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DETECTING DECEPTION
Desmond Ayim-Aboagye, Ph.D.
Criminal Psychology
Overview
• Detecting deception from behavioural
cues
• A number of books have been published that claim to reveal
• behavioural cues to lying. Some have focused on the criminal
• setting and have been based on experienced investigators’
• beliefs about such cues. Unfortunately, recent criminal psych-
• ology research has found much of what such books claim to be
• signs of deceit to be mistaken. That is, although relevant
• professionals and lay people in several countries share the same
• beliefs about supposed cues to lying, these beliefs are largely
• wrong. In this section we will look first at the beliefs and then at
• the reality.
Beliefs about cues to lying (indicators of
nervousness)
• Behavioural cues to lying reported:
• * that people think liars avert their gaze more (i.e. look you in the eye less),
• *move their hands and feet more,
• *shift their body position more,
• *gesture more and touch their own body more.
• The reason why people think this probably relates to the fact that such behaviors
are fairly useful indicators of nervousness. If liars are nervous then they may
• behave like this.
Reasons for rejection
• Many of the beliefs about signs of deceit rest on the assumptions that w
hen people lie they experience emotion and they may
• have to think about the lies
• Reasons for rejection:
• 1. People telling the truth may well become emotional
• 2. Innocent suspects can be emotional
• 3. Some criminals may not be emotional about their crimes or
• during police interviews. They may well also have taken time to prepare and pra
ctise their lies so that they come to mind easily.
•
Important
• Detecting lies from behavioural cues demonstrated that they are
• typically little or no better than chance at this.
• A recent overview of many dozens of previous, world-
• wide studies concluded that there are no perfectly reliable behav
ioural cues to deception.
How good are professionals at detecting
deception from behaviour?
• According to Professor Aldert Vrij of the University of
Portsmouth Performance to date seems far from perfect.
• There have been researches in both USA and Britain. No
conclusive evidence exist. Read the research reports analyzed
in your book in chapter six.
Why can’t they detect deception?
• Professor Vrij has suggested some reasons that are based on
Psychological Theory and research
• 1. First, and perhaps foremost, there are dozens of research
• studies on how people actually behave when lying, which consist-
• ently have revealed that when lying compared to when they are
• telling the truth some people show increases in certain behav-
• iours, while other people show decreases or no change in the same
• behaviours.
• 2. Furthermore, in some lying/truth-telling situations a
• person’s behaviours may increase, but the same person’s behav-
• iours may decrease in other deceptive situations.
Several Possible Reasons
• 1. One is that when the stakes are higher ( as
• in our study involving real-life police interviews with suspects)
• emotions may be stronger, thus affecting behaviour more.
• 2. Another is that many people when lying try hard not to give off the
• cues they believe people look for in liars (e.g. increases in
• behaviour), and they either succeed in this or they over-control
• their behaviour, resulting in decreases.
Several Possible Reasons
• 3. Yet another might relate to whether liars have had time to prepare/practise th
eir lies. When we analysed the behaviour of the police suspects in our study we
• found lying to be associated not with the cues people commonly
• believe in (see the above section) but with a decrease in blinking
• and in hand/arm movements (females) and an increase in
• speech pauses.
• 4. A further reason why many professionals seem
• poor at lie detecting is that they may concentrate their efforts on
• analysing people’s behaviour (especially facial cues - some of
• which are, in fact, among the easiest for liars to control) rather
• than on their speech content and on how they say it. Such a focus
• would seem counterproductive if speech cues are better guides to
• lying (see the section below).
Several Possible Reasons
• However, if the police conduct
• interviews with suspects in ways that do not effectively encourage
• the suspects to speak (see chapter 4), they will produce fewer
• speech cues. This is one reason why police interviewers who are
• unprepared and not properly trained may often make lie detec-
• tion mistakes when interviewing suspects (e.g. letting a guilty
• person go free).
So how might professionals become better lie detectors?
• 1. First of all, they need proper training on how to conduct information gath-
• ering investigative interviews (see chapter 4)
• 2. Secondly, they need
• training (based on the results of relevant, published, quality
• research rather than on speculation) to avoid relying on the stereo-
• typical but wrong cues (see above), and guidance on which cues
• can be better guides, with the clear acknowledgement that even
• these cues are not that reliable as indications of lying.
• 3. Furthermore, they need training to overcome other false beliefs such as (i) honest or attra
ctive-looking people lie less and (ii) people who look
• nervous are liars (when they are probably just socially anxious or
• introverted).
• 4. Then, they need to understand that if professionals
• behave in an accusatory or aggressive or suspicious way this in itself
• may well result in the person giving off cues that the professionals
• believe to be signs of lying.
So how might professionals become better lie detectors?
• 5. They also need training to combine
• useful cues from behaviour and from speech (see the section below
• on combining lie detection methods).
• 6. Finally, they need guidance
• on how to avoid revealing near the beginning of the interview most
• or all of the information they have about the crime and the suspect
• (see chapter 4).
Training to detect deception from behaviour
• Canadian parole officers and students received training that involved:
•
• A) myth dissolution (information that common beliefs about
•
• cues to deception are usually wrong)
•
• B) describing the cues that some research studies have found to
•
• indicate lying in some people
•
• C) feedback on how accurate were their lie detection decisions.
Detecting deception from speech content
criteria-based content analysis
• In Germany in the 1950s the Supreme Court was concerned about
• relying on information provided (solely) by one or more young
• children to convict someone of the very serious crime of child
• sexual abuse.
• Therefore, it endorsed the idea that relevant experts
• (who are court appointed in the German inquisitorial criminal
• justice system) analyse such children’s accounts for indications
• that the children may well be describing genuinely experienced
• events.
• This analysis is usually referred to as criteria-based
• content analysis (CBCA).
Criteria-Based
Content Analysis (CBCA).
• This analysis is part of ‘Statement
• Validity Assessment’, which courts in Germany, Sweden and the
• Netherlands have been using to guide their decisions. CBCA is
• based on a number of sensible assumptions, among which are that
• statements (i.e. the contents of what a person says) derived from
• memory of actual experiences differ in quality/content from those
• based on fabrication.
Nineteen different criteria
• These criteria relate to:
• (i) general characteristics of the statement (e.g. the
• amount of detail),
• (ii) specific contexts (e.g. reproduction of conversation, unexpected co
mplications during the incident),
• (iii) motivation related contents (e.g. the child spontaneously correcting
herself when giving her statement - something which liars may
• worry about doing) and
• (iv) details characteristic of that type of
• offence (e.g. that the child was ‘groomed’ before being abused).
Computer Analysis
• A recent development in the analysis of speech to detect deception
• involves the use of computer software to analyse written tran-
• scripts of what people say. (These transcripts are written by
• humans who listen to tape recordings of people lying and telling
• the truth.)
• The software allocates each word spoken to a category
• (e.g. spatial, affective, cognitive) that theoretically may relate to
• lying/truth-telling in a way similar to the reality monitoring
• approach (see above).
• The software can also allocate the words to
• linguistic categories such as ‘negative emotions’ and ‘first person
• singular’ (e.g. I, me, my).
Computer Analysis
• The software can also allocate the words to
• linguistic categories such as ‘negative emotions’ and ‘first person
• singular’ (e.g. I, me, my). However, at present the software has
• quite a high error rate (of around twenty per cent - which is not
• better than trained humans)
• Nevertheless, a recent study of prisoners lying and telling the truth abo
ut what happened in video clips that they had just seen found that thes
e types of automatic computer-based transcript analyses to have a trut
h/lie detection rate significantly better than chance.
• However, a few word cate-
• gories occurred more frequently in the way opposite to that
• predicted (e.g. more spatial words while lying). Clearly, more
• research is needed.
The polygraph
• A polygraph test is used in to detect deception.
• The set of equipment known as the polygraph (from the Greek
• poP = ‘many’ and graph = ‘to write’) measures various sorts of
• internal bodily activities such as heart rate, blood pressure, respir-
• ation and palmar sweating.
Polygraph
• These activities are displayed on charts or on computer screens.
• Such equipment is used in many medical and scientific settings. Its use in attem
pting to detect deception is based on the age-old assumption that lying is accom
panied by changes in such internal bodily activities.
• While the equipment does measure such activities with great accuracy, the
• big issues for polygraphic lie detection are:
• (i) whether deceivers’ bodily activities are reliably different when lying than when
truth- telling and
• (ii) whether such differences do not similarly occur in
• truth-tellers (e.g. an innocent man being questioned about the
• murder of his wife with whom he was experiencing severe marital
• difficulties).
Polygraph Test
• A polygraphic lie detection tests focus on the
• following topics:
•
• • how to determine if a testing procedure can be relied upon;
•
• • its use in criminal investigations;
•
• • its use in security screening.
Psychologists and polygraph test
• Psychologists around the world have devoted decades of effort to :
• (a) establishing and publicizing how best to determine if tests can
• be relied upon and
• (b) assessing the quality of many thousands of
• tests. This is vitally important work. Just because a person or organ-
• ization claims to have developed a useful test does not mean that
• the test is a good one. Many issues are relevant but the most
• important ones are reliability and validity.
•
• Within psychology reliability refers not to accuracy but to
• similarity across time or among testers. It is the issue of validity
• that is closest to accuracy.
There are several aspects of reliability:
• • ‘inter-examiner’ reliability which focuses on whether different
• testers make similar judgements to each other when assessing
• the same person
•
• • ‘test-retest’ reliability which focuses on whether when re-tested
• a person receives a similar judgement as when first tested
•
• • ‘inter-item’ reliability focuses on, for example, whether the
• various questions put to the person taking the test lead to the
• same conclusion.
•
Reliability
• Validity is concerned with the extent to which a test assesses
• what it claims to assess. It too has several aspects:
•
• • face validity is the extent to which a test ( on the face of it) looks
• like it assesses what it claims
•
• • content validity is concerned with the relationship of the con-
• tents of the test to the phenomenon being assessed
•
• • construct validity concerns the relationship of the test to
• underlying theories/constructs concerning the phenomenon
Reliability
•
• • criterion validity is the extent to which scores on the test actu-
• ally predict outcomes (e.g. how accurate the procedure is at
• classifying people as lying or truth-telling)
•
• • incremental validity concerns how well a test compares with
• other tests that have been designed to examine the same phe-
• nomenon (e.g. detecting deceit).
Recommended Reading
• Ainsworth, P. B. (2000) Psychology and crime: Myths and reality.
• Harlow, Essex: Longman.
•
• Alison, L. (2005) The Forensic Psychologist’s casebook: psychological
• profiling and criminal investigation. Cullompton, UK:
• Willan.
•
• Carson, D. and Bull, R. (2003) Handbook of psychology in legal
• contexts, 2nd edn. Chichester: Wiley.

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DETECTING DECEPTION.ppt psychology crimi

  • 1. DETECTING DECEPTION Desmond Ayim-Aboagye, Ph.D. Criminal Psychology
  • 2. Overview • Detecting deception from behavioural cues • A number of books have been published that claim to reveal • behavioural cues to lying. Some have focused on the criminal • setting and have been based on experienced investigators’ • beliefs about such cues. Unfortunately, recent criminal psych- • ology research has found much of what such books claim to be • signs of deceit to be mistaken. That is, although relevant • professionals and lay people in several countries share the same • beliefs about supposed cues to lying, these beliefs are largely • wrong. In this section we will look first at the beliefs and then at • the reality.
  • 3. Beliefs about cues to lying (indicators of nervousness) • Behavioural cues to lying reported: • * that people think liars avert their gaze more (i.e. look you in the eye less), • *move their hands and feet more, • *shift their body position more, • *gesture more and touch their own body more. • The reason why people think this probably relates to the fact that such behaviors are fairly useful indicators of nervousness. If liars are nervous then they may • behave like this.
  • 4. Reasons for rejection • Many of the beliefs about signs of deceit rest on the assumptions that w hen people lie they experience emotion and they may • have to think about the lies • Reasons for rejection: • 1. People telling the truth may well become emotional • 2. Innocent suspects can be emotional • 3. Some criminals may not be emotional about their crimes or • during police interviews. They may well also have taken time to prepare and pra ctise their lies so that they come to mind easily. •
  • 5. Important • Detecting lies from behavioural cues demonstrated that they are • typically little or no better than chance at this. • A recent overview of many dozens of previous, world- • wide studies concluded that there are no perfectly reliable behav ioural cues to deception.
  • 6. How good are professionals at detecting deception from behaviour? • According to Professor Aldert Vrij of the University of Portsmouth Performance to date seems far from perfect. • There have been researches in both USA and Britain. No conclusive evidence exist. Read the research reports analyzed in your book in chapter six.
  • 7. Why can’t they detect deception? • Professor Vrij has suggested some reasons that are based on Psychological Theory and research • 1. First, and perhaps foremost, there are dozens of research • studies on how people actually behave when lying, which consist- • ently have revealed that when lying compared to when they are • telling the truth some people show increases in certain behav- • iours, while other people show decreases or no change in the same • behaviours. • 2. Furthermore, in some lying/truth-telling situations a • person’s behaviours may increase, but the same person’s behav- • iours may decrease in other deceptive situations.
  • 8. Several Possible Reasons • 1. One is that when the stakes are higher ( as • in our study involving real-life police interviews with suspects) • emotions may be stronger, thus affecting behaviour more. • 2. Another is that many people when lying try hard not to give off the • cues they believe people look for in liars (e.g. increases in • behaviour), and they either succeed in this or they over-control • their behaviour, resulting in decreases.
  • 9. Several Possible Reasons • 3. Yet another might relate to whether liars have had time to prepare/practise th eir lies. When we analysed the behaviour of the police suspects in our study we • found lying to be associated not with the cues people commonly • believe in (see the above section) but with a decrease in blinking • and in hand/arm movements (females) and an increase in • speech pauses. • 4. A further reason why many professionals seem • poor at lie detecting is that they may concentrate their efforts on • analysing people’s behaviour (especially facial cues - some of • which are, in fact, among the easiest for liars to control) rather • than on their speech content and on how they say it. Such a focus • would seem counterproductive if speech cues are better guides to • lying (see the section below).
  • 10. Several Possible Reasons • However, if the police conduct • interviews with suspects in ways that do not effectively encourage • the suspects to speak (see chapter 4), they will produce fewer • speech cues. This is one reason why police interviewers who are • unprepared and not properly trained may often make lie detec- • tion mistakes when interviewing suspects (e.g. letting a guilty • person go free).
  • 11. So how might professionals become better lie detectors? • 1. First of all, they need proper training on how to conduct information gath- • ering investigative interviews (see chapter 4) • 2. Secondly, they need • training (based on the results of relevant, published, quality • research rather than on speculation) to avoid relying on the stereo- • typical but wrong cues (see above), and guidance on which cues • can be better guides, with the clear acknowledgement that even • these cues are not that reliable as indications of lying. • 3. Furthermore, they need training to overcome other false beliefs such as (i) honest or attra ctive-looking people lie less and (ii) people who look • nervous are liars (when they are probably just socially anxious or • introverted). • 4. Then, they need to understand that if professionals • behave in an accusatory or aggressive or suspicious way this in itself • may well result in the person giving off cues that the professionals • believe to be signs of lying.
  • 12. So how might professionals become better lie detectors? • 5. They also need training to combine • useful cues from behaviour and from speech (see the section below • on combining lie detection methods). • 6. Finally, they need guidance • on how to avoid revealing near the beginning of the interview most • or all of the information they have about the crime and the suspect • (see chapter 4).
  • 13. Training to detect deception from behaviour • Canadian parole officers and students received training that involved: • • A) myth dissolution (information that common beliefs about • • cues to deception are usually wrong) • • B) describing the cues that some research studies have found to • • indicate lying in some people • • C) feedback on how accurate were their lie detection decisions.
  • 14. Detecting deception from speech content criteria-based content analysis • In Germany in the 1950s the Supreme Court was concerned about • relying on information provided (solely) by one or more young • children to convict someone of the very serious crime of child • sexual abuse. • Therefore, it endorsed the idea that relevant experts • (who are court appointed in the German inquisitorial criminal • justice system) analyse such children’s accounts for indications • that the children may well be describing genuinely experienced • events. • This analysis is usually referred to as criteria-based • content analysis (CBCA).
  • 15. Criteria-Based Content Analysis (CBCA). • This analysis is part of ‘Statement • Validity Assessment’, which courts in Germany, Sweden and the • Netherlands have been using to guide their decisions. CBCA is • based on a number of sensible assumptions, among which are that • statements (i.e. the contents of what a person says) derived from • memory of actual experiences differ in quality/content from those • based on fabrication.
  • 16. Nineteen different criteria • These criteria relate to: • (i) general characteristics of the statement (e.g. the • amount of detail), • (ii) specific contexts (e.g. reproduction of conversation, unexpected co mplications during the incident), • (iii) motivation related contents (e.g. the child spontaneously correcting herself when giving her statement - something which liars may • worry about doing) and • (iv) details characteristic of that type of • offence (e.g. that the child was ‘groomed’ before being abused).
  • 17. Computer Analysis • A recent development in the analysis of speech to detect deception • involves the use of computer software to analyse written tran- • scripts of what people say. (These transcripts are written by • humans who listen to tape recordings of people lying and telling • the truth.) • The software allocates each word spoken to a category • (e.g. spatial, affective, cognitive) that theoretically may relate to • lying/truth-telling in a way similar to the reality monitoring • approach (see above). • The software can also allocate the words to • linguistic categories such as ‘negative emotions’ and ‘first person • singular’ (e.g. I, me, my).
  • 18. Computer Analysis • The software can also allocate the words to • linguistic categories such as ‘negative emotions’ and ‘first person • singular’ (e.g. I, me, my). However, at present the software has • quite a high error rate (of around twenty per cent - which is not • better than trained humans) • Nevertheless, a recent study of prisoners lying and telling the truth abo ut what happened in video clips that they had just seen found that thes e types of automatic computer-based transcript analyses to have a trut h/lie detection rate significantly better than chance. • However, a few word cate- • gories occurred more frequently in the way opposite to that • predicted (e.g. more spatial words while lying). Clearly, more • research is needed.
  • 19. The polygraph • A polygraph test is used in to detect deception. • The set of equipment known as the polygraph (from the Greek • poP = ‘many’ and graph = ‘to write’) measures various sorts of • internal bodily activities such as heart rate, blood pressure, respir- • ation and palmar sweating.
  • 20. Polygraph • These activities are displayed on charts or on computer screens. • Such equipment is used in many medical and scientific settings. Its use in attem pting to detect deception is based on the age-old assumption that lying is accom panied by changes in such internal bodily activities. • While the equipment does measure such activities with great accuracy, the • big issues for polygraphic lie detection are: • (i) whether deceivers’ bodily activities are reliably different when lying than when truth- telling and • (ii) whether such differences do not similarly occur in • truth-tellers (e.g. an innocent man being questioned about the • murder of his wife with whom he was experiencing severe marital • difficulties).
  • 21. Polygraph Test • A polygraphic lie detection tests focus on the • following topics: • • • how to determine if a testing procedure can be relied upon; • • • its use in criminal investigations; • • • its use in security screening.
  • 22. Psychologists and polygraph test • Psychologists around the world have devoted decades of effort to : • (a) establishing and publicizing how best to determine if tests can • be relied upon and • (b) assessing the quality of many thousands of • tests. This is vitally important work. Just because a person or organ- • ization claims to have developed a useful test does not mean that • the test is a good one. Many issues are relevant but the most • important ones are reliability and validity. • • Within psychology reliability refers not to accuracy but to • similarity across time or among testers. It is the issue of validity • that is closest to accuracy.
  • 23. There are several aspects of reliability: • • ‘inter-examiner’ reliability which focuses on whether different • testers make similar judgements to each other when assessing • the same person • • • ‘test-retest’ reliability which focuses on whether when re-tested • a person receives a similar judgement as when first tested • • • ‘inter-item’ reliability focuses on, for example, whether the • various questions put to the person taking the test lead to the • same conclusion. •
  • 24. Reliability • Validity is concerned with the extent to which a test assesses • what it claims to assess. It too has several aspects: • • • face validity is the extent to which a test ( on the face of it) looks • like it assesses what it claims • • • content validity is concerned with the relationship of the con- • tents of the test to the phenomenon being assessed • • • construct validity concerns the relationship of the test to • underlying theories/constructs concerning the phenomenon
  • 25. Reliability • • • criterion validity is the extent to which scores on the test actu- • ally predict outcomes (e.g. how accurate the procedure is at • classifying people as lying or truth-telling) • • • incremental validity concerns how well a test compares with • other tests that have been designed to examine the same phe- • nomenon (e.g. detecting deceit).
  • 26. Recommended Reading • Ainsworth, P. B. (2000) Psychology and crime: Myths and reality. • Harlow, Essex: Longman. • • Alison, L. (2005) The Forensic Psychologist’s casebook: psychological • profiling and criminal investigation. Cullompton, UK: • Willan. • • Carson, D. and Bull, R. (2003) Handbook of psychology in legal • contexts, 2nd edn. Chichester: Wiley.