This document discusses strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo. It analyzes three key institutions established with foreign assistance after the conflict: the Independent Media Commission (IMC), Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK), and Press Council of Kosovo (PCK). While foreign donors helped establish these institutions and provide funding and training, their long-term sustainability is uncertain. The IMC struggles with independence due to political and business interference. RTK remains strongly influenced by the government despite aims to be like the BBC. Overall, these institutions have yet to achieve full independence and self-sufficiency.
The document provides an overview of the New Development Bank (NDB) established by the BRICS countries. It discusses how the NDB aims to address the need for infrastructure financing in developing countries by specializing in providing loans for economic infrastructure projects. While the NDB is similar to the World Bank in some functions, its specific focus on infrastructure distinguishes it. The NDB has an initial capitalization of $50 billion which could grow to $100 billion, giving it significant financing capacity though still smaller than the World Bank currently. The document examines how the NDB fits alongside and innovates relative to existing multilateral development banks like the World Bank.
Many writers and speakers make mistake in using personal pronouns namely I, you, he, she, it, her etc wrongly. This presentation is about common mistakes in use of the personal pronouns and how to correct them.
The document discusses economic growth and the key economic objectives of governments. It explains that economic growth shifts the production possibilities curve to the right, allowing more goods to be produced. The main economic objectives discussed are low inflation, low unemployment, high economic growth, and a balanced current account. Various causes and effects of economic growth are provided as examples.
This document is Anshuman's resume. It summarizes his career objective, academic qualifications, job experience, software proficiency, and projects. Anshuman has over 2.5 years of experience in software quality assurance and testing. He has worked on projects involving music streaming applications for Amazon and has experience testing across various operating systems and browsers.
The document discusses various allegations of impropriety and corruption related to the allocation of coal mining blocks in India. It lists the top 20 beneficiaries of coal block allocations and the estimated windfall gains to them. It then details allegations against several prominent political figures from various parties, including Congress leaders Subodh Kant Sahay, Naveen Jindal, Vijay Darda, Premchand Gupta, and Sriprakash Jaiswal as well as BJP leader Nitin Gadkari, regarding their alleged role in influencing the allocation of coal blocks to companies with which they or their relatives were associated.
Andrea Albus has over 15 years of experience in customer service and sales. She has an Associate's degree in Criminal Justice from Kaplan University, graduating summa cum laude. Her experience includes positions in customer relations, supply chain management, and coordinating home healthcare equipment. She is proficient in Microsoft Office and has certifications in Six Sigma and Supply Chain Management.
This document summarizes the finance interfaces between Kingston University's bluQube finance system and external systems like Web Page Marketing (WPM). It describes two key interfaces - one for e-payments from WPM and one for online store payments for awards ceremonies. Validation files are sent to WPM daily to enable student validation. Issues include failed FTP transfers preventing interface loads and requiring manual re-runs.
Systems Admin - Sales Ledger Notes Upload ProcessSteve Best
This document provides instructions for uploading bulk sales ledger notes into the bluQube finance system used by Kingston University. It describes the process for creating a CSV file with the required student/account and note data, uploading the file through an Oracle form interface in bluQube, and moving the file to an uploaded folder once complete. The notes are loaded into temporary tables, validated, and inserted into the final notes table. Issues may arise if non-numeric line or ID data is copied into the CSV.
The document provides an overview of the New Development Bank (NDB) established by the BRICS countries. It discusses how the NDB aims to address the need for infrastructure financing in developing countries by specializing in providing loans for economic infrastructure projects. While the NDB is similar to the World Bank in some functions, its specific focus on infrastructure distinguishes it. The NDB has an initial capitalization of $50 billion which could grow to $100 billion, giving it significant financing capacity though still smaller than the World Bank currently. The document examines how the NDB fits alongside and innovates relative to existing multilateral development banks like the World Bank.
Many writers and speakers make mistake in using personal pronouns namely I, you, he, she, it, her etc wrongly. This presentation is about common mistakes in use of the personal pronouns and how to correct them.
The document discusses economic growth and the key economic objectives of governments. It explains that economic growth shifts the production possibilities curve to the right, allowing more goods to be produced. The main economic objectives discussed are low inflation, low unemployment, high economic growth, and a balanced current account. Various causes and effects of economic growth are provided as examples.
This document is Anshuman's resume. It summarizes his career objective, academic qualifications, job experience, software proficiency, and projects. Anshuman has over 2.5 years of experience in software quality assurance and testing. He has worked on projects involving music streaming applications for Amazon and has experience testing across various operating systems and browsers.
The document discusses various allegations of impropriety and corruption related to the allocation of coal mining blocks in India. It lists the top 20 beneficiaries of coal block allocations and the estimated windfall gains to them. It then details allegations against several prominent political figures from various parties, including Congress leaders Subodh Kant Sahay, Naveen Jindal, Vijay Darda, Premchand Gupta, and Sriprakash Jaiswal as well as BJP leader Nitin Gadkari, regarding their alleged role in influencing the allocation of coal blocks to companies with which they or their relatives were associated.
Andrea Albus has over 15 years of experience in customer service and sales. She has an Associate's degree in Criminal Justice from Kaplan University, graduating summa cum laude. Her experience includes positions in customer relations, supply chain management, and coordinating home healthcare equipment. She is proficient in Microsoft Office and has certifications in Six Sigma and Supply Chain Management.
This document summarizes the finance interfaces between Kingston University's bluQube finance system and external systems like Web Page Marketing (WPM). It describes two key interfaces - one for e-payments from WPM and one for online store payments for awards ceremonies. Validation files are sent to WPM daily to enable student validation. Issues include failed FTP transfers preventing interface loads and requiring manual re-runs.
Systems Admin - Sales Ledger Notes Upload ProcessSteve Best
This document provides instructions for uploading bulk sales ledger notes into the bluQube finance system used by Kingston University. It describes the process for creating a CSV file with the required student/account and note data, uploading the file through an Oracle form interface in bluQube, and moving the file to an uploaded folder once complete. The notes are loaded into temporary tables, validated, and inserted into the final notes table. Issues may arise if non-numeric line or ID data is copied into the CSV.
This document provides instructions for installing the Instant Chime plugin for IBM Sametime 9. It describes uninstalling any previous versions of the plugin, downloading and extracting the latest plugin files, running the installation wizard in Sametime, and configuring the plugin by specifying the URL of the Chime installation. The document also includes steps for testing the installed plugin and troubleshooting issues like an incorrectly specified Chime URL.
Best Salesforce Training is provided in chennai with placement. Our motto is to provide quality Training services.
Get more details about Salesforce by visiting our link:
http://www.salesforcetrainingexpert.in/salesforce-training-in-chennai/
March electionsreportmarch2014modiandbjpmaintainsleadcongressovertakesaap 140...saiif
The summary analyzes a social media buzz report on Indian politics for March 2014. Key findings include:
1. Narendra Modi, Arvind Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi were the top 3 most discussed politicians.
2. BJP, Congress and AAP led social media discussions of political parties.
3. Delhi, Maharashtra and Karnataka generated the most social media conversations about politics and elections.
The document discusses cloud computing and how both internal and external applications will be built using cloud services. It then introduces Focalized Networks, a cloud services and telecom procurement agency that specializes in finding the right cloud, telecom, and managed service providers to match clients' business and technology needs. Focalized has developed an analytical procurement process to help clients acquire the necessary IT services in a reduced amount of time.
This document discusses international assistance in establishing independent media institutions in Kosovo following the conflict in the late 1990s. It provides background on Kosovo's political system and history of conflict. It then examines the stages of international media assistance since 1999 and approaches taken. Case studies are presented on the Independent Media Commission, Radio Television of Kosovo, and Press Council of Kosovo, looking at their origins with international assistance and ongoing challenges to their independence and functioning. Concerns are raised about political pressure and uncertain funding threatening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo.
The document discusses the ongoing negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia regarding the establishment of an Association of Serb Municipalities. There is disagreement between the sides over whether this institution should be more like an NGO or whether it should have executive powers similar to autonomous entities. The document also notes that while some competencies were agreed to be under the Association's "full overview", such as economic development and education, the precise meaning of this oversight is unclear and leaves room for different interpretations. Overall, the establishment of the Association remains an area of disagreement between Kosovo and Serbia.
This document summarizes the key features of public service broadcasting (PSB) in Europe. PSB aims to serve the public interest by informing citizens and promoting access to culture and education. PSB receives over 60% of its revenue from public funds compared to under 40% for commercial broadcasters. PSB plays an important role in society by providing programming that the commercial market does not. However, PSB must justify its public funding and not be weakened by insufficient funds or external control. The European Union provides regulations for PSB and allows state aid, but PSB must expand online to remain competitive in the digital age while still serving public interests.
The document discusses the stalled process of electoral reform in Kosovo over the past two years. It outlines how the reform initially aimed to create new electoral districts and allow for direct presidential elections, rather than prevent electoral irregularities. The parliamentary committee proposed some improvements but political leaders discarded them and stalled the process. The leaders' forum also failed to make progress due to boycotts. The EU recently issued recommendations to accelerate reform but the process remains blocked with many issues still unresolved ahead of upcoming municipal elections. Overall the document argues that political leaders prioritized their own interests over meaningful reform and an improved electoral system.
This document provides a narrative report on the work of the Ukraine Crisis Media Center from January to December 2021. It discusses the organization's focus on addressing key issues for Ukraine, including vaccination promotion, coverage of the war in eastern Ukraine and Crimea, and positive narration of Ukraine. Specific initiatives are described, such as hosting press briefings, producing analytical reports and social media content, and engaging civil society organizations. Metrics are provided on the reach of these activities, demonstrating significant audiences for topics like vaccination, the war, and Ukraine's cultural achievements. The report also outlines the goals and strategic work of the Media Center's Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group, UChoose youth program, and national outreach activities over the covered period.
This document summarizes a study on why consumer prices are higher in Kosovo than neighboring countries. It identifies two products - cash registers and cement - where monopolistic practices and price fixing appear to be occurring. For these products, a single company dominates the market and barriers prevent competition, allowing prices to be artificially inflated. The document concludes there are market inefficiencies, lack of competition authorities, and corruption that allow monopolies to form and prices to be raised without justification. Relevant institutions in Kosovo have not adequately protected the market from unfair practices.
Report on the Economic Value of the Non-Profit Sector in the Western Balkans ...Catalyst Balkans
BCSDN's report on Economic Value of the Non-Profit Sector in the Countries of the Western Balkans & Turkey is the first study ever that gives an overview of the current situation with the non–profit sector-related data collection, analysis and presentation in Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey.
Monitoring Matrix on Enabling Environment for Civil Society Development The T...Catalyst Balkans
The Monitoring Matrix presents the main principles and standards that have been identified as crucial to exist in order for the legal environment to be considered as supportive and enabling for the operations of CSOs.
CIVIL SOCIETY PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING PROCESSESDr Lendy Spires
The document discusses civil society participation in decision-making processes in Kosovo. It provides an overview of existing mechanisms for civil society organizations (CSOs) to participate in policy and decision-making at both the central and municipal levels of government. Effective CSO participation is important for several reasons, including promoting good governance, inclusiveness, accountability, transparency, and conflict prevention. The document outlines various laws and frameworks that establish the right of CSOs to participate, and provides examples of mechanisms such as working groups, public consultations, and advocacy campaigns that facilitate their involvement in the political process.
CIVIL SOCIETY PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING PROCESSESDr Lendy Spires
Public participation in decision making is an essential element to any transparent, accountable and democratic political system. It ensures the continuation of dialogue between citizens and decision makers outside of election times. Ideally it results in policy and legislation more responsive to the needs of the people it affects.
Civil society organisations (CSOs) play an important role in such participation mechanisms, providing a link between citizens and decision makers. Public participation is particularly important for marginalised groups such as minority communities and women, whose voices are often neglected by decision makers. In Kosovo, various legal provisions and institutional mechanisms are in place to allow for public participation in policy and decision making. However, such mechanisms are not being used effectively.
There exists no systematic dialogue between CSOs and government institutions. Interaction mostly takes place on an ad hoc basis.1 For example, as of 2011, it was estimated that 90 per cent of draft laws and policy documents were drafted without civil society participation.2 This guidebook aims to contribute to strengthening the role of CSOs in public participation processes in Kosovo by providing a clear overview of the existing CSO participation mechanisms in Kosovo and how to effectively use them.
The guidebook draws on ECMI Kosovo’s vast experience working with civil society and government institutions in Kosovo and concrete laws, including the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo (hereafter the Constitution) and the Law on Local Self-Government. It is also informed by and complements other guides and reference books produced by the Technical Assistance for Civil Society Organisations (TACSO), Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and the Kosovar Civil Society Foundation (KCSF), among others.
Sornnimul Khut's Master Thesis-A Case Study of Cambodian Crowdfunding Framing...Sornnimul Khut
This document provides background context on crowdfunding in Cambodia and presents a case study of TosFUND, the first Cambodian crowdfunding platform. It discusses how TosFUND aims to be a viable option to complement diminishing donations from traditional donors to NGOs and social enterprises in Cambodia. The study examines TosFUND through analysis of interviews with project managers and content analysis of projects on the platform. Key findings include that TosFUND could be a viable option if it achieves regulation/mechanisms, accountability/transparency, and builds trust through effective project framing and use of Buddhism's giving concepts.
This document summarizes a study conducted by the Democracy for Development Institute on the role of membership associations in shaping decision-making and serving the public interest in Kosovo. The study used desk research, interviews with stakeholders from various associations, a public opinion survey, and focus groups. The study found that most associations in Kosovo do not have a real membership base and engage little in volunteer work or influencing public policy. It concluded that membership associations have the potential to better represent citizens' interests to politicians and reconcile public and political priorities, but that the culture of civic engagement and activism remains weak in Kosovo. Recommendations were made for authorities, donors, and associations to strengthen associations' roles and influence.
The paper discusses the role of regional public goods vs. global goods in influencing postcommunist transition in Central and Eastern Europe and former USSR with special attention given to three particular factors: (i) external anchoring of national reform process; (ii) international trade arrangements and (iii) international financial stability.
Authored by: Marek Dabrowski, Artur Radziwill
Published in 2007
This document outlines the terms of reference for evaluating assistance to Balkan countries under the CARDS Regulation 2666/2000. The evaluation will assess the effectiveness and efficiency of assistance provided from 2000-2006 in achieving objectives related to reconstruction, democratic stabilization, economic development, and regional cooperation. It will examine the design of regional and country programs, delivery mechanisms including the role of the European Agency for Reconstruction, and the defined role and added value of the European Commission. The evaluation will address questions related to program design and partnership, human rights, governance, and economic transition to provide an assessment and recommendations on future assistance strategy and implementation.
The role of the Mozambique and Southern Africa observatories in alleviating p...UNICEF Algérie
The Experience of Mozambique Development Observatory&Poverty Regional Observatory in SADC.
Ministry of Development and Planning (Mozambique), Dr. Alfredo Salvador Mutombene.
This document provides instructions for installing the Instant Chime plugin for IBM Sametime 9. It describes uninstalling any previous versions of the plugin, downloading and extracting the latest plugin files, running the installation wizard in Sametime, and configuring the plugin by specifying the URL of the Chime installation. The document also includes steps for testing the installed plugin and troubleshooting issues like an incorrectly specified Chime URL.
Best Salesforce Training is provided in chennai with placement. Our motto is to provide quality Training services.
Get more details about Salesforce by visiting our link:
http://www.salesforcetrainingexpert.in/salesforce-training-in-chennai/
March electionsreportmarch2014modiandbjpmaintainsleadcongressovertakesaap 140...saiif
The summary analyzes a social media buzz report on Indian politics for March 2014. Key findings include:
1. Narendra Modi, Arvind Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi were the top 3 most discussed politicians.
2. BJP, Congress and AAP led social media discussions of political parties.
3. Delhi, Maharashtra and Karnataka generated the most social media conversations about politics and elections.
The document discusses cloud computing and how both internal and external applications will be built using cloud services. It then introduces Focalized Networks, a cloud services and telecom procurement agency that specializes in finding the right cloud, telecom, and managed service providers to match clients' business and technology needs. Focalized has developed an analytical procurement process to help clients acquire the necessary IT services in a reduced amount of time.
This document discusses international assistance in establishing independent media institutions in Kosovo following the conflict in the late 1990s. It provides background on Kosovo's political system and history of conflict. It then examines the stages of international media assistance since 1999 and approaches taken. Case studies are presented on the Independent Media Commission, Radio Television of Kosovo, and Press Council of Kosovo, looking at their origins with international assistance and ongoing challenges to their independence and functioning. Concerns are raised about political pressure and uncertain funding threatening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo.
The document discusses the ongoing negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia regarding the establishment of an Association of Serb Municipalities. There is disagreement between the sides over whether this institution should be more like an NGO or whether it should have executive powers similar to autonomous entities. The document also notes that while some competencies were agreed to be under the Association's "full overview", such as economic development and education, the precise meaning of this oversight is unclear and leaves room for different interpretations. Overall, the establishment of the Association remains an area of disagreement between Kosovo and Serbia.
This document summarizes the key features of public service broadcasting (PSB) in Europe. PSB aims to serve the public interest by informing citizens and promoting access to culture and education. PSB receives over 60% of its revenue from public funds compared to under 40% for commercial broadcasters. PSB plays an important role in society by providing programming that the commercial market does not. However, PSB must justify its public funding and not be weakened by insufficient funds or external control. The European Union provides regulations for PSB and allows state aid, but PSB must expand online to remain competitive in the digital age while still serving public interests.
The document discusses the stalled process of electoral reform in Kosovo over the past two years. It outlines how the reform initially aimed to create new electoral districts and allow for direct presidential elections, rather than prevent electoral irregularities. The parliamentary committee proposed some improvements but political leaders discarded them and stalled the process. The leaders' forum also failed to make progress due to boycotts. The EU recently issued recommendations to accelerate reform but the process remains blocked with many issues still unresolved ahead of upcoming municipal elections. Overall the document argues that political leaders prioritized their own interests over meaningful reform and an improved electoral system.
This document provides a narrative report on the work of the Ukraine Crisis Media Center from January to December 2021. It discusses the organization's focus on addressing key issues for Ukraine, including vaccination promotion, coverage of the war in eastern Ukraine and Crimea, and positive narration of Ukraine. Specific initiatives are described, such as hosting press briefings, producing analytical reports and social media content, and engaging civil society organizations. Metrics are provided on the reach of these activities, demonstrating significant audiences for topics like vaccination, the war, and Ukraine's cultural achievements. The report also outlines the goals and strategic work of the Media Center's Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group, UChoose youth program, and national outreach activities over the covered period.
This document summarizes a study on why consumer prices are higher in Kosovo than neighboring countries. It identifies two products - cash registers and cement - where monopolistic practices and price fixing appear to be occurring. For these products, a single company dominates the market and barriers prevent competition, allowing prices to be artificially inflated. The document concludes there are market inefficiencies, lack of competition authorities, and corruption that allow monopolies to form and prices to be raised without justification. Relevant institutions in Kosovo have not adequately protected the market from unfair practices.
Report on the Economic Value of the Non-Profit Sector in the Western Balkans ...Catalyst Balkans
BCSDN's report on Economic Value of the Non-Profit Sector in the Countries of the Western Balkans & Turkey is the first study ever that gives an overview of the current situation with the non–profit sector-related data collection, analysis and presentation in Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey.
Monitoring Matrix on Enabling Environment for Civil Society Development The T...Catalyst Balkans
The Monitoring Matrix presents the main principles and standards that have been identified as crucial to exist in order for the legal environment to be considered as supportive and enabling for the operations of CSOs.
CIVIL SOCIETY PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING PROCESSESDr Lendy Spires
The document discusses civil society participation in decision-making processes in Kosovo. It provides an overview of existing mechanisms for civil society organizations (CSOs) to participate in policy and decision-making at both the central and municipal levels of government. Effective CSO participation is important for several reasons, including promoting good governance, inclusiveness, accountability, transparency, and conflict prevention. The document outlines various laws and frameworks that establish the right of CSOs to participate, and provides examples of mechanisms such as working groups, public consultations, and advocacy campaigns that facilitate their involvement in the political process.
CIVIL SOCIETY PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING PROCESSESDr Lendy Spires
Public participation in decision making is an essential element to any transparent, accountable and democratic political system. It ensures the continuation of dialogue between citizens and decision makers outside of election times. Ideally it results in policy and legislation more responsive to the needs of the people it affects.
Civil society organisations (CSOs) play an important role in such participation mechanisms, providing a link between citizens and decision makers. Public participation is particularly important for marginalised groups such as minority communities and women, whose voices are often neglected by decision makers. In Kosovo, various legal provisions and institutional mechanisms are in place to allow for public participation in policy and decision making. However, such mechanisms are not being used effectively.
There exists no systematic dialogue between CSOs and government institutions. Interaction mostly takes place on an ad hoc basis.1 For example, as of 2011, it was estimated that 90 per cent of draft laws and policy documents were drafted without civil society participation.2 This guidebook aims to contribute to strengthening the role of CSOs in public participation processes in Kosovo by providing a clear overview of the existing CSO participation mechanisms in Kosovo and how to effectively use them.
The guidebook draws on ECMI Kosovo’s vast experience working with civil society and government institutions in Kosovo and concrete laws, including the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo (hereafter the Constitution) and the Law on Local Self-Government. It is also informed by and complements other guides and reference books produced by the Technical Assistance for Civil Society Organisations (TACSO), Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and the Kosovar Civil Society Foundation (KCSF), among others.
Sornnimul Khut's Master Thesis-A Case Study of Cambodian Crowdfunding Framing...Sornnimul Khut
This document provides background context on crowdfunding in Cambodia and presents a case study of TosFUND, the first Cambodian crowdfunding platform. It discusses how TosFUND aims to be a viable option to complement diminishing donations from traditional donors to NGOs and social enterprises in Cambodia. The study examines TosFUND through analysis of interviews with project managers and content analysis of projects on the platform. Key findings include that TosFUND could be a viable option if it achieves regulation/mechanisms, accountability/transparency, and builds trust through effective project framing and use of Buddhism's giving concepts.
This document summarizes a study conducted by the Democracy for Development Institute on the role of membership associations in shaping decision-making and serving the public interest in Kosovo. The study used desk research, interviews with stakeholders from various associations, a public opinion survey, and focus groups. The study found that most associations in Kosovo do not have a real membership base and engage little in volunteer work or influencing public policy. It concluded that membership associations have the potential to better represent citizens' interests to politicians and reconcile public and political priorities, but that the culture of civic engagement and activism remains weak in Kosovo. Recommendations were made for authorities, donors, and associations to strengthen associations' roles and influence.
The paper discusses the role of regional public goods vs. global goods in influencing postcommunist transition in Central and Eastern Europe and former USSR with special attention given to three particular factors: (i) external anchoring of national reform process; (ii) international trade arrangements and (iii) international financial stability.
Authored by: Marek Dabrowski, Artur Radziwill
Published in 2007
This document outlines the terms of reference for evaluating assistance to Balkan countries under the CARDS Regulation 2666/2000. The evaluation will assess the effectiveness and efficiency of assistance provided from 2000-2006 in achieving objectives related to reconstruction, democratic stabilization, economic development, and regional cooperation. It will examine the design of regional and country programs, delivery mechanisms including the role of the European Agency for Reconstruction, and the defined role and added value of the European Commission. The evaluation will address questions related to program design and partnership, human rights, governance, and economic transition to provide an assessment and recommendations on future assistance strategy and implementation.
The role of the Mozambique and Southern Africa observatories in alleviating p...UNICEF Algérie
The Experience of Mozambique Development Observatory&Poverty Regional Observatory in SADC.
Ministry of Development and Planning (Mozambique), Dr. Alfredo Salvador Mutombene.
The document is the 2020 annual report of the Ukraine Crisis Media Center (UCMC). It summarizes the organization's activities and accomplishments in 2020, a challenging year due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The UCMC adapted its work to online formats, hosting over 325 events and engaging over 50,000 people. It provided a platform to strengthen communications and share reliable information during the pandemic. The UCMC also advanced its mission of improving communications about Ukraine abroad and analyzing Russian disinformation campaigns.
The document is the 2020 annual report of the Ukraine Crisis Media Center (UCMC). It summarizes the organization's activities and accomplishments in 2020, a challenging year due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The UCMC adapted its work to online formats, hosting over 325 events and engaging over 50,000 people. It provided a platform to strengthen communications and share reliable information with citizens of Ukraine and abroad. The UCMC aims to promote an independent, democratic Ukraine that is integrated into Europe through strategic communications.
The document summarizes a report on the future of interaction between Prishtina and Belgrade. It discusses the progress made in technical dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia facilitated by the EU from 2011 to 2012. Several agreements were reached covering issues like customs, cadastres, freedom of movement and regional cooperation. However, implementation of agreements proved difficult due to differing interpretations. The dialogue process also failed to improve stability as tensions often arose after meetings. The window of opportunity for dialogue closed in mid-2012 due to elections and lack of further progress. The report recommends insisting on implementing past agreements and emphasizing benefits to citizens to help make future high-level political dialogue more successful.
Local media in the Eastern Ukraine (Government-controlled territories). Needs...DonbassFullAccess
The report summarizes the findings of a needs assessment of 29 local media outlets in Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts in eastern Ukraine. It evaluated the capacity and content of the outlets, identified weaknesses in management, training needs of journalists, and basic institutional needs. The conflict with Russia has had a major impact on the local media landscape, causing economic depression and loss of personnel in the region. The needs assessment will help develop a training and support program to strengthen the independence and quality of local media.
This paper aims to analyze the macroeconomic and financial strategies needed for the Kyrgyz Republic to achieve the Millennium Development Goals by 2015, using simulations from a computable general equilibrium model adapted to the country's data. The analysis finds that continuing current policies will only allow achievement of MDG1 on reducing poverty, and that achieving all MDGs will require increasing government spending on relevant sectors like education and health by 7.8-8.1% of GDP annually through higher taxes, aid, or a mix of both. The paper examines options for mobilizing the necessary resources to finance this increased spending.
The document reviews electoral dispute resolution processes in Kosovo between 2009-2014. It summarizes data from the Election Complaints and Appeals Panel (ECAP), Central Election Commission (CEC), State Prosecutor, Kosovo Police, courts and Independent Media Commission. The number of complaints to ECAP peaked at 1,109 in 2013 local elections before declining to 341 in 2014 general elections. ECAP issued fines totalling €377,450 in 2010. The CEC referred 239 suspicious 2014 cases to prosecutors and fined 22 entities for finance violations. Courts resolved under half of 281 2014 electoral crime cases, finding 101 defendants guilty with most receiving conditional imprisonment.
This document summarizes a report on the low rate of female labor force participation in Kosovo. Some key findings include:
- 79-82% of working-age women in Kosovo are inactive and neither working nor seeking work.
- Factors like education level, marital status, location, household size, and cultural norms influence women's decisions to participate in the labor market.
- Increasing female labor force participation could boost economic development by bringing in more productive workers and increasing GDP. However, it may initially raise unemployment.
- The report recommends policies like improving education, childcare, transportation, vocational training, and social norms to increase female employment opportunities and participation.
This document summarizes a study that mapped the ideological positions of senior officials within Kosovo's four main political parties (PDK, LDK, AAK, VV). Researchers interviewed 160 officials and asked them questions to determine their positions on social, economic and foreign policy issues. They found that about two-thirds of officials held leftist or conservative views, with little consistency of positions within or across parties. Parties were found to be as ideologically diverse internally as they were different from each other. The study aims to better understand the parties and encourage them to develop more defined policy stances as Kosovo gains more independence in governing.
The document discusses options for the new EU High Representative Federica Mogherini to make progress in the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue. It recommends a three-pronged approach: 1) A formal channel of communication between Prishtina and northern Kosovo municipalities; 2) A technical dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade on implementing agreements; and 3) A political dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade addressing new topics. While some technical agreements have been made, full implementation and more ambitious goals are needed to move the dialogue towards cooperation rather than a zero-sum struggle. Mogherini should define "normalization" and lay the groundwork for fully normalizing relations within her five-year term.
1. The document analyzes the implementation of the Brussels Agreement that established the Association of Serbian Municipalities in Kosovo to govern northern Kosovo.
2. It has faced many delays and challenges, including elections, political disputes over symbols and laws, and violence surrounding the municipal elections in November 2013.
3. The future of the Association is uncertain as it may facilitate cooperation between Kosovo and northern Serbs or reinforce ethnic divisions, depending on how its powers and relationship to Kosovo are defined. Upcoming elections in Serbia, Kosovo and the EU could stall its implementation.
Municipal elections will take place in northern Kosovo on November 3rd, which will test the implementation of the Brussels Agreement that aims to normalize relations between Serbia and Kosovo. This document discusses preparations for the elections, analyzing the roles of Belgrade and Pristina and developments among Kosovo Serb politicians. It outlines four potential scenarios for the results and aftermath: an optimistic scenario of high voter turnout and smooth establishment of new institutions; a realistic scenario of moderate turnout and establishment of institutions but maintained distance from Pristina; a disastrous scenario of low turnout leading to violence and deadlock in negotiations; and a pessimistic scenario of security issues and tensions between ethnic groups jeopardizing the normalization process.
This document summarizes 10 problems with elections in Kosovo and provides recommendations to address each problem. The first problem discussed is inaccurate and outdated voter lists, which contain hundreds of thousands of people who are deceased, living abroad, or have moved within Kosovo. An audit found that only around 60% of voters on the list in one municipality actually lived at the registered address. The document recommends improving voter list accuracy to prevent electoral fraud.
This document summarizes a report on patronage and its impact on social mobility in Kosovo. It finds that patronage is pervasive throughout Kosovo's institutions, affecting jobs at all levels. Patronage exists both to reward political allies and control state resources. Experts interviewed overwhelmingly agreed that merit alone is unlikely to lead to entry into the civil service or advancement within it; political and personal connections are essential. As a result, patronage significantly hinders social mobility by limiting access to public sector jobs based on merit and creating a glass ceiling. The report recommends reforms like fully implementing civil service laws, introducing merit-based hiring exams, and performance evaluations to curb the influence of patronage over time.
This document analyzes the mayoral by-elections held in Ferizaj and Kaçanik municipalities in Kosovo in 2013. It summarizes the election observation efforts of Democracy for Development Institute and Initiative for Progress, who deployed observers to all polling stations. While some improvements were noted compared to past elections, the report finds ongoing irregularities including voter intimidation and a lack of voter information. It concludes with recommendations to address issues in polling station management, the voter list, political campaigning and other aspects of the electoral process.
This document summarizes the results of an audit of the voter registration lists in the municipality of Kaçanik, Kosovo. The audit found that only 60% of registered voters on the lists actually lived in the locations registered. The remaining 40% were either living abroad (19%), deceased (3%), living elsewhere in Kosovo (11%), or there was no available information about them (7%). The document concludes that inaccurate voter registration lists could enable manipulation of election results and recommends improving the civil registry database and procedures used to maintain voter registration lists.
This document provides background information on northern Kosovo and analyzes the build-up of the conflict there. It notes that northern Kosovo became an issue after 1999, with different administrations governing the territory. While Kosovo seeks to establish control over its entire territory, integrating northern Kosovo remains elusive. The document argues that the conflict in northern Kosovo is primarily a territorial dispute over resources between Kosovo and Serbia, rather than a conflict between the people. Resolving the issue of northern Kosovo is seen as important to improving relations overall between Kosovo and Serbia.
This document summarizes challenges facing young Kosovo Serbs, including high unemployment, overdependence on the public sector for jobs, and obstacles to private sector involvement. It notes that underrepresentation in Kosovo's institutions has prevented many Serbs from participating, while qualified Serbs feel applying for senior positions is futile. To boost prospects for young Kosovo Serbs, the document recommends increasing representation, clarifying employment obligations for minorities, boosting entrepreneurship, prioritizing education and healthcare provisions, promoting agriculture, and concentrating services in Gračanica/Graçanicë to create jobs and retain youth.
6. The Consolidation Challenge
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4
Introduction
In a decade or so of the international management the
media sector in Kosovo has experienced important
transformation. Yet a general perception exists that the
Kosovo media system still underperforms and the sector
hinges between a stable and a precarious state. The liberal
media regime pursued by the UN administration after it was
dispatched in Kosovo in 1999, was successful in ensuring the
de-monopolization of information in Kosovo, but the
uncontrolled increase in media outlets in subsequent years
has disrupted the media sector, creating a saturated media
market with declining sources of revenue.
The international media assistance in Kosovo has been
provided in three stages. 1) Support to opposition media
during Serbian rule (1990s) 2) post-conflict media
intervention (1999-2007), and 3) limited media support
(since 2007, ongoing). The media assistance during those
three stages has been of four types: 1) human capital
development; 2) directly supporting media outlets; 3)
regulatory framework and 4) supporting media institutions.
Whereas the media assistance during all three stages has
been substantial in all four types of assistance the donors
have not gone much beyond the principal goals - which were
to establish the range of media and supporting institutions.
Furthermore, it appears that the strategies, approaches, and
the goals of foreign assistance were not always clear and/or
coordinated and this has had implications for the sector as a
whole.
7. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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5
Background
Two of the most important organizations that have played
an important role in both increasing the human capital of
the Kosovo media have also been extensively involved in
establishing media organizations and institutions over the
last decade or so in Kosovo were the OSCE and
IREX/USAID. The specific projects pursued by OSCE on
one side and IREX/USAID on the other have been all
product oriented. OSCE has helped establish the Radio
Television of Kosovo (RTK) and in subsequent years it
helped establish the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK), Kosovo
Media Institute (KMI), Independent Media Commission
(IMC) and Kosovo Media Association (KOSMA) among
others. IREX Kosovo on the other has been engaged in
establishing the two main commercial broadcasters with
national coverage (KTV and RTV 21) and has worked hard
to ensure the set up and increase the self-sustainability
potential of these outlets. It has also played a central role in
the establishment of the Association of Journalists (APJK),
Association of Broadcasters (AMPEK) and Kosovo
Terrestrial Network (KTTN). Meanwhile, smaller
organization and projects such as Medienhilfe and Press
Now albeit to a lesser degree have been systematic in
supporting the core mainstream newspapers – Koha Ditore
and Zeri and earlier their predecessors, the weeklies KOHA
and ZERI as well as a few other alternative projects that
have emerged after the conflict. Other donors, such as
Government of Japan and EU through various targeted
projects have been instrumental in provision of funding and
technology for RTK and other important media institutions
and such funding represents the bulk of the donors
assistance.
This policy brief builds upon the findings of a research
report that looked specifically on the ways in which three
8. The Consolidation Challenge
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6
media institutions - Independent Media Commission (IMC);
Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK) and the Press Council of
Kosovo (PCK) – established in the aftermath of conflict with
considerable foreign media assistance - have evolved. The
independence and long-term sustainability of the RTK and
IMC are important conditions that Kosovo government
must ensure1 as it moves closer towards the Stabilization
and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU.2 The PCK
also remains an important institution for the Kosovo press
affairs. As such, these institutions are a cornerstone for a
sound media system in Kosovo.
1 Government of Kosovo, Action Plan on the negotiation of the SAA, December
2012
2 Recommendation for authorizing the opening of negotiations on a SAA between
EU and Kosovo, Brussels, April 22, 2013)
9. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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Case studies and findings
IMC - Established in 2005, the Independent Media
Commission (IMC) is a successor of the Temporary Media
Commission (TMC) an institution set up in 2000, based on
Bosnia’s model3 with the mandate to regulate and license
print and broadcast media in Kosovo. IMC inherited a
number of characteristics and routines from TMC. All staff
members (including the current CEO) worked at the TMC
before being hired to IMC. Prior to TMC there was no
regulator in place to monitor the Kosovo media.4
Throughout its mandate TMC was headed by foreign
experts, guided by diverse philosophies about how media
sector should, (if at all) be regulated in a post-conflict
society.5 The different worldviews that have guided its work
have continued to influence the ways in which IMC
operates.
The main international donors of the IMC were OSCE,
IREX/USAID and the European Commission. Donors
approaches to IMC consisted in legal reform, institution-
building, technical support (equipment/software and
monitoring system), salaries, capacity building and training
(in house or abroad), and awareness campaigns. While the
interim period towards Kosovarization was partially
supported by OSCE, (i.e. salaries for international board
members from 2006-2008) the agency received only a
€20,000 kick off grant from OSCE in 2006 as part of an
awareness campaign. Since then the funding for the IMC
3 Stacy Sullivan, “Restructuring the Media in Post-Conflict Societies: Four
Perspectives – The Experience of Intergovernmental and Non-Governmental
Organizations.” A Background Paper for the UNESCO World Press Day
Conference, Geneva, May 2000.
4. See: Sullivan 2000.
5 Empire Lite as a Swamp, Anna Di Lellio,
http://dev.ulb.ac.be/cevipol/dossiers_fichiers/7-di-lellio.pdf
10. The Consolidation Challenge
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8
has come primarily from the Kosovo budget. Yet,
international donors continued to be instrumental in the
assistance to IMC. In 2009 IMC received a grant from
European Commission (EC) in the amount of €one million
to upgrade its monitoring system. Apart for the monitoring
system provided by EC grant, other projects that IMC
received since 2006 were short-term projects/single
activities. Albeit the assistance to IMC was coordinated - the
goals for the IMC, based on the feedback from interviewees,
were not realized.
In the first year of its operation, IMC adopted an internal
code of procedure, code of ethics, the policy on public
rulemaking, the broadcasting policy and the guidelines on
sanctions.6 However, as it became Kosovarised it faced a
number of challenges and difficulties such as the lack of
professionally trained staff, shortage of funds, under-
equipment and so on. Albeit the IMC receives funding from
the Ministry of Finances on annual basis the lack of insight
on how to better position itself in the changing dynamics of
the broadcast sector has left the potential of the institution
under-utilized. It continues to be a reactive, rather than pro-
active institution.
The issue of whether IMC can sustain its independence
remains unclear. The opinion is split on whether the support
to IMC over the years, has yielded sustainable results, in
other words, whether it created the grounds for IMC to be
independent institution. There is some agreement that IMCs
independence on formal grounds exists but its functional
independence is difficult to exercise due to interference
from political and business interests. In particular imposing
the decisions on RTK remains problematic. Also in terms of
financial resources IMC independence is further
compromised due to insufficient capacity of the IMC to
6
IMC Website
11. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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9
negotiate with the Ministry of Finance its year-to-year
budget. Furthermore, the upcoming digitalization, which
was tied to the phenomenon of increased politicization of
appointments in the IMC Commission, are bound to make it
an even more vulnerable institution as they have in the last
two years. For example, IMC challenges (such as licensing
of broadcasters or ensuring compliance with Copyright Law)
have been successfully addressed and IMCs independence
was sustained. Yet, when IMC had to decide on extending
broadcasting licenses or ensuring RTKs compliance with
advertising quota (both issues that have had broader
political implications) it was unable to deliver on its
mandate and its reputation has suffered. Increasing its
potential to generate revenues so that it becomes financially
self-reliant is the only way for IMC to move forward.
RTK - With regards to RTK, It appears that the efforts to set
up a public service broadcaster modeled upon BBC in
Kosovo have backfired and in turn have produced a
broadcaster that remains under strong government
influence. RTK might have an even harder time ensuring
autonomy so long as it does not re-evaluate its goals and
orientations that make it susceptible to political influence.
One such goal should be to give up from its focus on socio-
political agenda and focus more on socio-cultural agenda.
When RTK began broadcasting in 1999 its central role was
to achieve specific social and political goals (promoting
peace, multi-ethnicity and promoting diversity). RTK not
only did meet this goal but it became its champion in
important ways. Yet, in due time RTK also set out to achieve
important media-specific objectives – such as the goal to
have the best news bulletin and the best current affairs
programs, thus putting itself in competition with
commercial broadcasters in the coverage of politics, at a
time when those broadcasters were still supported by
donors. What it did in fact was that it got embroiled in an
12. The Consolidation Challenge
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10
unfair competition with commercial broadcasters, and
becoming attractive to politicians to use it in favor of
advancing their political agendas. Given RTK unique
potential to do this (due to its technical capacities and
greater penetration in the audience with its news bulletins
reaching the audiences of around 500,000) its advantage in
a way became its own liability. Kosovo as a post-conflict
society needs a public service like RTK to continue to
provide all sorts of information, and it also needs to sustain
its independence. However, so long as RTK focuses on
politics in its agenda the politicians will likely continue to
attempt to use it and abuse it. The focus of RTK instead of
focusing on the day-to-day politics should be on political
events. In other words, put aside the coverage of party
politics and focus more on advancing the cultural agenda of
Kosovo as a new state if it intends to maintain its
independence down the road.
The rationale behind pushing forward such a solution for
RTK rests in the fact that Kosovo in recent years has a more
diverse spectrum of media outlets and regional broadcasters
including cable channels in which political actors can
compete successfully and this could serve as an exit point
for RTK, to gradually abandon political coverage, in
particular its focus on the day to day agendas of political
parties, and reorient more towards the broader socio-
cultural agenda, in par with its focus on nurturing multi-
ethnicity and diversity in the new state of Kosovo. After all,
the Law on RTK 2012 envisages such a role in great detail,
and it can serve as a roadmap for a successful
transformation.
Clearly, in recent years, RTK has increasingly become a
focus of overlapping political, economical and other
interests of multiple stakeholders who see RTK as a
strategically important asset and it will continue to be
vulnerable to interference unless it re-designs its role as a
13. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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11
public broadcaster. The model it pursued in the past can
serve as a roadmap. Between 2002-07 RTK strived to
achieve financial independence from the Kosovo budget,
considering its dependence to the Kosovo public (through
subscription fee) as the best possible outcome.7 The
subscription fee collected via KEK ensured RTK a solid
financial sustainability between 2003-2009. However, the
arrangement did not leave much space for political
interference on RTK, and at one point, a year before the
expiry of the contract between KEK and RTK, (KEK,
claiming that it was suffering losses with the arrangement)
decided to unilaterally terminate the contract.8 Next, the
Constitutional Court of Kosovo suspended RTK’s
subscription fee, considering the collection of it as
unconstitutional.9 The then RTK management saw this
development as an effort of politics to interfere with RTK on
the eve of elections 2007.10 RTK also cited UNMIKs lack of
support in continuing the collection of subscription fee,
despite the recommendations of the EBU to the opposite.11
After KEK terminated the contract, allowing RTK six
months to find an alternative, Kosovo Assembly dragged the
matter further due to its failure to adopt the new law on
RTK. Also the lack of willingness among the RTK
7 Raport Vjetor per vitin 2005 – Radio Televizioni i Kosoves [RTK Annual Report
2005] p.5, 2006
8 RTK’s Financial Sustainability: Finding alternatives to public broadcaster
financing, GAP Policy Brief, October 12, 2011. The Court required Assembly to
review the Article 20.1 RTK Law (2006) until Dec 1, 2009. On June 14 2010 it
reiterated the temporary measure until January 1, 2011. The case is still open.
9 GAP Policy Brief, October
10 RTK Annual Report 2007: The rreport cites a government spokesperson’s
remarks that “the re-introduction of the contract with RTK can be done if it
changed its editorial policy towards the government” as a signal that politics was
behind the termination of contract.
11 Raport Vjetor per vitin 2007 – Radio Televizioni i Kosoves [RTK Annual report
2007] p.7
14. The Consolidation Challenge
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management and board to propose alternative solutions
then also took its tool. In the absence of a solution, in 2010,
RTK from a situation in which it was ensuring more than 80
% of its income from subscription fee (2007) and the rest
from the advertising, moved to the point where it became
fully dependant on the Kosovo budget.
At present, a particularly worrisome issue is the lack of
willingness of the new RTK management to propose the re-
introduction of the subscription fee. It appears that the RTK
management feels comfortable with the status quo and
unable or unwilling to require the re-introduction of license
fee.
At this point, RTK generates about 1/7 of its budget through
incomes from advertising and other resources. However, its
continuity as a public service broadcaster, might be put in
question if between now and 2014 it does not find a long-
term financing solution – either through broadcasting fee or
through some other mutually approved mechanism. As a
last resort, it might still continue its dependence on the
Kosovo Assembly budget but it will have to set its terms with
regards to what role it would play. As is, it is principally
considered as a mouthpiece of the government and by
default then (due to the ways in which it focuses on the
coverage of the day to day political agenda) as the
mouthpiece of the leading political parties. Such an
approach must come to an end.
The implications with regards to the preservation of RTKs
independence have been clear. Especially, since 2008 as
RTKs dependence on state budget increased, Kosovo
Government has been accused of interfering with the
independence of RTK.12 In addition, RTK has been
increasingly criticized of forging nepotism ties in its midst,
12 Monitorimi i Programit Informativ te Radio Televizionit të Kosovës, [Monitoring
of the Informative Program of RTK] 2011/01, KIPRED, Pristina, January 2011
15. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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for being excessively generous in the purchase of
programming from outside productions and for some of its
selected in-house productions – often of questionable
quality - paying large sums of money to the hosts of such
programs to keep them on air. A number of investigative
articles and documents have surfaced in recent times and
talk about such problems. RTK in recent period has taken
some steps to diminish the potential for mismanagement. It
published an open bid in its website for the purchase of
outside productions. It also keeps annual reports and other
relevant documents accessible on its website, a sign of a
contextual effort to being more transparent. But much more
remains to be done to ensure the full transparency in this
institution down the road.
On a functional level, the issue of succession over the rights
and obligations over the former state broadcaster (RTP) is
also an important challenge that affects the growth of RTK
(since it is not considered de facto or de jure a successor of
RTP it cannot make permanent use of the premises in which
it is located. In other words, RTK considers itself a tenant in
what was supposed to be its own house. This fact, has
implications with regards to hiring policies and its
operational capacities are somewhat left pending on a
permanent decision which will have to be made by the
Kosovo Assembly. This has direct implications with regards
to handling the issue of some 1,200 former employees of
RTP, expelled during the 1990s, who advocate for their right
to return to their jobs and receive the benefits as ex-
employees. In 2006 Kosovo government prepared a draft-
law to transfer the ownership of RTP to RTK but the
strategy was abandoned following a refusal from the Union
of the ex-RTP employees and the issue remains pending.
Under such circumstances, RTK has been pressed to
introduce something akin to affirmative action in its hiring
policies and the result has been the increase of the staff of
questionable quality.
16. The Consolidation Challenge
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Finally, there is the legitimate concern of the politicization
of the broadcaster. After the funding shifted from
subscription fee to Kosovo Assembly the process has been
characterized with numerous changes in its management.
First its general director resigned in 2011, due to political
pressure13 and the Board appointed its successor – a former
editor in chief of RTK as an interim director.14 In 2013 the
departing Board members of RTK appointed a new Director
General, while the nomination of the new RTK Board was
still taking place at the Kosovo Assembly. A number of
interviewees reflecting on the fact that the outgoing Board
has elected the new Director General understood the
outcome as another sign of politicization of the broadcaster
and the continued informality in the functioning of RTK.
PCK - The Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) was established in
June 2005 as a self-regulatory mechanism for Kosovo
press.15 The establishment of PCK was one of the 'standards'
Kosovo had to meet for the status talks to resume and a
precondition for the TMC to revoke control over the print
media. Prior to the establishment of the PCK, there was no
self-regulating mechanism for print in Kosovo.
Since its establishment PCK has been operating primarily
based on foreign donations as well as on member dues to
cover for the operational costs. Albeit its operational costs
are small (ranging between €40,000-50,000 annually) PCK
doesn’t seem to be close to finding a solution that would
make it self-sustainable and economically independent in
the true sense in the future. Member dues are inconsistent
and even in the ideal case of all paying members, the
13 Monitorimi i Programit Informativ te Radio Televizionit te Kosoves, [Monitoring
of the Informative Program of RTK] 2011/01, KIPRED, January 2011
14 Ibid.
15 Filip Stiglmayer, OSCE-supported Press Council helps improve Kosovo's media
landscape, March 2007
17. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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amount collected falls short of being sufficient to cover its
annual operations. According to some earlier estimates, 95%
of PCK budget depend on foreign aid and only 5% is
member dues. In its annual report 2012 it was noted that
only three media outlets have paid their annual dues.
While the donor assistance in the case of PCK has been
coordinated the inability of PCK to pass the sustainability
threshold eight years after its establishment remains a
serious problem. To a certain degree, of the three
institutions established in Kosovo in the aftermath of the
conflict the PCK reflects more closely the so-called
“transplant effect”16 since its strength lies on the belief that
the ethical principles of the media and journalists will
prevail and in states in flux such as Kosovo such a belief
might be too ambitious. Furthermore, the dire condition in
which the press operates in Kosovo, make it unlikely that a
suitable financing mechanism could emerge soon, unless
government would allocate such funds perhaps in line with
some of the Scandinavian models that are widely applied
and directly or indirectly enable the financial support for
such an institution, whose importance cannot yet be
disregarded.
On a practical side, ever since its establishment PCK has
made sure to publish all its rulings on the website and has
been consistent. Yet, it is not clear how often the requests
made by the PCK to its member and non-member media to
issue public apologies or corrections, have been taken into
account or disregarded. Ever since its establishment PCK
has resolved 162 complaints, (about 20 complaints per year
on average.)
Just like the other two institutions, PCK, has had a similar
16 Daniel Berkowitz, Katharina Pistor and Jean-Francois Richard (2003), ‘The
Transplant Effect’, The American Journal of Comparative Law, Vol. 51, pp. 163-
187.
18. The Consolidation Challenge
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institutional challenge in regards to exercising its role in a
fair manner when confronted with issues that were likely to
cause political interference towards the institution. When it
did, its reputation suffered. It would have been in a much
better position if it made a commitment to avoiding to
handle issues that have political implications altogether and
refer them to the courts than to attempt to deal with them
and end up with its reputation questioned.
Furthermore, the fact that following its inability to collect
penalties twice, it has given up on its right to collect fees
from penalties make it even harder to figure out the avenues
towards self-reliance in the future. The independence of
PCK is not affected from political but there remains a
question about how much the print media (members and
non-members alike) will continue to adhere to its non-
binding decisions and if and to what extent its reputation
might be diminished if the Kosovo courts increase their
efficiency down the road.
19. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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17
Conclusions and recommendations
The findings of the research report upon which the policy
brief has been based suggest that the role of foreign
assistance and international funding in the development of
the Kosovo media system has been crucial. Such findings
were further confirmed from a range of interviews (16
interviews) with representatives of media institutions,
journalists, civil society activists and academics from
Kosovo in the period between (December 2012-March
2013).
What the analysis section of the research has helped re-
emphasize, is that overall, the issue of political interference
on media institutions has intensified following the
“Kosovarization” and the institutions after their hand-over
transformed into the “Balkan context.”
What seems to be outside of the donors control nonetheless
were the environmental conditions in which Kosovo media
institutions were set up and the lack of better insight with
regards to ensuring their sustainability once the institutions
were established.
A closer examination on the conditions of RTK, IMC and
PCK points to a number of challenges faced by these media
institutions in their path to consolidation. Funding remains
a key issue for all three institutions. The politicization of the
state with its different shades has played against the odds
for a greater independence in the cases of IMC and RTK and
is reflected in the politicization of appointments, informality
and floating laws that inhibit the proper functioning of both
institutions. In the case of PCK the politicization seems to
have influenced indirectly the work of the institution.
All three institutions remain either donor dependent or
heavily reliant on the Kosovo budget, despite the fact that
little insight or incentive is required for them to pass the
20. The Consolidation Challenge
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18
self-sustainability threshold or ensure otherwise the
potential for greater autonomy. In particular, the financial
dependence and the conditionality that goes with it, keeps
them captured when it comes to projecting a formal and/or
a functional independence in the long run.
In the case of Kosovo, it can be observed that all three media
institutions under consideration have undergone important
processes of change during which the laws that guide their
work have been amended, to increase political control over
them. Or as in the case of PCK statutes have changed to give
up certain competences voluntarily. The long delayed
processes through which such changes in laws that guide the
work of both IMC and RTK were introduced and the fact
that once introduced the amendments have curtailed certain
dimensions of the independence of both institutions are
signs of concern. The amendments in the RTK and IMC laws
as well as the changes in the statute that guides the work of
PCK in recent years, have diminished the independence of
all three institutions, respectively the importance of all three
institutions and a number of interviewees consulted for this
research have drawn similar conclusions.
When it comes to preserving either their formal or even
their de facto independence institutions such as IMC and
RTK seem to be in better position since both of them can
partially subsidize their operations based on the incomes
they generate. IMC is able to generate between ¼ or more of
its current budget requirements from license fees. If we
disregard its occasional needs for capital investments that
IMC has, it appears that IMC would be closer to becoming
financially self-sufficient, if additional insight on increasing
its revenues from license is explored.
RTK still generates about 1/7th of its budget through
advertising and other revenue sources. However, its
financial independence will be closely linked to its decision
to introduce the license fee.
21. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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19
PCK remains the most problematic institution with regards
to funding albeit it requires much less funds for operation
than the other two institutions. According to some earlier
estimates, 95% of PCK budget (approximately € 50,000)
depends on foreign aid and only 5% is member dues. In its
annual report 2012 it was noted that only three media
outlets have paid their annual dues, out of 18 + members.
Otherwise, it seems to be re-confirmed that the absence of
coordination among the donors below the general level (and
sometimes even this was not the case) as well as the failure
of donors to agree on how best to determine the strategic
goals and orientations of the projects supported from them
has caused confusion and polarization in the media sector,
resulting in an overall decline of quality journalism and
weakening of the Kosovo’s media potential. This in turn, has
served politicians as a lead to attempt to influence the
media. It appears that the quick donor withdrawal and
failure to leave behind appropriate mechanisms to monitor
more closely the content produced and the processes of
appointments (the case of RTK); as well as the quality of
decision-making and the internal and external barriers to
sustaining independence in longer term (the cases of IMC
and PCK) have taken their toll. In addition, the fact that
media assistance programs have taken a copy-paste
approach from other similar cases, notably Bosnia, is
worrisome having in mind the limited success of the
international assistance in reforming the media sector in
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In summary, it should be noted that the challenges that the
three institutions have had to face in the process of
consolidation are related strongly to the goals and objectives
that the donors have put when they set out to establish the
media outlets and institutions in Kosovo. As noted in
Rhodes (2007) two interrelated categories of goals and
22. The Consolidation Challenge
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objectives have guided the media support in Western
Balkans 1) political and social goals, and 2) media-specific
objectives.17 The insight that emerges from closer look into
their performance is that in cases when social and political
goals have overlapped with media-specific goals the results
were questionable or negative. It appears that following
Kosovarization all three media institutions at different
points in time, have been left to handle “hot potatoes”, in
other words, meet objectives that are outside of their
potential or capacities to address, and this in turn has
tarnished their reputation. Hence, all three institutions have
faced serious drawbacks in their functioning. Introduction
of mechanisms that would spare the aforementioned media
outlets and institutions from being pressed to handle such
issues in the future and of ways to increase their financial
self-reliance might be the most appropriate way to ensure
their increased autonomy and functionality in the future.
17 Aaron Rhodes, Ten Years of Media Support to the Balkans: An Assessment,
Media Task Force (Amsterdam: the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, 2007)
p.11
23. Strengthening the independence of media institutions in Kosovo
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21
List of Publications
Elections:
#1: D4D Institute. September 2011. Deconstructing Election
Trends 2000-2010.
#2: D4D Institute. March 2012. An Impression of Reform: How to
Restore Trust on Elections?
#3: Malazogu, Leon, Visar Sutaj and Drilon Gashi. November
2012. Kaçanik Voters’ List Audit: A Sample for Kosovo.
#4: Malazogu, Leon and Selatin Kllokoqi. February 2013. Lessons
learned for Future Elections: An Analysis of the Mayoral By-
Elections in Ferizaj and Kaçanik.
Ethnic Relations:
#1: Malazogu, Leon and Vladimir Todorić. November 2011.
Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue: Transformation of Self-Interest
Required. PER-K/D4D Institute and NPC-Belgrade
#2 & #3: Malazogu, Leon, Viktor Popović and Shpend Emini.
March 2012. Boosting Prospects for Young Kosovo Serbs. Urban
Life in Kosovo Serb Communities. PER-K/D4D Institute.
#4: Malazogu, Leon and Florian Bieber. September 2012. The
Future of Interaction Between Prishtina and Belgrade. PER-K/
D4D Institute.
#5: Malazogu, Leon and Alex Grigorev. September 2012. From
Creative Ambiguity to a Constructive Process: How to Approach
Northern Kosovo? PER-K/D4D Institute.
Public Interest:
#1: Sejdiu, Dardan and Kastriot Jahaj. January 2013. The Hidden
Tax: Why do Kosovars Pay More?
#2: Gashi, Drilon and Shoghi Emerson. May 2013. A Class of Its
Own: Patronage and its impact on Social Mobility in Kosovo.