth, but also suggests feelings of
affection towards the boys affected by the Bill, within her East End community.
Sylvia later compares the Bill as akin to a “chain of compulsion”.42
Again, the
alliteration resonates years of propaganda speeches. But, it is the connotations that
accompany such an image: restriction, fear, and an impossibility to break free, that are
brought to the forefront. This is even more tragic considering we are simultaneously
informed that the Government strives “to entangle us”.43
From
Suffragette
to
Britannia
Such articles are a far cry from the rallying calls that were concurrently emerging
from the Britannia (formally The Suffragette). Edited by Christabel Pankhurst, the
newspaper, labeled the ‘official organ of the W.S.P.U.’, uses the war as a platform to
celebrate the arguably temporary female enfranchisement as a result of hundreds of
women going into war work. Its patriotism is clearly illustrated through its choice of
cover images (see fig. 5). Its bold appearance, along with its large, striking and
emotive cover images, captures the eye of the reader. The issue of 15 October 1915
represents the patriotic nature of the publication through the famous symbol of the
woman carrier, “thus encompassing both strands of the Pankhurst dogma”.44
Both the
image and the smaller, yet still bold, words that head the page appeal to the patriotic
conscience. The second issue, from 3 December 1915 is one of the more unique
covers, in that it incorporates a substantial chunk of text alongside a bold headline and
the simple, yet effective, image of a map. The areas ominously shaded black indicates
42
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)
43
The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)
44
Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.107
Britannia, (15 Oct 1915) LSE Women’s Library – n.b. all further references to the Britannia are sourced from LSE Women’s
Library

19. 120061037
le12020
19
the possible territory the Germans are to occupy if, as Christabel argues, Britain
allows them a “free hand to destroy Serbia and get the Balkans under their control”.45
Both sisters use the war to engage with female enfranchisement but both have
different methods and priorities - their similarities significantly outweighed by the
passion of their difference. The war signaled an end to active militancy as Christabel
issued a statement through the Press that such violence would be rendered “less
effective” in contrast with the greater violence of war, and that work for the vote
would be “futile”, therefore the Union was to suspend all activities.46
Christabel
shrewdly realised that patriotic sacrifice could greatly enhance women’s claim to
citizenship and began to wage her own war. She demanded the military conscription
of men and the industrial conscription of women - “national service” as it was termed
- through a campaign that saw Christabel and Emmeline delivering recruitment
speeches, and handing out white feathers, whilst touring the country. In her memoir,
Sylvia states, “When I first read in the Press that Mrs. Pankhurst and Christabel were
returning to England for a recruitment campaign I wept”. She continues, describing
the twist in events as a “tragic betrayal”.47
The Britannia also published government propaganda within their newspaper, urging
both women and men to present themselves in the name of the war effort. No longer a
mouthpiece for the W.S.P.U., the Britannia quickly became an organ for the
government itself, as advertisements (see fig. 6) began to appear in an attempt to
recruit women for much-needed war work: “England expects every girl will do her
45
Britannia, (3 Dec 1915)
46
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.591
47
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, pp.594-5

20. 120061037
le12020
20
duty”.48
Sylvia dryly stated in response: “Lloyd George, whom Christabel had
regarded as the most bitter and dangerous enemy for women, was now the one
politician in whom she and Mrs. Pankhurst placed confidence in”.49
Unlike Sylvia,
who was also pleased that women too were finally being offered similar working
opportunities for men, Christabel and Emmeline neglected to focus on the exploitation
that many girls faced at this time. Instead it was The Women’s Dreadnought who
continually featured such key issues, including the battle for living wage and long
hours. As Smith argues, “Christabel conveniently brushes aside questions of workers’
welfare and conditions”.50
After years of suffrage campaigning, it seems slightly
disappointing to see Christabel be so quick to sweep aside such concerns. Instead she
ironically uses the war as a platform to achieve good working relations with the
government for her own motives - possibly thinking the eventual outcome they hope
for outweighs the present situation.
This is far removed from her mother’s strategy and the Emmeline that stated, “It is the
government that is our enemy; it is not the MPs, it is not the men of this country; it is
the Government in power alone that can give us the vote”, in 1913.51
Sylvia
Pankhurst’s attitude could not be more different, as illustrated earlier through her
various attempts to expose failed pay and conditions many working men and women
faced during the war. In an article titled ‘Lloyd George in Wonderland’, she again
quotes statistical evidence to back up her accusations, arguing that many women were
working weeks of up to ninety hours, up to thirty more than the number recommended
48
Britannia (22 Oct 1915)
49
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.594
50
Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.113
51
‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century’, ed. by Harold Smith, p.15

21. 120061037
le12020
21
by the Health of Munitions Workers Committee.52
These attitudes, which take up a
polar opposition in terms of ideas and principles, led to the consequence of the
breaking up of a family originally united in their drive to achieve female
enfranchisement. Their conflict is even crudely illustrated (but with a certain amount
of underlying humour) through the notice in the Britannia (see fig.7), announcing the
W.S.P.U’s move West, thus putting the family at complete geographical opposites.53
The Britannia was notoriously ferocious when it came to attacking ‘pacifist
publications’ - The Women’s Dreadnought being a prime example - and Sylvia was
often publicly repudiated by Mrs. Pankhurst through the medium of the press: “A
Message from Mrs. Pankhurst… Hearing of a demonstration recently held in
Trafalgar Square [she] strongly repudiates and condemns Sylvia’s foolish behaviour
and unpatriotic conduct. Regret I cannot prevent the use of name”.54
For many modern
readers, this public and personal attack seems shocking, yet despite both Christabel
and Emmeline’s apparent extremism, it is important to remember that much of the
propaganda expressed within the Britannia were closely aligned to those found in the
contemporary mainstream press.55
The
German
Threat:
Two
Sides
of
the
Same
Coin
By juxtaposing an article from each newspaper in regards to the German threat, we
can identity to what extent their conflicting beliefs affected their journalism. ‘The
East End Air Raid’, published in The Women’s Dreadnought, provides an excellent
example of Sylvia’s impassioned, yet calm, journalistic style: “To see the result of the
52
‘Munition Workers Hours’, House of Lords debate, 30 March 1916 (vol 21, cc576-80)
<http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1916/mar/30/munition-workers-hours> [last accessed 26/03/15]
53
Britannia (15 Oct 1915)
54
Britannia, (28 April,1916)
55
Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.109

22. 120061037
le12020
22
German Air Raid, numbers of unaccustomed visitors came flocking to East London,
well-dressed people in motor cars and taxis”.56
Her tone is mocking, as they traverse
unfamiliar streets in search for bomb damage, as the East End is depicted as a mere
tourist attraction: “Impatient passengers on the tops of buses were heard asking ‘Is
this the East End?’ before had got past Bishopsgate”.57
However Sylvia does not
allow them to find any - instead forcing them to confront the neglected conditions of
everyday life. It is the “miserable conditions dwellings, far from fit for housing
human creatures poorly clad women with sad work-worn faces, other women just
covered, no more, in horrid rags, hopeless, unhappy beings, half clothes neglected
looking little children a sadder sight” that the tourists discover and shocks them the
most, as Sylvia shuns the war.58
Instead, her agenda is the opportunity to publicise the
social consequences of such havoc. The fleeting image of tourists at a zoo is conjured
through her words, as her list structure evokes the feeling of a never-ending
depressing scene. The “poorly clad women” are immediately juxtaposed with “the
pretty ladies in dainty dresses”, as Sylvia’s mockery continues.59
However, the article
suddenly shifts its focus from the air raid damage - falsely alluded to by the article’s
title in a hope to draw in an unsuspecting reader - to a recent anti-German riot which
climaxes with the destruction of a German’s baker shop and the beating of its
occupants.
Here, she drops the ironic tone. Her refusal to shy away from the vivid violent
imagery that follows has the intention to shock, and indeed it does:
56
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
57
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
58
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
59
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)

23. 120061037
le12020
23
“A big man in clothes dusty with flour is struggling in the grasp of several
other, his mouth full of blood… A woman with streaming hair is grabbed at
by many people. A big man, who has been drinking, throws her to the
ground. Someone cries out ‘They are kicking her’. She is lost to sight in the
midst of a struggling mass of people”.60
It is the ignorance of the soldier that holds the most power in reaching out to the
reader’s conscience, as when asked to rescue her, the demand is purposely ignored:
“He laughs, ‘Why should I?’”.61
As the trouble comes to an end, the ironic tone
returns, as Sylvia consciously drops in a reminder of the German’s obvious London
roots: “The men who are holding the captive by the collar wrench and jerk at it…
each time they do it he says: ‘All right gov’er, all right,’ in reasoning Cockney
tones”.62
Sylvia defends the innocents of war, equating the helpless German victims in line
with her East End vulnerable working class, and in doing so attacks the government in
“failing to protect the defenseless aliens, and will not even give them the safe-keeping
of an internment camp”.63
Her use of the word “aliens” is significant – an ironic label
to convey what she views as ridiculous treatment to human beings. Or perhaps she is
reassuring her readers of her basic alliance with Britain by consciously labeling the
German victims as ‘the other’. Finally, she ends with an attack towards the
“prominent newspapers [that] fill their columns with articles intended to inflame the
populace to anti-German riots, articles which consume ignorant, nervous, excitable
people with suspicious terror that transforms for them the poor Hoxton baker and his
60
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
61
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
62
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
63
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)

24. 120061037
le12020
24
old mother into powerful spies, able at will to summon fleets of Zeppelins” - the very
propagandist press to which her mother and sister contribute to so significantly.64
Elsewhere, the Britannia published an article titled ‘The German Peril’ - an article
that could easily inflame into suspicious terror.65
Its intent is indisputable as the sub-
heading leads with “the Germans are a menace to civilisation”.66
However it is
interesting to note that Christabel didn’t write the article, surprising considering its
venom. Perhaps she felt anything she wrote would not match the scathing passion of
her sister. Instead the article in the Britannia is simply a republishing of passages
from an address delivered by M. Camille Flammarion, the famous astronomer, to the
Assemblee Generale de la Societe Astronomique de France - meaning it is a
translation. Its argument is incredibly patriotic, and in places, stretched as he states,
“Moreover the very name of German means men of war: Ger-man; and the French
word Guerre is of Germanic origin derived from Guerra and werra from the German
wehr”.67
This kind of folk etymology can sound far fetched in the eyes of a modern
reader, yet it would have been patriotic music to the ears of millions of anti-German
Britons in 1916, as morale no doubt began to drop.
It is difficult to say just how much of an impact both newspapers had on the public,
yet it is certain that these women, constantly in the public eye, must have been hard to
ignore.68
However what clearly comes over from the pages of these two publications
is passionate belief. Despite a huge contrast in each agenda - the patriotic zeal of the
Britannia and the social radicalism of The Women’s Dreadnought - both never forget
64
The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)
65
Britannia, (14 April 1916)
66
Britannia, (14 April 1916)
67
Britannia, (14 April 1916)
68
Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.115

25. 120061037
le12020
25
the important need for female enfranchisement, and the women’s vote. War
undeniably marks a shift in agenda, providing a crucial platform to prove that not only
could women positively contribute to society, but also for empowering women to earn
the vote that they believed was lawfully theirs.

26. 120061037
le12020
26
Chapter
2
The
Suffragette
Movement
through
the
eyes
of
the
British
public
In my last chapter, I explored how Sylvia Pankhurst’s pacifism contrasted distinctly
with Christabel and Emmeline’s patriotic support for the conflict, and how they
represented themselves and the suffragette movement through their individual
publications: The Women’s Dreadnought and the Britannia. In this following chapter,
I will examine how the contemporary public reacted to the suffragettes as a mirror
alternative to my first. The view of the suffragette movement as a whole during the
war period was predominantly mixed, leaning towards the negative, with many
deeming it selfish for them to continue waging an enfranchisement war with the
government when the entire nation was facing a far more important battle.
Following the declaration of war on August 12th
1914, Christabel’s original
periodical, The Suffragette failed to appear, as Emmeline issued a press statement
from the W.S.P.U. stating that “militancy would be rendered ‘less effective’ in
contrast with the greater violence of war, [and] that work for the vote on the lines of
peaceful argument being, ‘as we know, futile’, [so] the Union would suspend
activities”.69
The contemporary negative reaction towards the movement, and the
decrease in public interest, for reasons gestured to by the W.S.P.U’s statement, is
evidenced through the number of articles published by the Press between 1914-1918
containing the word ‘suffragette’. According to the British Newspaper Archive, in
1914, there were 9,105 articles published within the UK’s newspapers containing the
69
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.591

27. 120061037
le12020
27
word ‘suffragette’. By 1915, this had dropped to a staggeringly underwhelming 631.70
Presumably, the British press was more concerned by the acceleration of the war as
opposed to the women’s fight for the vote. When we delve further into the presses
representation of the Pankhursts themselves during this period, we can identify a
similar pattern. In 1914, there were 2,246 occurrences of the word ‘Pankhurst’ within
the British press; by 1915 this had dropped to just 545, and again to 368 in 1916.71
There is a notable amount of mentions of ‘Mrs. Pankhurst’ and ‘Christabel’ and their
Government-led war efforts, however there is little mention of Sylvia, except the
occasional ‘appeal for help’ within The Times. Her East End working class priorities
remain steadfast as she pleas “urgently for milk and eggs… for hundreds of babies are
in danger of dying because their mothers cannot buy milk for them” (see fig.8).72
Perhaps the decreasing presence of Sylvia within the press was because she continued
to urge the enfranchisement of both sexes, and therefore bore the brunt of public
criticism. Her views are markedly opposite to those of Christabel who stated that
women’s enfranchisement “would arise again in practical shape after the victories of
the Allies”.73
The Britannia, through its suffrage press propaganda, was the reason
“many women found themselves first introduced to the idea of war work as a patriotic
duty for women” - thus redeeming itself in the eyes of the public, for years of
disruptive suffrage work.74
But what actually were the contemporary reactions to the
suffragettes? Just “childish tactics” as deemed by The Sheffield Daily Independent or,
a genuine empathy with their fight for enfranchisement?75
70
‘Suffragette’, British Newspaper Archive, <http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk> [last accessed 02.05.15]
71
‘Pankhurst’, British Newspaper Archive, <http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk> [last accessed 02.05.15]
72
‘How To Be Useful In War Time’ (25 Aug 1914), The Times Digital Archive [last accessed 02.05.2015]
73
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.601
74
Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, p.195
75
The Sheffield Daily Independent, (14 Feb 1908), LSE Women’s Library: Box FL936

28. 120061037
le12020
28
Sylvia
Pankhurst:
A
Recount
Recounts and diaries can offer an insightful look into the genuine reactions of the
British public during this period, away from the bias of the press. One example of a
contemporary view, in regards to Sylvia in particular, can be gained through the
writing of the Macleod sisters, who recall a bitter exchange between Sylvia and some
wounded soldiers during a public meeting in Cambridge, as she demands for an end to
the war. For her unrelenting, vigorous campaigns, she inevitably earned the disdain of
the many more patriotic members of society, as demonstrated through the sisters’
immediate branding of “her twaddly opinions”.76
The use of the adjective “twaddly”
suggests a mockery of her “violent Anti Compulsion, Stop the War at once speech”,
as the ironic use of the word ‘violent’ suggests a disdainful attitude and an accusation
of hypocrisy towards Sylvia.77
The recount offers us an insight into the public
reception of Sylvia on an anti-conscription platform, as it states, “the crowd were not
having any [of it]”.78
The sarcastic tones identified so often in Sylvia’s owns derisive
articles towards the establishment is now used against her, as the sisters state: “After
proving (to herself) the evils of conscription other countries, she said tragically ‘And
now England has had conscription forced upon her’ ‘Hooray’ from the crowd”.79
The details within the recount suggest the crowd to be a majority of pro-war citizens,
as Sylvia’s words are met with “Roars of derision”.80
The questioning from the crowd,
accusatory and centred on “Why aren’t you making munitions?”, is also telling in
76
Elizabeth A. and Mary L. Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, Women’s Writing of the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by
Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) p.85
77
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.85
78
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.85
79
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, pp.85-6
80
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.86

29. 120061037
le12020
29
revealing what the public deem to be ‘a woman’s duty’ during the war.81
Their words
suggest that, in their eyes, a woman’s rightful place is to be in a factory contributing
to the war effort. Sylvia repeatedly addresses the crowd as “my friends”, something
that is immediately chastised by one soldier with the words “You’re an enemy”, thus
indicating her attempts to be in vain.82
The rowdy crowd’s loyalty is implied by their
actions, “She then said that the men who had been fighting had been merely wasting
time: the crowd promptly gave three cheers for the wounded, and next for all
soldiers”, indicating a battle wound to be a symbol of honour amongst civilians.83
As
the meeting disperses, Sylvia continues her advocation for the working class,
appealing for “funds (pennies) for her Milk for Babies fund in E.London”.84
In
response to this, the sisters wryly comment, “After her other sentiment she didn’t get
much”, before closing with the words: “Altogether a very entertaining afternoon, and
we hope it will give Sylvia Pankhurst a lesson”.85
This clearly indicates a lack of
sincerity towards Sylvia and promotes the idea of her being mere entertainment and
not to be taken seriously. However, it is important to note the speech’s Cambridge
setting and middle-class audience - Sylvia’s words may not have received the same
reaction if surrounded by her loyal East London working class community, whom she
had aided for so long.
Cartoon
Politics
One of the most popular mediums in which to illustrate contemporary attitudes
towards the suffragette movement at the time was through cartoons. Cartoons often
had the power to be duplicitous, with their surface humour often masking underlying
81
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.86
82
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.86
83
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, pp.86-7
84
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.87
85
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.87

30. 120061037
le12020
30
messages. The first, titled ‘At Last!’ (see fig.9), was published in ‘Punch’ on January
23rd, 1918.86
It portrays a positive view of the movement, as it gestures towards the
recent passing of a Bill on December 7th, 1917, which “gave votes to approximately
six times the number of women whose enfranchisement had been attempted under the
pre-War Conciliation Bills”.87
It depicts a solitary figure ‘flying the flag’ both literally
and figuratively for women’s suffrage and is representative of their long-awaited
achievement. The light that emanates from the woman, along with her
disproportionately large size, elevates her and suggests her to be saint-like, paving the
way forward for a more equal society. This notion is reinforced through her pose,
looking up towards the heavens, and surrounded by nature, suggesting the woman’s
right to vote to be a natural one. Yet despite this, her clothes and stance remain
masculine, implying that for a woman to be suitable to vote she must possess the
similar qualities of a man. Her military attire, including a sword, alludes to both the
country’s current state of war, and the suffragettes’ own war with the establishment.
This simple, and yet effective cartoon represents the radical turn of events within the
women’s suffrage movement, whilst also subtly suggesting that those at Punch were
supportive of votes being granted to women.
The Daily Herald was another publication that was notable for its suffrage cartoons. I
have selected two of the more famous illustrations from the newspaper, in order to
compare the juxtaposing attitudes within both. The first (see fig.10) emits a level of
sympathy for those made victim to the cruel act of force-feeding, as described by
Sylvia’s letter in my previous chapter.88
It is captioned:
86
‘At Last!’, Punch (28 Jan 1918) LSE Women’s Library – ref. no: TWL.2002.222
87
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.607
88
Will Dyson, ‘For what you are about to receive…’, The Daily Herald (24 May 1913), The British Cartoon Archive - ref. no:
WDN0109

31. 120061037
le12020
31
"For what you are about to receive..."
[Mr. McKenna Forcible-Feeder-in-Chief to the Cabinet, has described
with moving candour the loving and chivalrous care, the almost pious
delicacy, with which the Government treats those of its Suffragist
enemies who fall into its tender hands.]
McKenna, F.-F.-in-C. (to the World at Large): -
"Observe how we treat every case
With the Chivalrous Tact of our Race -
How before we proceed
To forcibly feed,
We NEVER omit to say Grace!"
Although its caption is humorous to an extent, which can be seen through labelling
Mr. McKenna as “Forcible-Feed-In-Chief”, there is an underlying sinister message for
its readers; depicting just how brutal and cruel the act of force- feeding was. The
sarcastic tone of the caption as it describes “the loving and chivalrous care” of the
Government, is a direct condemnation of its actions. The reference to saying ‘Grace’
alludes to the idea of its actions being unholy, going directly against God’s own
doctrine, as the suffragette would definitely not have been thankful for the food she
was about to receive. The male figure in the picture, who is illustrated to be forcing
the funnel down the poor woman’s throat, is presented as a stereotypical butler in his
attire. This conveys the idea of orders being carried out by ‘puppets’, who are forced
in turn to succumb to orders from above. This is possibly in sympathy to the
suffragettes, and illustrates unwillingness from the male figure, as the establishment is
portrayed as subjecting others to do their unsavoury work for them. The woman’s
bedraggled state of servant attire connotes the idea of women being forced into their
‘rightful’ domestic place within society, as the funnel symbolises, both literally and
figuratively, the suffragettes being forced to swallow society’s patriarchy rule.

32. 120061037
le12020
32
The ‘For what we are about to receive…’ cartoon’s main aim is to promote sympathy
for the suffragettes and this contrasts heavily with the later ‘The New Advocate’
cartoon (see fig. 11).89
Despite being penned by the same artist, Will Dyson, the
change in attitude towards the women is significant. Here, another solitary figure is
portrayed, but as a frail skeleton. Its stooped shoulders suggest an air of resignation,
as the bony frame connotes futility - the idea of there being no end in sight for the
suffragette movement. The cartoon essentially criticises the suffragette’s actions as
being in vain – similar to the depiction of force-feeding in the previous cartoon.
Unlike the Punch cartoon, for which victory has resulted in a masculine woman
figure, here the figure is portrayed as ultimately feminine. From the long dress, and
inappropriately high heels for such walking, it is a sharp reminder of their low status
within society due to their gender. Again, similar to The Daily Herald’s ‘For what we
are about to receive…’ cartoon, there is an underlying allusion to God through the
presence of a church in the background. Perhaps this is a miniature symbol of a
religious advocating towards their cause. Its caption, ‘The New Advocate’, is intended
to be ironic, given the old bones of the figure, suggesting The Daily Herald to be
labeling the movement as past its time. It is important to remember however, that the
cartoons do not necessarily illustrate Dyson’s own views on the suffragette
movement. Instead they act to chart society’s mix of attitudes towards the women.
The
Nation’s
Newspapers
The British press as a medium was incredibly influential in swaying public opinion on
the suffragettes. As expected, the Anti-Suffrage press were quick to express their own
views on the movement. The Women’s Anti-Suffrage League launched the Anti-
89
Will Dyson, ‘The New Advocate’, The Daily Herald (11 June 1913), The British Cartoon Archive - ref. no: WDN0046

33. 120061037
le12020
33
Suffrage Review in December 1908, which ran until 1918. The pamphlet “denounced
the behaviour of the suffragettes for their unfemininity, violence, sexual deviance,
hysteria, unnaturalness and threat to other women she represented as exposing women
to ridicule and insult”.90
In its heyday it had over 9000 subscriptions, suggesting it to
have substantial influence. Their attitude towards the suffragettes is as expected, and
one particularly good example of their views is through an article titled ‘The
Sophistries of Suffragettism’, published February 1914 (see fig. 12).91
Written by Arch. Gibbs, the article ultimately criticises the movement, accusing them
of “falsehoods and sophistries”.92
His tone is derisive and withering towards their
actions, accusing them of possessing a “jargon which is quite their own, and in which
terms bear no kind of relation to their general connotation”.93
Thus, he argues:
“to break a window is said to be ‘sending a message’, a wretch who
slashes a man across the face with a dog-whip is states to have
‘interviewed’ him, while a fiend in human shape who hurls a hatchet into
a carriage filled with people is declared to have ‘symbolically dropped’
it”.94
By referring to the suffragettes collectively as ‘wretches’ and ‘fiends’, Arch. Gibbs
therefore declares them to be somewhat sub-human, considering their actions to be
against human nature as they often endanger others. The alliteration of “hurls a
hatchet” increases the violence of the action, as the verb itself connotes the idea of
impulse, suggesting the suffragettes to lack any consideration towards the
consequences of their “criminal lunacy”.95
90
‘Anti-Suffrage’, The Suffragettes <http://www.thesuffragettes.org/history/anti-suffrage/> [last accessed: 22/04/15]
91
‘The Sophistries of Suffragettism’, Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) Box 133, LSE Women’s Library
92
Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914)
93
Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914)
94
Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914)
95
Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914)

34. 120061037
le12020
34
Although these views may seem a tad extreme in hindsight to the modern reader, it
was an opinion shared by many across Britain. The Sheffield Daily Independent
declared the suffragettes to be using “childish tactics” and responsible for “laughable
incidents” in one headline (see fig. 13), whilst the Yorkshire Telegraph dedicated a
double page spread to the mocked “Modern Martyrs” (see fig. 14).96
The coverage,
resonating of Hogarth’s A Harlot’s Progress as it depicts the suffragettes’ own
downfall, acts as a timeline of events. First it begins with the “drive from the
Westminster Police Courts”, describing the smashing of windows on arrival, before
ending with “two months’ imprisonment”.97
The Yorkshire Telegraph’s closing
remark, “Two months’ imprisonment each should satisfy even their fierce craving
martyrdom”, suggests the pair (Mrs. Marie Leigh and Miss Edith New) to be
deserving of their punishment, and echoes back to the similar contemptuous attitude
of ‘learning a lesson’ that the Macleod sisters exhibited in their recount of Sylvia
Pankhurst.98
The use of the word “craving” is significant as it expresses the notion of
greed and intense desire. It also contradicts the “martyrdom” which they seek:
something that is achieved, predominantly on the grounds of selflessness.99
The recognisable mocking tones of the press return with gusto within this article, as
the image captions suggest the paper’s viewpoint towards the movement to be
disparaging - the sarcastic third caption in particular exemplifies its opinion:
96
The Sheffield Daily Independent, (14 Feb 1908), LSE Women’s Library: Box FL936
Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) LSE Women’s Library: Box FL936
97
Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908)
98
Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908)
Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, Women’s Writing of the First World War
99
Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908)

35. 120061037
le12020
35
“The noise of the glazier putting in fresh panes of glass in the windows
of 10, Downing Street, broken by the Suffragettes, disturbed the
Premier’s slumbers early yesterday. The fact is hardly likely to
prejudice him in favour of ‘Votes for Women’.100
Again, it is the militant tactics that the suffrage movement employs that are subject to
condemnation and scorn. The aim of the movement itself - the enfranchisement of
women - is scarcely mentioned in the press. Thus my earlier musing on the
significance of the abrupt drop in ‘suffragette’ press coverage as Britain entered the
war is explained. The war essentially signaled an end to the militancy, as they instead
used their own newspapers and publications – including The Women’s Dreadnought
and the Britannia - to replace the propaganda of actions. Consequently it became a
campaign of words – as explored in Chapter One - effectively “developing a
multifaceted female public identity through the continued representation of women as
political actors within their pages” and “promoting a model of tactical cooperation
between readers and government”.101
Postcard
Propaganda
Similar to cartoons, the use of postcards also offers us an insight into the attitudes
towards the suffragette movement at the time. As Norman Watson argues, “pictorial
representations became a powerful instrument in winning sympathy to the women’s
cause, as well as fuelling opposition against the movement”.102
By examining a
sample of postcards, I determined there were four main entrenched visual themes -
pro-suffrage, women portrayed as animals, the stereotypical female, and the inversion
of gender roles - thus I have divided my analysis as such.
100
Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908)
101
Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, pp.187/191
102
Norman Watson, ’Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’,
<http://www.scottishwordimage.org/debatingdifference/WATSON.pdf> [last accessed 23/04/15], p.16

36. 120061037
le12020
36
The first group of pro-suffrage postcards (see figs. 15-20) are mostly the product of
the ‘Artists’ Suffrage League’.103
This was an organisation made up of professional
women artists, set up in 1907, with a vision to change parliamentary opinion and
engage with positive propaganda. Figures 15, 16 and 17 all employ stark black and
white tones in an attempt to emphasise the somberness of the issues at hand, whilst
also alluding to the idea of society being faced with a black and white choice in
regards to votes for women. Figure 15 uses capitals to emphasise the overall
reasoning for their injustice of being “left penniless”: “BECAUSE YOU ARE
WOMEN”, whilst also focusing on the younger generation of ladies to gain initial
support.104
Figure 16 meanwhile, continues the trend of illustrating the stalk truth and
holes within the law as it features Mr. John Burns, an MP at the time, delivering the
statement “mothers don’t count as parents”, as the focus on a woman’s lack of rights
within government aims to make the reader question why.105
Figure 17 is possibly the most disturbing of the illustrations, depicting a woman
hunched over in resignation, much like the skeletal figure in The Daily Herald
cartoon, with her hands in clasped in prayer.106
Here, black and white represents the
fine line between life and death and the personified figure of ‘Starvation’ leans over
her ominously, as the caption wryly reads: “Waiting for a living wage”. The border of
chains that encapsulates the image reflects the inescapable situation that the
103
Postcard Box 2/Cartoon, LSE Women’s Library - n.b. all further references to postcards are sourced from LSE Women’s
Library
104
‘Because you are women’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
105
‘Rights of Women’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
Italics used for emphasis
106
‘Waiting for Living Wage’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

37. 120061037
le12020
37
suffragette has entered, as she remains chained to her purpose, until death if
necessary.
Figure 18 and 19 are similar, both featuring saintly figures with their arms outreached
in a mixed gesture of defiance and welcome. Figure 18 consciously employs the
W.S.P.U.’s colours of purple for dignity, white for purity; and green for hope, as the
woman’s open arms and position within an open window frame literally illustrates its
caption: “To open the eyes”.107
Here, it figuratively urges society to approach the
movement with an open mind. The accompanying words “to bring the prisoner out of
captivity” is both a literal reference to the imprisoned suffragettes and a metaphorical
one in regards to the entire female population and their restrictions within society due
to a lack of enfranchisement. The use of the word “conquer” in particular connotes the
idea of an unwavering struggle, suggesting this to be a long-fought battle between
sexes and one that is unafraid to be violent and seize power.
Figure 19 chooses to use the colour blue, suggesting trust, honesty and loyalty - all
traits that the suffrage community would want to be associated with.108
The central
female figure holds a simple banner stating their demands: “We want the vote to stop
the white slave traffic, sweated labour, and to save the children”. Its words are a
reminder of Sylvia Pankhurst’s continuous advocation for working class women’s
rights, in particular echoing the infamous ‘Sweating Scandal’ article. The background
is filled with distressed women of all ages, clustering around the saintly figure,
suggesting this to be generation-wide issue whose only answer is a belief in the
movement.
107
‘In this sign conquer’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
108
‘The Appeal of Womanhood’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

38. 120061037
le12020
38
The next grouped theme, of women being likened to hissy geese, can be seen within
Figures 20 and 21. Women involved in the suffragette movement were often
portrayed as geese - its intended connotations obvious. Christabel in particular was
often seen as the driving force, illustrated in Figure 21 as ‘Miss Hissy’.109
Mocking
their intentions was a frequent theme of anti-suffrage postcards, and here the ‘geese’
are shown to be intent on causing trouble, as their frustrated facial expressions
suggest. The act of leading a possession, as seen in Figure 20, suggests a lack of
independent thought and will within the movement, as the women are accused of
simply following the crowd.110
Both postcards feature background shades of green, a
nod towards the W.S.P.U. colours and a referral to nature, where the ‘geese’ belong.
The arrows on ‘Miss Hissy’s’ body suggests the suffragette movement to be lacking
direction, as the captions scornfully play on their campaign jargon: “Miss Hissy
addresses a meeting of the Goose’s Social and Political Union… Is it a question of
gander - I mean gender - to stand between us and the vote?”.111
Again, the word
“gander” connotes the idea of no direction and aimlessness.
In the third themed group of postcards, which exploited the female stereotype, women
were often caricatured as ugly, hysterical, manly or incompetent (see figs. 22-24).
Figure 22 tries to evoke humour as the women literally ‘Stand Up’ on chairs in fear of
a mouse, as opposed to ‘Women’s Rights’.112
A similar hysterical facial expression is
also seen within Figure 23, suggesting women to not be taking their desire for the vote
109
‘Miss Hissy’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
110
‘Suffragettes going to Parliament’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
111
‘Miss Hissy’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
112
‘Stand Up for Women’s Rights’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

39. 120061037
le12020
39
seriously.113
Instead it is portrayed as an idea born of a mad woman, ugly and
bucktoothed in a drab dress, waving her arms in hysteria – thus undermining the
movement as a whole and labeling the entire group as ‘hysterical’. Although many of
these postcards were not intentionally anti-suffrage, they were unconsciously
prejudiced and anti-feminist – and, of course, women who objected to the images
were accused of having no sense of humour.114
Figure 24 however is the ultimate
embodiment of a sexist jeer towards the suffrage movement.115
As Mrs. Jones rushes
to save the cake she left in the oven, an illustrated string of chaos is left in her path,
indicating the believed outcome if women were to gain the vote: a society of mayhem
and disorder. Her priorities also suggest the suffrage movement to be a temporary
desire, a fleeting fancy, or a trendy fad to get involved with, implying the suffragettes
to not have considered the long term responsibility that comes with the act of voting -
therefore portraying them as essentially unworthy of the vote.
The stereotyping of gender continues through our next themed collection of postcards
(see figs. 25-27), which promote the idea that gaining the vote would mean the tearing
apart of family life. Postcards in this catergory regularly portrayed domestic strife,
hen-pecked husbands and the consequences of women abandoning the home simply
because they were able to vote. To this end, Watson argues, “anti-suffragists drew
heavily on the Victorian ideology of separate gendered spheres and claimed votes for
women would prove a disaster for families”.116
Figures 25 and 26 depict similar
scenes of a domestic home turned upside down, as the man takes the woman’s place
as a result of her involvement with the suffrage campaign. Here, an underlying
113
‘A Perfect Woman’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
114
Watson, ’Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’
115
‘Votes for Women’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
116
Watson, ’Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’

40. 120061037
le12020
40
warning to husbands across Britain is clear as they consciously attack a man’s pride.
Both men are wearing an apron, indicating their new domesticated role within the
family. Figure 26 in particular is interesting.117
The room’s purple and green decor
alludes again the W.S.P.U., making its subject instantly recognisable, whilst the
woman depicted is unusually feminine in a floral dress - perhaps making the man’s
situation even more laughable, as he kneels on the floor to physically indicate his
new, lower status within the household. The Edwardian gender roles have switched,
clearly shown through her pinching his ear and wagging her finger in mock
annoyance. Figure 27 is especially condemning, accusing women involved in the
suffrage movement to be hypocrites.118
As opposed to channeling the ‘Down with
Men’ attitude that is scrawled upon their placards, the image instead portrays them as
literally ‘downing’ their placards to engage in illicit trysts, hidden from society by a
tree, with the very men they declare as “tyrants”.
Committed to their cause, picture propaganda such as the cartoons and postcards
explored, acted to make the public aware of the existence of the movement and to
demythologise the suffragettes, as demonstrated through Figures 9-19 and 15-19.
Conversely, the misrepresentation within some illustrations damaged the suffrage
cause, making women appear much worse to the public than they really were, as
depicted through the latter collections of postcards, and ‘The New Advocate’ cartoon
in The Daily Herald. This, coupled with the negative perceptions gained from the
press, often skewed public opinion, as demonstrated by the Macleod sisters’
condemning account of Sylvia Pankhurst. From hissy geese to the warnings of
inverted gender roles, it was an obstacle that prevented people from taking the
117
‘I’ve suffered ever since!’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon
118
‘Rest for the Weary’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

41. 120061037
le12020
41
movement seriously – few would believe that the hysterical, shrieking creatures of the
illustrators actually had arguments worth listening to.

42. 120061037
le12020
42
Conclusion
Examining both the representations of the Pankhurst family through their own
publications, and the contemporary reactions of the time towards the women and the
suffrage movement, has highlighted the fickleness of attitudes during this period. In
regards to contemporary reactions, it leans towards a generally negative view of the
movement, often declared as futilely selfish given the tragic situation of war. Sylvia is
seen to bear the brunt of both the public and media’s criticism as she gallantly
continues to strive for female enfranchisement, now tied with calls for peace and a
responsibility to those in the East End who had fought alongside the E.L.F.S. in their
battle for equality. Now, the battle that faces them is one between starvation and rent,
as Sylvia herself pledged to “strive to mitigate for them the burden of war”.119
In comparison, Christabel’s obstinate demands for munitions workers, despite the
dangerous conditions highlighted by her own sister, and the W.S.P.U’s recruiting
campaigns, complete with white feathers, seem abhorrent. But it is again important to
remember that this shock from us, the modern reader, is coupled with hindsight of the
generation lost between 1914-18. The public opinion of the period indeed would have
echoed such patriotism, as exemplified by the crude, mocking illustrations and
scornful press reports within Chapter Two. However, what is gained from this
exploration is a deeper understanding of their agendas.
Both sisters, through their respective newspapers, voice undeniable passion and
determination towards the fight for female enfranchisement. Yes, both situate
119
Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.592

43. 120061037
le12020
43
themselves at opposing ends of the spectrum - Sylvia, the revolutionary pacifist and
Christabel, the unwavering patriot - but both possess an unyielding desire to achieve
something momentous in the fight for women’s suffrage. The day the third Bill passed
on December 7th, 1917 signaled this very achievement. The war, as proved
throughout this dissertation, was undoubtedly the altering change: providing a
necessary platform to demonstrate that not only could women successfully contribute
to society, but also to enable women to earn the vote that they believed to be
rightfully theirs.

44. 120061037
le12020
44
Appendix
Fig. 1 – A letter from Sylvia Pankhurst describing being force-fed, 1913/320,
Women’s Library, LSE - ILP/4/1913/286-325

45. 120061037
le12020
45
Fig. 2 – Advertisement of a ‘Cost-Price Restaurant’, The Women’s Dreadnought,
5 Sept 1914, Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

46. 120061037
le12020
46
Fig. 3 – ‘Victims of War’, The Women’s Dreadnought, 12 Dec 1914
Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

47. 120061037
le12020
47
Fig. 4 – ‘Conscription’, The Women’s Dreadnought, 1 Jan 1916
Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

48. 120061037
le12020
48
Fig. 5 – Cover pages of Britannia, 15 Oct 1915 and 3 Dec 1915
Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

49. 120061037
le12020
49
Fig. 6 – Recruitment advertisement: ‘Every girl will do her duty’, Britannia (22 Oct
1915), Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

50. 120061037
le12020
50
Fig. 7 - Notice: ‘W.S.P.U. removing to West End’, Britannia, (15 Oct 1915)
Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

51. 120061037
le12020
51
Fig. 8 – ‘Appeal for Help’, The Times, [London, England] 25 Aug. 1914: 9. The
Times Digital Archive [last accessed 02.05.2015]

52. 120061037
le12020
52
Fig. 9 – Bernard Partridge, ‘At Last’, Punch (Jan 23, 1918)
Women’s Library, LSE - Ref No: TWL.2002.222

53. 120061037
le12020
53
Fig. 10 – Will Dyson ‘For what you are about to receive…’, The Daily Herald
(May 24, 1913) – The British Cartoon Archive, WDN0109

54. 120061037
le12020
54
Fig. 11 – Will Dyson ‘The New Advocate’, The Daily Herald
(June 11, 1913) – The British Cartoon Archive, WDN0046

55. 120061037
le12020
55
Fig. 12 – Arch. Gibbs, ‘The Sophistries of Suffragettism’, The Anti-Suffrage Review
(Feb 1914) - Box 133, Fawcault Library via LSE Women’s Library

56. 120061037
le12020
56
Fig. 13 – ‘Childish Tactics’, The Sheffield Daily Telegraph
(Feb 14, 1914) - Box FL636 via LSE Women’s Library

57. 120061037
le12020
57
Fig. 14 – ‘Our Magazine’, The Yorkshire Telegraph and Star
(July 2, 1908) - Box FL636 via LSE Women’s Library

58. 120061037
le12020
58
Fig. 15 – Postcard: ‘Because you are women’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

59. 120061037
le12020
59
Fig. 16 – Postcard: ‘Rights of Women’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

60. 120061037
le12020
60
Fig. 17 – Postcard: ‘Waiting for a living wage’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

61. 120061037
le12020
61
Fig. 18 – Postcard: ‘In this sign conquer’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

62. 120061037
le12020
62
Fig. 19 – Postcard: ‘The Appeal of Womanhood’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

63. 120061037
le12020
63
Fig. 20 – Postcard: ‘Suffragettes going to Parliament’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

64. 120061037
le12020
64
Fig. 21 – Postcard: ‘Miss Hissy’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

65. 120061037
le12020
65
Fig. 22 – Postcard: ‘Stand up for Women’s Rights’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

66. 120061037
le12020
66
Fig. 23 – Postcard: ‘A Perfect Woman…’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

67. 120061037
le12020
67
Fig. 24 – Postcard: ‘Votes for Women’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

68. 120061037
le12020
68
Fig. 25 – Postcard: ‘So your wife the suffragette?’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

69. 120061037
le12020
69
Fig. 26 – Postcard: ‘I’ve suffered ever since!’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

70. 120061037
le12020
70
Fig. 27 – Postcard: ‘Rest for the Weary’
Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

71. 120061037
le12020
71
Bibliography
‘Anti-Suffrage’, The Suffragettes <http://www.thesuffragettes.org/history/anti-suffrage/> [last
accessed: 22/04/15]
‘At Last!’, Punch (28 Jan 1918) LSE Women’s Library - ref. no: TWL.2002.222
Britannia, ed. by Christabel Pankhurst (LSE Women’s Library)
‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century’, ed. by Harold Smith (Massachusetts: University
of Massachusetts Press, 1990)
British Newspaper Archive, <http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk> [last accessed
02.05.15]
‘Called to Active Service…’, Parliamentary Archives,
<http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/parliamentary-archives/archives
highlights/archives-ww1-conscription/> [last accessed 29/04/15]
Dyson, Will, ’For what you are about to receive…’, The Daily Herald (24 May 1913) The
British Cartoon Archive - ref. no: WDN0109
Dyson, Will, ’The New Advocate’, The Daily Herald (11 June 1913) The British Cartoon
Archive - ref. no: WDN0046
‘How To Be Useful In War Time’ (25 Aug 1914), The Times Digital Archive [last accessed
02.05.2015]
Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) LSE Women’s Library
Macleod, Elizabeth A. and Mary L., ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, Women’s Writing of the First
World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 2000) pp.85-87
‘Munition Workers Hours’, House of Lords debate, 30 March 1916 (vol 21, cc576-80)
<http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1916/mar/30/munition-workers-hours> [last
accessed 26/03/15]
Oxford English Dictionary Online, ‘dreadnought’,
<http://0www.oed.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon.ac.uk/view/Entry/57596?redirectedFrom=d
readnought#eid> [last accessed 26/03/15]
Pankhurst, E. Sylvia, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals
(London: Virago History, 1972)
Postcard Box 2/Cartoon, LSE Women’s Library

72. 120061037
le12020
72
Smith, Angela K., ’The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War
Propaganda’ (2003), Women’s History Review, 12:1, pp.103-118
Smith, Harold L., The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928 (London: Longman,
1998)
The Sheffield Daily Independent (14 Feb 1908), Box FL936, LSE Women’s Library
‘The Sophistries of Suffragettism’, Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) Box 133, LSE Women’s
Library
The Women’s Dreadnought, ed. by E. Sylvia Pankhurst (LSE Women’s Library)
Tusan, Michelle Elizabeth, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain,
(Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005)
Van Wingerden, Sophie A., The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928
(London: Macmillan Press, 2003)
Watson, Norman, ‘Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’,
<http://www.scottishwordimage.org/debatingdifference/WATSON.pdf> [last accessed
23/04/15]
Women’s Writing in the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)
Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) Box FL936, LSE Women’s Library