The document analyzes the 1967 Six Day War between Israel and Egypt through the lens of the "Conflict Narrative Hypothesis". This hypothesis posits that for war to occur, both sides must have a narrative of their own superiority, the other side's inferiority, and a call to patriotic action. The document finds evidence that these narratives existed in both Israel and Egypt prior to the war. In Egypt, a political rally featured speeches proclaiming superiority over Israel and calling for war, as well as visual propaganda depicting an Egyptian soldier dominating Israel. Egyptian popular culture also reflected these narratives of superiority and demeaning of Israel. When the Strait of Tiran was closed, this ambiguous trigger event aligned with Egypt's conflict narrative
October War_Effective Egyptian Preprarations Enable Strategic SurpriseW. Troy Ayres
The Egyptians were able to achieve strategic surprise against Israel in the 1973 Yom Kippur War through effective military preparations and deception. They had been conducting large training exercises for years, allowing Israel to grow complacent. Additionally, Egypt launched an deception campaign involving limiting information sharing and presenting their final mobilization as another routine exercise. Through these measures, Egypt was able to cross the Suez Canal before Israel realized war was imminent, gaining an early advantage through surprise.
This document discusses the causes of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. It examines both general long-term causes like religious beliefs over land claims and short-term causes like the outcome of the 1967 Six-Day War. Key long-term causes included the Jewish belief in their right to Israel as their homeland, Arab opposition to a Jewish state being imposed in their region, and the failure of regional leaders and international powers to broker a lasting peace agreement. Short-term causes included Egypt and Syria's desire for revenge after their humiliating defeat in 1967, Israel's failure to appreciate how the balance of power had shifted, and ongoing border tensions between the wars. The document provides historical context on the religious and political roots of the conflict dating back
This is another type of war, new in its intensity, ancient in its origin—war by guerrillas, subversives, insurgents, assassins, war by ambush instead of by combat; by infiltration, instead of aggression, seeking victory by eroding and exhausting the enemy instead of engaging him. It preys on economic unrest and ethnic conflicts. It requires in those situations where we must counter it, and these are the kinds of challenges that will be before us in the next decade if freedom is to be saved, a whole new kind of strategy, a wholly different kind of force, and therefore a new and wholly different kind of military training
Clausewitz's concept of the trinity of war - comprising the emotional element of the population, the rational element of political objectives, and the element of chance and military skill - remains relevant for understanding modern war according to the author. While technology and new actors like non-state groups have changed warfare, wars still involve rational goals, popular support, and military decision-making. The author argues Clausewitz helps analyze how the nature of war links to its social and political implications, and his concepts of friction and the possibility of absolute war still apply despite new weapons like nuclear arms. Therefore, On War remains useful for comprehending wars in the 21st century.
The U.S. Military Industrial Complex: A Diagrammatic Representationelegantbrain
This document provides an overview of President Eisenhower's concept of the "military industrial complex" and how it has grown significantly since his warning. It describes the military industrial complex as a conglomerate of weapons manufacturers, suppliers, and intelligence agencies that influence policy and budget priorities through political lobbying. While initially dismissed, Eisenhower's warning has become increasingly relevant as the complex continues expanding and influencing foreign policy decisions and budgets, to the detriment of domestic priorities and quality of life. The document also discusses how U.S. militarism and interventions abroad have negatively impacted people in other countries and can result in "blowback" such as terrorist attacks on U.S. soil.
The three key battles of 1863 were Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, and Vicksburg. At Chancellorsville, the Confederates used effective tactics but lost their prominent general Stonewall Jackson. At Gettysburg, fierce fighting occurred over three days and resulted in a Union victory, though General Meade failed to pursue the retreating Confederates. Meanwhile, Grant's capture of Vicksburg on July 4th severed Confederate control of the Mississippi River, boosting the Union war effort.
The article describes about the inspiring personality of wold's most influential foreign policy analyst of our time and his majestic recent book" World Order"
Total War Through the Advancement of Military Technology Final DraftZach Wilson
The document analyzes how advances in military technology enabled aspects of total war such as the blurring of combatants and non-combatants, mass mobilization of troops, and increased range and scale of conflicts. It discusses how new artillery and firearms in the French Revolutionary Wars and American Civil War allowed less trained citizen-soldiers to be effective in battle. In particular, it describes how improved artillery during the Civil War enabled Union forces to bombard civilians in Columbia, South Carolina from over two miles away. The document argues that total war would not have been possible without technological developments that increased lethality and the physical and emotional distance between enemies from the late 1700s onward.
October War_Effective Egyptian Preprarations Enable Strategic SurpriseW. Troy Ayres
The Egyptians were able to achieve strategic surprise against Israel in the 1973 Yom Kippur War through effective military preparations and deception. They had been conducting large training exercises for years, allowing Israel to grow complacent. Additionally, Egypt launched an deception campaign involving limiting information sharing and presenting their final mobilization as another routine exercise. Through these measures, Egypt was able to cross the Suez Canal before Israel realized war was imminent, gaining an early advantage through surprise.
This document discusses the causes of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. It examines both general long-term causes like religious beliefs over land claims and short-term causes like the outcome of the 1967 Six-Day War. Key long-term causes included the Jewish belief in their right to Israel as their homeland, Arab opposition to a Jewish state being imposed in their region, and the failure of regional leaders and international powers to broker a lasting peace agreement. Short-term causes included Egypt and Syria's desire for revenge after their humiliating defeat in 1967, Israel's failure to appreciate how the balance of power had shifted, and ongoing border tensions between the wars. The document provides historical context on the religious and political roots of the conflict dating back
This is another type of war, new in its intensity, ancient in its origin—war by guerrillas, subversives, insurgents, assassins, war by ambush instead of by combat; by infiltration, instead of aggression, seeking victory by eroding and exhausting the enemy instead of engaging him. It preys on economic unrest and ethnic conflicts. It requires in those situations where we must counter it, and these are the kinds of challenges that will be before us in the next decade if freedom is to be saved, a whole new kind of strategy, a wholly different kind of force, and therefore a new and wholly different kind of military training
Clausewitz's concept of the trinity of war - comprising the emotional element of the population, the rational element of political objectives, and the element of chance and military skill - remains relevant for understanding modern war according to the author. While technology and new actors like non-state groups have changed warfare, wars still involve rational goals, popular support, and military decision-making. The author argues Clausewitz helps analyze how the nature of war links to its social and political implications, and his concepts of friction and the possibility of absolute war still apply despite new weapons like nuclear arms. Therefore, On War remains useful for comprehending wars in the 21st century.
The U.S. Military Industrial Complex: A Diagrammatic Representationelegantbrain
This document provides an overview of President Eisenhower's concept of the "military industrial complex" and how it has grown significantly since his warning. It describes the military industrial complex as a conglomerate of weapons manufacturers, suppliers, and intelligence agencies that influence policy and budget priorities through political lobbying. While initially dismissed, Eisenhower's warning has become increasingly relevant as the complex continues expanding and influencing foreign policy decisions and budgets, to the detriment of domestic priorities and quality of life. The document also discusses how U.S. militarism and interventions abroad have negatively impacted people in other countries and can result in "blowback" such as terrorist attacks on U.S. soil.
The three key battles of 1863 were Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, and Vicksburg. At Chancellorsville, the Confederates used effective tactics but lost their prominent general Stonewall Jackson. At Gettysburg, fierce fighting occurred over three days and resulted in a Union victory, though General Meade failed to pursue the retreating Confederates. Meanwhile, Grant's capture of Vicksburg on July 4th severed Confederate control of the Mississippi River, boosting the Union war effort.
The article describes about the inspiring personality of wold's most influential foreign policy analyst of our time and his majestic recent book" World Order"
Total War Through the Advancement of Military Technology Final DraftZach Wilson
The document analyzes how advances in military technology enabled aspects of total war such as the blurring of combatants and non-combatants, mass mobilization of troops, and increased range and scale of conflicts. It discusses how new artillery and firearms in the French Revolutionary Wars and American Civil War allowed less trained citizen-soldiers to be effective in battle. In particular, it describes how improved artillery during the Civil War enabled Union forces to bombard civilians in Columbia, South Carolina from over two miles away. The document argues that total war would not have been possible without technological developments that increased lethality and the physical and emotional distance between enemies from the late 1700s onward.
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
An alternative to armed defence
Defence, a vital function
Dealing with new threats
Alternative to armed defence
Conventional defence
Armed popular defence
nuclear defence.
The document discusses the role of public relations and framing in wartime, with a focus on the Iraq War in 2003. It examines how the US military shaped public perception of the war by embedding journalists and controlling the narrative. It also looks at the role of Al-Jazeera in providing an alternative perspective by reporting directly from the ground in Iraq. The challenges of separating fact from propaganda are explored.
This document summarizes the experiences of several war photographers and journalists who covered conflicts in Vietnam and Iraq. It describes Neil Davis, a combat cameraman who filmed graphic footage of the Vietnam War and was later killed covering a coup in Bangkok. It also discusses Hugh van Es, who took the famous photo of the last helicopter leaving Saigon during the fall of Vietnam, and Philip Jones-Griffiths, whose photos from Vietnam had a major impact on public perception. During the Gulf War, journalists like Peter Arnett stayed at the Al-Rashid hotel in Baghdad to cover events from Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
Graham, Stephen. "Laboratories of War: United States-Israeli Collaboration in...Stephen Graham
This document discusses the close collaboration between the United States and Israel in developing urban warfare strategies and security doctrines. It argues that the US military has widely adopted tactics and lessons learned from Israel's operations in the West Bank, particularly during Operation Defensive Shield in Jenin in 2002. US observers were present during these operations to learn from the Israeli approach. The US justification for its global war on terror, including the emphasis on preemption and legal exceptions, was also heavily influenced by Israeli security doctrines developed during the second Palestinian intifada. As the US occupation of Iraq transitioned to counterinsurgency, Israel's involvement in advising the US military grew and the tactics increasingly resembled Israeli operations against Palestinians.
The document discusses how the governments of the US and UK used agenda-setting in the media to gain public support for the Iraq War. Journalists embedded with the military in Iraq reported in a way that portrayed the war favorably. Both governments emphasized links between Iraq and terrorism to make the war a top priority in the media. While the public may not have originally supported the war, agenda-setting influenced people to see invasion as necessary through repetitive headlines.
The document discusses the Cold War conflicts that emerged in the Third World between 1945-1989. The United States and Soviet Union intervened in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America due to their opposing ideological beliefs in capitalism and communism. These interventions resembled the new imperialism of the late 19th century. Local leaders in the Third World declared themselves non-aligned but many accepted support from one superpower due to beliefs that change was necessary to improve living conditions. Covert operations and propaganda campaigns were used by both sides in places like Vietnam and Cuba to gain influence.
The document discusses how the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki marked a turning point where total war was no longer tolerated by Western societies due to the immense destructive power of nuclear weapons. This led to the emergence of narrative warfare, where public opinion and media coverage can influence the outcome of conflicts more than military force. Guerrilla groups recognized they did not need to match an enemy's military strength and instead used propaganda and media to undermine public support for wars. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, rise of the UN and human rights, end of colonialism, and growth of global populations have all contributed to narratives becoming more important in warfare.
How to Reverse the Tide of War. A Global People’s Movement. Say No to Nuclear...Chris Helweg
- The document discusses the need for a legitimate anti-war movement that challenges the propaganda and lies used to justify wars. It argues that an effective movement must: 1) Fully expose the lies and complicity of governments in terrorist attacks like 9/11 that are used as pretexts for war. 2) Question the legitimacy of political leaders rather than just protest their policies. 3) Work to undermine the propaganda that sustains public support for wars by spreading truthful information. A movement funded or influenced by those who profit from war will not succeed in preventing war.
The document discusses the Cold War and interventions by the US and Soviet Union in the Third World between 1945-1989. It explores how the ideologies of capitalism and communism drove the two superpowers to intervene in newly independent nations to spread their influence. Many Third World countries tried to remain non-aligned but were pulled into the conflict. The rise of nationalist movements in places like Vietnam and Cuba further exacerbated tensions as the two sides backed opposing forces in local proxy wars.
The Project Gutenberg EBook of On War, by Carl von Clausewitz
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: On War
Author: Carl von Clausewitz
Release Date: February 25, 2006 [EBook #1946]
Last Updated: January 26, 2013
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON WAR ***
Produced by Charles Keller and David Widger
I used the following methods to collect data for my research:
1. Questionnaire: I developed and distributed a questionnaire to collect primary data from respondents. The questionnaire gathered both qualitative and quantitative responses on people's views and opinions related to the 2006 Lebanon war.
2. Interviews: I conducted interviews with 10 individuals from different backgrounds to get more in-depth and nuanced perspectives on the war and its impact. The interviews were semi-structured with open-ended questions.
3. Literature review: I reviewed existing academic literature, news reports, and documentary sources to understand how the war has been analyzed and documented by experts and observers. This helped provide important context and frameworks to analyze people's responses.
4. Personal
Wars have been a part of human history for thousands of years and have become increasingly destructive with advances in technology. Wars are typically fought between countries to achieve objectives through force, but can also be civil wars within a country. There are often many complex and intertwined reasons for wars beginning, rather than single clear causes. Eight main reasons proposed for wars are economic gain, territorial gain, religion, nationalism, revenge, civil war, revolutionary war, and defensive or preemptive war.
The document discusses various causes of war at different levels of analysis, from the individual to the international system level. At the individual level, human nature and psychology are examined, including innate aggression and the decision-making processes of leaders. At the unit level, factors like domestic politics, nationalism, regime type and economic systems are considered. The system level focuses on the distribution of power between states and the security dilemma. Causes of interstate and intrastate wars are also analyzed. Strategies for managing intrastate wars include power-sharing agreements, federalism, consociationalism and foreign intervention.
- The document discusses the Cold War from the perspective of a Russian who lived through that era. It describes the fear of nuclear war between the US and Soviet Union in the early 1950s under Stalin.
- After Stalin's death in 1953, his successor Khrushchev sought to determine if the US was committed to war or open to diplomacy. The first meeting between Khrushchev and US President Eisenhower in 1955 helped establish a dialogue between the two sides.
- While misunderstandings arose at this first meeting, it marked an important initial step towards reducing tensions between the US and Soviet Union and moving away from the threat of war.
This document discusses various aspects of war reporting and propaganda. It examines how journalists have historically covered conflicts from World Wars I and II through the Gulf War and modern conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. It explores the different types of reportage, including technical, official, ideological, and critical reporting. It also analyzes the challenges journalists face in separating fact from propaganda during wars and how embedded and unilateral reporting have evolved. Questions are raised about journalists' complicity in propaganda and how the demands of news coverage may impact public understanding.
The document summarizes America's involvement in World War II on two fronts. It describes how the US fought battles in the Pacific against Japan, including the pivotal Battle of Midway in 1942, and engaged in island hopping campaigns led by MacArthur and Nimitz. Meanwhile, in Europe the US supported the Soviet Union and engaged in the North Africa campaign before invading Italy and later France on D-Day. The Manhattan Project developed the atomic bomb, which the US dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, leading to Japan's surrender and the end of World War II.
To what extent does the historical film and literature realistically depict g...Megan Kedzlie
A historical investigation that analyzes the extent to which film and literature realistically depicted the warfare that the US Troops experienced under General Westermoreland's "Search and Destroy" tactics.
The document summarizes the Post Cold War Era from the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 to the present. Key events include the rise of globalization enabled by the internet and mobile phones, increased concern over environmental issues like global warming, and the emergence of new powers after the rivalry between the US and Soviet Union. The end of the Cold War resulted in improved relations between the former superpowers and profound changes around the world as new technologies like the internet spread.
The document discusses the Arab way of war and how understanding culture is important for assessing military capabilities and strategies. It outlines some strengths of Arab militaries like adaptability and mobilization abilities. However, it also examines weaknesses such as overly centralized decision making, lack of initiative, and politicization. Urban warfare is discussed as being important in Middle Eastern conflicts past and future. Understanding the Arab mind and culture is key to comprehending aspects like the propensity for self-sacrifice in terrorist attacks.
The document discusses the debate around whether the new Suez Canal project in Egypt is a truly new canal or just a bifurcation. It argues that regardless of what it is called, the project provides value by allowing ships to navigate in both directions simultaneously instead of separately, reducing waiting times in the bitter lakes. This allows more ships to pass through the canal each day, increasing the fees collected. Even if it is just a small bifurcation, it generates more money, which is the only thing that really matters. The document concludes that small improvements can have significant impacts, like renewing a broken button that controls an important function.
This document discusses why maritime health is an international issue rather than just a national responsibility. While ships used to operate within single countries, globalization has made fleets multinational with crews from different countries. This poses challenges for applying health standards consistently when countries regulate maritime health differently. The document examines historical examples like health issues for seamen in 19th century Callao, Peru to show how health problems have long transcended national boundaries in the shipping industry. It argues that principles now exist for international cooperation on maritime health management, but vested interests of different groups pose barriers to realizing a unified approach.
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
An alternative to armed defence
Defence, a vital function
Dealing with new threats
Alternative to armed defence
Conventional defence
Armed popular defence
nuclear defence.
The document discusses the role of public relations and framing in wartime, with a focus on the Iraq War in 2003. It examines how the US military shaped public perception of the war by embedding journalists and controlling the narrative. It also looks at the role of Al-Jazeera in providing an alternative perspective by reporting directly from the ground in Iraq. The challenges of separating fact from propaganda are explored.
This document summarizes the experiences of several war photographers and journalists who covered conflicts in Vietnam and Iraq. It describes Neil Davis, a combat cameraman who filmed graphic footage of the Vietnam War and was later killed covering a coup in Bangkok. It also discusses Hugh van Es, who took the famous photo of the last helicopter leaving Saigon during the fall of Vietnam, and Philip Jones-Griffiths, whose photos from Vietnam had a major impact on public perception. During the Gulf War, journalists like Peter Arnett stayed at the Al-Rashid hotel in Baghdad to cover events from Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
Graham, Stephen. "Laboratories of War: United States-Israeli Collaboration in...Stephen Graham
This document discusses the close collaboration between the United States and Israel in developing urban warfare strategies and security doctrines. It argues that the US military has widely adopted tactics and lessons learned from Israel's operations in the West Bank, particularly during Operation Defensive Shield in Jenin in 2002. US observers were present during these operations to learn from the Israeli approach. The US justification for its global war on terror, including the emphasis on preemption and legal exceptions, was also heavily influenced by Israeli security doctrines developed during the second Palestinian intifada. As the US occupation of Iraq transitioned to counterinsurgency, Israel's involvement in advising the US military grew and the tactics increasingly resembled Israeli operations against Palestinians.
The document discusses how the governments of the US and UK used agenda-setting in the media to gain public support for the Iraq War. Journalists embedded with the military in Iraq reported in a way that portrayed the war favorably. Both governments emphasized links between Iraq and terrorism to make the war a top priority in the media. While the public may not have originally supported the war, agenda-setting influenced people to see invasion as necessary through repetitive headlines.
The document discusses the Cold War conflicts that emerged in the Third World between 1945-1989. The United States and Soviet Union intervened in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America due to their opposing ideological beliefs in capitalism and communism. These interventions resembled the new imperialism of the late 19th century. Local leaders in the Third World declared themselves non-aligned but many accepted support from one superpower due to beliefs that change was necessary to improve living conditions. Covert operations and propaganda campaigns were used by both sides in places like Vietnam and Cuba to gain influence.
The document discusses how the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki marked a turning point where total war was no longer tolerated by Western societies due to the immense destructive power of nuclear weapons. This led to the emergence of narrative warfare, where public opinion and media coverage can influence the outcome of conflicts more than military force. Guerrilla groups recognized they did not need to match an enemy's military strength and instead used propaganda and media to undermine public support for wars. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, rise of the UN and human rights, end of colonialism, and growth of global populations have all contributed to narratives becoming more important in warfare.
How to Reverse the Tide of War. A Global People’s Movement. Say No to Nuclear...Chris Helweg
- The document discusses the need for a legitimate anti-war movement that challenges the propaganda and lies used to justify wars. It argues that an effective movement must: 1) Fully expose the lies and complicity of governments in terrorist attacks like 9/11 that are used as pretexts for war. 2) Question the legitimacy of political leaders rather than just protest their policies. 3) Work to undermine the propaganda that sustains public support for wars by spreading truthful information. A movement funded or influenced by those who profit from war will not succeed in preventing war.
The document discusses the Cold War and interventions by the US and Soviet Union in the Third World between 1945-1989. It explores how the ideologies of capitalism and communism drove the two superpowers to intervene in newly independent nations to spread their influence. Many Third World countries tried to remain non-aligned but were pulled into the conflict. The rise of nationalist movements in places like Vietnam and Cuba further exacerbated tensions as the two sides backed opposing forces in local proxy wars.
The Project Gutenberg EBook of On War, by Carl von Clausewitz
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: On War
Author: Carl von Clausewitz
Release Date: February 25, 2006 [EBook #1946]
Last Updated: January 26, 2013
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON WAR ***
Produced by Charles Keller and David Widger
I used the following methods to collect data for my research:
1. Questionnaire: I developed and distributed a questionnaire to collect primary data from respondents. The questionnaire gathered both qualitative and quantitative responses on people's views and opinions related to the 2006 Lebanon war.
2. Interviews: I conducted interviews with 10 individuals from different backgrounds to get more in-depth and nuanced perspectives on the war and its impact. The interviews were semi-structured with open-ended questions.
3. Literature review: I reviewed existing academic literature, news reports, and documentary sources to understand how the war has been analyzed and documented by experts and observers. This helped provide important context and frameworks to analyze people's responses.
4. Personal
Wars have been a part of human history for thousands of years and have become increasingly destructive with advances in technology. Wars are typically fought between countries to achieve objectives through force, but can also be civil wars within a country. There are often many complex and intertwined reasons for wars beginning, rather than single clear causes. Eight main reasons proposed for wars are economic gain, territorial gain, religion, nationalism, revenge, civil war, revolutionary war, and defensive or preemptive war.
The document discusses various causes of war at different levels of analysis, from the individual to the international system level. At the individual level, human nature and psychology are examined, including innate aggression and the decision-making processes of leaders. At the unit level, factors like domestic politics, nationalism, regime type and economic systems are considered. The system level focuses on the distribution of power between states and the security dilemma. Causes of interstate and intrastate wars are also analyzed. Strategies for managing intrastate wars include power-sharing agreements, federalism, consociationalism and foreign intervention.
- The document discusses the Cold War from the perspective of a Russian who lived through that era. It describes the fear of nuclear war between the US and Soviet Union in the early 1950s under Stalin.
- After Stalin's death in 1953, his successor Khrushchev sought to determine if the US was committed to war or open to diplomacy. The first meeting between Khrushchev and US President Eisenhower in 1955 helped establish a dialogue between the two sides.
- While misunderstandings arose at this first meeting, it marked an important initial step towards reducing tensions between the US and Soviet Union and moving away from the threat of war.
This document discusses various aspects of war reporting and propaganda. It examines how journalists have historically covered conflicts from World Wars I and II through the Gulf War and modern conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. It explores the different types of reportage, including technical, official, ideological, and critical reporting. It also analyzes the challenges journalists face in separating fact from propaganda during wars and how embedded and unilateral reporting have evolved. Questions are raised about journalists' complicity in propaganda and how the demands of news coverage may impact public understanding.
The document summarizes America's involvement in World War II on two fronts. It describes how the US fought battles in the Pacific against Japan, including the pivotal Battle of Midway in 1942, and engaged in island hopping campaigns led by MacArthur and Nimitz. Meanwhile, in Europe the US supported the Soviet Union and engaged in the North Africa campaign before invading Italy and later France on D-Day. The Manhattan Project developed the atomic bomb, which the US dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, leading to Japan's surrender and the end of World War II.
To what extent does the historical film and literature realistically depict g...Megan Kedzlie
A historical investigation that analyzes the extent to which film and literature realistically depicted the warfare that the US Troops experienced under General Westermoreland's "Search and Destroy" tactics.
The document summarizes the Post Cold War Era from the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 to the present. Key events include the rise of globalization enabled by the internet and mobile phones, increased concern over environmental issues like global warming, and the emergence of new powers after the rivalry between the US and Soviet Union. The end of the Cold War resulted in improved relations between the former superpowers and profound changes around the world as new technologies like the internet spread.
The document discusses the Arab way of war and how understanding culture is important for assessing military capabilities and strategies. It outlines some strengths of Arab militaries like adaptability and mobilization abilities. However, it also examines weaknesses such as overly centralized decision making, lack of initiative, and politicization. Urban warfare is discussed as being important in Middle Eastern conflicts past and future. Understanding the Arab mind and culture is key to comprehending aspects like the propensity for self-sacrifice in terrorist attacks.
The document discusses the debate around whether the new Suez Canal project in Egypt is a truly new canal or just a bifurcation. It argues that regardless of what it is called, the project provides value by allowing ships to navigate in both directions simultaneously instead of separately, reducing waiting times in the bitter lakes. This allows more ships to pass through the canal each day, increasing the fees collected. Even if it is just a small bifurcation, it generates more money, which is the only thing that really matters. The document concludes that small improvements can have significant impacts, like renewing a broken button that controls an important function.
This document discusses why maritime health is an international issue rather than just a national responsibility. While ships used to operate within single countries, globalization has made fleets multinational with crews from different countries. This poses challenges for applying health standards consistently when countries regulate maritime health differently. The document examines historical examples like health issues for seamen in 19th century Callao, Peru to show how health problems have long transcended national boundaries in the shipping industry. It argues that principles now exist for international cooperation on maritime health management, but vested interests of different groups pose barriers to realizing a unified approach.
The Suez Canal is an artificial sea-level waterway in Egypt, connecting the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea. Opened in November 1869 after 10 years of construction, it allows ships to travel between Europe and eastern Asia without navigating around Africa thereby reducing the sea voyage distance between Europe and India by about 7,000 kilometres (4,300 mi). The northern terminus is Port Said; the southern terminus is Port Tewfik at the city of Suez. Ismailia is on its west bank, 3 km (1.9 mi) from the half-way point.[1]
When built, the canal was 164 km (102 mi) long and 8 m (26 ft) deep. After several enlargements, it is 193.30 km (120.11 mi) long, 24 m (79 ft) deep and 205 metres (673 ft) wide. It consists of the northern access channel of 22 km (14 mi), the canal itself of 162.25 km (100.82 mi) and the southern access channel of 9 km (5.6 mi).
Port2Port Maritime - "Is the Suez Canal Safe for Shipping?" Global maritime t...Port 2Port
For years security along the Suez Canal was largely a non-issue. But since the military overthrow of the Morsi government in Egypt in June, the situation has changed. A jihadist uprising has led to attacks on military outposts and on commercial shipping as seen most dramatically in the Aug. 31 rocket-propelled grenade attack on the container ship Cosco Asia as it passed through the canal, captured in a widely viewed video. Given that some 15 to 20 percent of global container trade passes through the Suez Canal, according to Drewry, with 3,300 container ship transits in 2012, concern about possible disruption is growing among container lines and their customers whose supply chains require uninterrupted operation of the 120-mile-long waterway.
In this webcast, experts in security and political risk assessed the current situation and the potential for further violence and possible disruption in 2014.
http://goo.gl/GIpcYp
The document provides an overview of a paper about the U.S. perception of French and British leadership during the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis. The paper will argue that the U.S. saw the French and British actions as deceitful, diplomatically aggressive, and motivated by greed. It will analyze U.S.-European relations in the context of colonialism and containment policy during the Cold War. The document outlines the structure of the paper and identifies key historical context, arguments, and secondary sources that will be addressed.
The document summarizes a research project on waste management practices in clinical laboratories at Suez Canal University Hospital and Ismailia General Hospital. The project aimed to describe current waste management practices, identify occupational hazards, and recommend improvements based on international standards. Results showed that while some safety training and practices were followed, waste containers were often improperly handled and equipment was not clearly labeled. Recommendations included improved labeling, personal protective equipment, emergency procedures, waste segregation, and handling/disposal.
The Panama Canal connects the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmus of Panama, providing a shortcut for maritime trade. The 50-mile canal cuts through mountainous jungle and includes a series of locks that raise and lower ships as they pass through. After failed attempts by France and Panama, the United States oversaw the canal's completion in 1914, which reduced travel times between the oceans by 8,000 miles but cost many worker lives due to harsh conditions and disease. The canal remains a vital global shipping route today.
Laboratory chemical waste management practices tabirsir
Laboratory chemical waste management practices are important to follow to protect human health and the environment. Procedures include obtaining a generator ID, properly collecting, labeling, and storing waste chemicals, and designating roles for oversight. Waste must be placed in compatible containers that are clearly marked with the chemical name and dates. Unknown chemicals must be identified within 30 days and removed. Laboratories must ensure all waste is properly handled when shutting down.
The Suez Canal connects the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea, reducing travel between Europe and Asia by 6,000 km. Opened in 1869, it was built by the French using Egyptian forced labor. The 193 km canal passes through Egypt and is an important global shipping route, carrying over 7.5% of world sea trade including oil shipments. It greatly improved world trade by providing a shortcut for shipping between East and West.
The document provides a 3-sentence summary:
The document is a secret Israeli government report from 1988 that evaluates the development of Palestinian militant groups like Hamas during the early stages of the First Intifada. The report aims to inform other nations involved in the region about activities of these groups and Israel's involvement with Hamas. While offering a valuable first-hand Israeli perspective from the time, the document is limited since it has likely been translated from Hebrew, which could have altered the original meaning.
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who ove.docxgilbertkpeters11344
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who overthrew the Egyptian
monarchy in the 1952 Revolution. Nasser and his colleagues had been able to take
advantage of the opening up of the army officer corps to native Egyptians. They were
motivated by nationalism to remove the corrupt monarchy and the last vestiges of the British
occupation. British armed forces continued to enjoy military-strategic advantages in Egypt
and to occupy the Suez Canal. The Free Officers blamed the Egyptian government for the
poor performance of the army in the 1948 Palestine War against Israel. A republic was
declared by January 1953, but Nasser did not immediately emerge publicly as its leader
until 1954.
It was only over time that Nasser adopted the ideas of Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism, and
positive neutralism, with which his years as president of Egypt (1954-70) were to become so
identified. Beyond a strong sense of nationalism, Nasser espoused a frankly pragmatic
approach to solving problems in his early years in power. Positive neutralism meant that
while Egypt would not align with either side in the Cold War, it would make deals with one
or the other as the interests of the country would best be served. Over time, however, Nasser
began to tilt more towards the Soviet Union. His positive neutralism was greatly influenced
by his attendance at the 1955 Bandung Conference of nonaligned nations. Nasser's biggest
triumph was the nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956, which completed Egypt's
independence from Britain. As a result, Nasser became a truly popular figure both within
Egypt and among the Arab masses outside of it for the first time. His Pan-Arabism, which
sought the political unity of the Arabs, henceforth resonated with tbem. It had its origins in
Pan-Islam, the ideology of the Ba'th Party, and the Arab League. Pan-Arabist sentiment led
to the creation of the United Arab Republic of 1958, which included Egypt and Syria.
Personal and political rivalries as well as the different nationalisms, however, soon rent the
union asunder. Egypt then found itself embroiled in a civil war in Yemen between 1962 and
1967, in which Nasser backed the republicans and Saudi Arabia supported the royalists.
Nasser's Arab socialism developed, in part, in response to the 1956 Suez War, in which
Israel, Britain, and France attacked Egypt.
1
Prior to the war, Nasser simply had a sense that
government should act to extend social justice to the people. The building of the Aswan
High Dam was to be the panacea that would expand agriculture, provide cheap electrical
power, and encourage industrialization. Now, he retaliated against the European powers by
nationalizing foreign-owned companies in Egypt. The nationalization of businesses owned
by the native bourgeoisie accused of cooperating with foreign imperialists soon followed.
The government established rent controls and food subsidies to help .
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who ove.docxshericehewat
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who overthrew the Egyptian
monarchy in the 1952 Revolution. Nasser and his colleagues had been able to take
advantage of the opening up of the army officer corps to native Egyptians. They were
motivated by nationalism to remove the corrupt monarchy and the last vestiges of the British
occupation. British armed forces continued to enjoy military-strategic advantages in Egypt
and to occupy the Suez Canal. The Free Officers blamed the Egyptian government for the
poor performance of the army in the 1948 Palestine War against Israel. A republic was
declared by January 1953, but Nasser did not immediately emerge publicly as its leader
until 1954.
It was only over time that Nasser adopted the ideas of Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism, and
positive neutralism, with which his years as president of Egypt (1954-70) were to become so
identified. Beyond a strong sense of nationalism, Nasser espoused a frankly pragmatic
approach to solving problems in his early years in power. Positive neutralism meant that
while Egypt would not align with either side in the Cold War, it would make deals with one
or the other as the interests of the country would best be served. Over time, however, Nasser
began to tilt more towards the Soviet Union. His positive neutralism was greatly influenced
by his attendance at the 1955 Bandung Conference of nonaligned nations. Nasser's biggest
triumph was the nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956, which completed Egypt's
independence from Britain. As a result, Nasser became a truly popular figure both within
Egypt and among the Arab masses outside of it for the first time. His Pan-Arabism, which
sought the political unity of the Arabs, henceforth resonated with tbem. It had its origins in
Pan-Islam, the ideology of the Ba'th Party, and the Arab League. Pan-Arabist sentiment led
to the creation of the United Arab Republic of 1958, which included Egypt and Syria.
Personal and political rivalries as well as the different nationalisms, however, soon rent the
union asunder. Egypt then found itself embroiled in a civil war in Yemen between 1962 and
1967, in which Nasser backed the republicans and Saudi Arabia supported the royalists.
Nasser's Arab socialism developed, in part, in response to the 1956 Suez War, in which
Israel, Britain, and France attacked Egypt.
1
Prior to the war, Nasser simply had a sense that
government should act to extend social justice to the people. The building of the Aswan
High Dam was to be the panacea that would expand agriculture, provide cheap electrical
power, and encourage industrialization. Now, he retaliated against the European powers by
nationalizing foreign-owned companies in Egypt. The nationalization of businesses owned
by the native bourgeoisie accused of cooperating with foreign imperialists soon followed.
The government established rent controls and food subsidies to help ...
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Gil Guerrero - Document Analysis Origins of the Cold War - 17065249.pptxGilGuerrero8
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The Cold War began due to rising tensions between the capitalist West led by the United States and the communist East led by the Soviet
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This document summarizes how the United States deliberately transferred power and resources to the Soviet Union from FDR's presidency through providing materials, blueprints, documents, and diplomatic access during WWII. This massive aid formed the basis to consistently transfer power in a way that constructed the Soviet Union as an enemy to the US in the Atomic Age. While most Americans were unaware, some US policy aimed to build an enemy for balance of power, while others aimed to trade and make an enemy into a friend. The persistence of these efforts suggests the enemy outcome was more satisfactory to policymakers. The document discusses evidence that atomic bomb components may have been transferred from Los Alamos.
The zionist palestinian conflict -an alternative storyMohammad Ihmeidan
1) The document provides an alternative narrative of the Zionist-Palestinian conflict that challenges mainstream media representations. It analyzes Zionist ideology from a Palestinian perspective as a colonial settler movement.
2) Zionism viewed Palestinians as an obstacle in the way of establishing a Jewish state and implementing the slogan of "a land without people for people without land." This ideology led to massacres, dispossession, and the denial of Palestinian existence and rights.
3) Palestinian resistance was seen by Zionists as "illegitimate" and "terrorism," similar to terms used against resistance in Apartheid South Africa. Zionism fought against a representative Palestinian government that could uphold Arab majority rule and threaten the Zionist project.
20 Table of Contents Templates and Examples ᐅ TemplateLab. 11 Table Of Contents Template for Report - SampleTemplatess .... Mla Format Table Of Contents Example Elcho Table. Buy Essay Online Cheap - how to write apa table of contents - 2017/10/07. Essay Table Of Contents - webcsulb.web.fc2.com. Sample table of contents for thesis - thesiscompleted.web.fc2.com. Extended Essay Table Of Contents Format For Thesis - Essay for you. 21 Table of Contents Templates amp; Examples Word, PPT ᐅ TemplateLab. Table of Contents in Word Instructions amp; Examples for your Dissertation. apa format list of tables example. Table of Contents Examples. Thesis Table of Contents Writing Help, Outline, Format. Term paper table of contents format. Insert a table of contents. 2022 .... Sample Table Of Contents For Research Paper - example papers. Sample Table Of Contents In Research Paper - example papers. Reflective Essay: Table of contents term paper. Table of Contents Template Word 03 Table of contents template, Table .... Mla style table of contents. MLA Format: Template and FAQ. 2022-10-03. Mla Format Table Of Contents Sample Elcho Table. Table of contents in thesis. Thesis Table of Contents Writing Help .... Table Of Contents Design WOW Factor Writing. Great Writing 2 Table of Contents. Table of Contents - Thesis and Dissertation - Research Guides at Sam .... Dissertation Table Of Contents: Definitive Writing Guide. 10 Research Paper Table Of Contents Template - SampleTemplatess .... Dissertation Help How To Format Your Table Of Contents - Q. How do I .... Dissertation Final. Example of table of contents for research paper - reportz725.web.fc2.com. Planning and writing a thesis with a table of contents Lorena Gibson Essay Table Of Contents Essay Table Of Contents
1. 1967 Six Day War Analysis
Introduction
The war I am examining is the 1967 Six Day War. The theory that I will test is derived
from a paper published in the Journal of Peace Research entitled “Sociopsychological analysis of
conflict supporting narratives: A general framework” (Bar-Tal, 2014). This paper demonstrates
how specific “narratives” must permeate a state for it to initiate and maintain prolonged
aggression. For clarification, “narrative” is a set of strongly held beliefs by a person or group. In
order to avoid cognitive dissonance, they must act in accordance with their narrative (Helperin et
al, 2010). From these assumptions, I derived the “Conflict Narrative Hypothesis”. The
hypothesis posits that there must be a visible conflict narrative among both the leaders of the
society and its populace for war to occur. Should there be a narrative in place in both countries,
then any, then any stochastic event may lead one side to declare war.
A society with a Conflict Narrative must have three critical beliefs at both the individual
and state level. First, the most of the society’s population must believe in their own superiority.
This may appear in many different ways including nationalistic rallies and patriotic popular
music. Second, the narrative must demean the opposing nation. This means that each level of
society must believe in the inherent inferiority of the other society. Evidence for this appears in
popular culture, political speeches, and public demonstrations. Finally, individuals in the society
must be willing to fight and die for their nation and its narrative. Thus, the narrative must
perpetuate intense nationalism and patriotism. This again shows in the popular culture of the
time. Examples may include pro/anti-war popular songs, pro/ anti-war demonstrations, or public
rallies for or against war. If these three beliefs are visible in both the policy makers and the
public, then the society will be at a high risk for going to war. The remaining clause is a “trigger
event”, which would cause one side to strike. This is an event on in the international system with
2. no clear cause or intent. Because of its ambiguity, the event may be misinterpreted by one
Conflict Narrative state as a declaration of war. This misinterpretation leads directly to a pre-
emptive strike.
In sum, the Conflict Narrative equation for war is as follows-
(Belief of Superiority + belief of opponent’s inferiority+ patriotism) + Ambiguous and
random trigger event = War
Setting the stage
As the name indicates, the 6 Days War took place over six days in June 1967. Many
different nations played roles in this conflict, but the major actors were Israel and Egypt.
Rumblings of tensions surfaced in November of 1966 when Syria and Egypt signed a mutual
defense agreement. In a seemingly unrelated event about a week later, Israel attacked the
Palestinian village of Samu’ in the Jordanian held West Bank. The attack was in response to
heavy PLO guerilla activity, including a mine attack that killed three IDF soldiers (Tessler,
1994). Following the incident at Samu’, King Hussein of Jordan criticized Egypt and its
president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, for not helping Jordan and “hiding behind UNEF (United
Nations Emergency Force) Skirts” (Ibid).
The following spring, Nasser received information from the Soviet Union that Israel was
amassing on the Syrian border. In response, Nasser mobilized. He moved nearly his entire army
to protect the Sinai Peninsula. However, the Jordanian King quickly criticized Nasser, claiming
that the mobilization was just posturing and that Nasser did not intend to remove the UN
peacekeeping troops within the region. The Egyptian president quickly countered this assertion
and removed all UN troops from the Sinai Peninsula on May 16th. About a week later, Nasser
closed the Straits of Tiran to Israel. This had huge domestic implications for Israel as about 90
3. percent of Israeli oil passed through the straits. Therefore, the act was effectively a provocation
of war (Shlaim, 2012).
Nasser understood that his aggressive actions could lead to war. He placed about 465,000
ground troops, 2,800 tanks, and 800 aircraft within striking distance of Israel (Herzog, 1972; pg.
149). Sensing that Nasser’s actions now supported his war-provoking rhetoric, Israel took action.
On June 5, 1967, Prime Minister Moshe Dayan launched a pre-emptive strike on Egyptian
forces. The Israeli airforce destroyed about 300 joint-Arab aircraft as well as countless airfields,
all within a matter of hours. These strikes effectively crippled both the Egyptian and Jordanian
air forces and effectively signaled the start of the six-day war (Oren, 2003; p.172).
Testing the Explanation
Essential Properties of Argument
As stated above, three conditions are necessary for the conflict narrative to be in place.
First, a society’s decision makers and public must believe in their inherent superiority. Second,
they must also believe in the opponent’s inferiority. Finally, there must be pervasive patriotism
that signals a call to action. Given these three conditions, any ambiguous event within the
international system may lead to war, as the society in question must act in accordance with its
beliefs to avoid cognitive dissonance.
To apply this to the 6-days War, I will examine whether these three assumptions
permeated the leaders and popular culture in both Israel and Egypt shortly before the conflict
broke out. I expect to see three things in each society if this theory is correct. First, there must be
claims of superiority from both sides. This means that both Israel and Egypt should have pro-war
songs and public events (i.e. demonstrations, marches, etc…) as well as speeches by political and
military leaders within the society proclaiming the societies superiority. Second, there will be
similar rhetoric from both Israel and Egypt proclaiming the other’s inferiority. I will look for
4. songs, speeches, and rallies that convey the idea that the other is subhuman. Third, I will seek
evidence of a patriotic call to action for each society. A strong example of is propaganda that
urging the public to pick up arms to fight for their nation. If this propaganda is effective, we
should see massive public support for soldiers and a rise in enlistment and volunteer numbers
shortly before the war.
Given these three necessities, there must be some sort of stochastic event. This could be
any ambiguous event in the international system that may be interpreted as an aggressive act.
Evidence for this includes an occurrence in which there are dissenting views within both Egypt
and Israel about the intentions of that event. In other words, is there a lack of consensus about the
event that may lead to a misperception among the states leaders about the intent of the event?
Empirical Evidence for
Egypt
The Egyptian Conflict Narrative appears in all levels of society during a political rally on
May 29th, 1967. The Arab Socialist Union and the Egyptian National Guard organized the rally
and brought in Ahmend Shukairy, the chairman of the PLO, to give a pro-Arab speech.
According to Thomas F. Brady, a NY Times reporter who attended the rally,
"About 5,000 people gathered late this afternoon to listen to speeches that roared from the
loudspeakers slung from scaffolding every 150 feet."(Brady; May 30, 1967)
These loudspeakers blared pro-war and anti-Israeli sentiments for hours, which incited
chants of “We will fight, we will fight, liberation will come." and “Long Live Nasser, Long Live
Nasser…”(Ibid). In addition to the chants and speeches, Brady noted,
“Two posters stood on either side of a colored photograph of President Gamal Abdel Nasser…
One showed a muscular arm holding a tine soldier marked with the Star of David out over the
Sea. The other showed a giant soldier in bright pink uniform standing astride the Strait of Tiran,
which the United Arab Republic has declared closed to Israeli shipping…
5. He later states, “Banners hung across the streets from one building to another. One said
Women’s organizations of Boulak say: Long Live Nasser… On a garish geometric tapestry of
orange, green and yellow that draped the covered podium, a sign in black Arabic script read
'Victory from God'."”
Toward the end of the rally, Ahmed Shukairy finally gave his speech. He proclaimed,
"The battle with Israel looms. Let Johnson and Wilson hear our cry- we are not afraid of you!"
At the end of the podium “enthusiastic young men” repeatedly attempted to climb onto stage,
only to be held back by the National Guard. However, one older man with a cane meandered past
all of the Guards and made his way to the podium. As he reached the speakers, he yelled into the
mic, “Long live Nasser!”
In addition to the speech, there was visual propaganda promoting a pro-war narrative.
There was a giant poster of a soldier in a bright pink uniform guarding the Strait of Tiran and the
banner proclaiming “Victory from God.” The giant soldier demonstrates the physical superiority
of Egypt, while banner proclaims their moral supremacy, as ‘god is on their side’. Furthermore,
it seems apparent that the Egyptian population at large took this propaganda to heart. This is
evident in the massive public support for Nasser and the Egyptian cause, seen in public
demonstrations similar to the one documented by Thomas F. Brady. Furthermore, this sense of
nationalistic superiority permeates Egyptian popular culture of the time. One of the most popular
songs of 1967 was “Don’t Worry President”, which held the refrain, 'Don't worry president
(Nasser)… You are supported by the most courageous men.” (Hamamsy and Soliman, 2013; pg.
214).
There is also an obvious demeaning of the enemy. This appears in a massive banner that
shows Nasser holding an Israeli soldier out over the ocean as if he were a piece of trash. This
public animosity not only manifested for Israel, but for those that supported Israel as well.
Notably, Americans were often portrayed in a negative manner. "On a public level, the image of
6. the American was either the old rich American who came to Egypt as a tourist, or the loud,
vulgar image reflected by the Egyptian media.” (Ibid)
Finally, from these previous two conditions, there arises a strong sense patriotism and a
call to fight. This is most obviously seen in a NY Times article written on May 23, 1967, entitled
Cairo Acts to Bar Israeli Shipping in Gulf of Aqaba. The Times reports that many Muslim
leaders called for a unification of all Arabs for the Arab cause. They document a speech given by
Sheik Hassan Maamoun, a powerful Arab-Islamic leader of the day, who states that-
“The world’s Muslims [must] support President Nasser in face of the ‘Zionist menace’… he
called the situation a ‘decisive battle in the history of religion and Arabism.’ He urged all
Muslims to “strike hard at the aggressor,’ meaning Israel.” (Feron; May 23, 1967)
This unification had a strong effect. Egyptian radio played songs with repeating refrains
like, "Nasser, Nasser, we will follow you. We will kill them, we will torch them, we will grind
them to dust.” Radio Cairo played these songs not only for the Egyptian populace, but also
blasted them to Israeli radio stations as well (Bernstein & Ilan Ziv, 2007). Frighteningly, these
songs and their accompanying ideology affected nearly everyone in Egyptian society, even those
as young as elementary school-
"One Egyptian mother said her three children were excited by songs on radio and television. Her
eight-year-old son… came home with new recitations: 'Palestine, you are our hope. We are your
fighters. We have the sword to drive the hated enemy from your soil.'" (Brady; June 1, 1967)
Israel
During my investigation, I found very little hard evidence for the three necessary
components of the Conflict Narrative in Israeli society. The only trace of a conflict narrative was
a strong nationalistic sense of duty. This was likely born out of the Zionist movement and the
prolonged Jewish persecution in Europe. To ensure that these nationalistic continued, the Israeli
government sponsored patriotic youth trips. These paid-for trips, called ye di'at ha-'aretz
(knowledge of the land), allowed the country’s youth to visit many of the Jewish historic sites in
7. the hopes of furthering the Zionist cause (Regev, & Seroussi, 2004; pg. 35). It seems that this
patriotic sense carried over into non-Israeli Jews as well. As documented in the NY Times on
May 31, 1967, many Jewish-Americans decided to help defend the state of Israel by filling in at
vacancies in hospitals, nurseries, and kibbutzim. The article states about one small group,
“The four, a solemn group during the interview, come from an Orthodox Jewish background and
are committed to the Zionist ideal. They have visited Israel one or more times.” (N.A.; May 31,
1967)
In addition to this patriotism, Israel segregated its popular culture. As stated in Popular
Music and National Culture in Israel,
"For a short period in the 1960s, the hit parades included both Israeli and foreign songs, but
later stations separated them into hit parades; one of foreign songs and one of Israeli songs."
(Regev, & Seroussi,2004; pg. 35).
This demonstrates an acknowledgement of ‘us’ being distinct from ‘them’. Given this
segregation and a shared sense of patriotism, we can conclude that there was a communal sense
of responsibility to fight for the Jewish homeland. This sense of patriotic duty likely helped
mobilize Jewish supporters in the name of Zionism. However, there was little evidence for a
sense of inherent superiority among the Jewish nation and there was no evidence that they felt
the Arabs to be naturally inferior.
Empirical Evidence against
Egypt
There is little evidence that a Conflict Narrative was not in place in Egyptian society. The
only plausible counterargument is that Nasser caused an inadvertent war with his aggressive
rhetoric. This hypothesis comes from doubt over Nasser’s conviction for war. Many believe that
Nasser was posturing and that he wanted only to appear strong but had no desire to fight Israel.
King Faisal of Saudi Arabia had repeatedly insulted Nasser and accused him of allowing Israel to
attack the Jordanian village of Samu’ (Bernstein & Ziv, 2007). Many feel that these ongoing
Intra-Arab disputes led Nasser to take an aggressive foreign policy stance to mitigate much of his
8. criticism. This aggressive stance led him to remove the UN peacekeeping troops from the Sinai
Peninsula and to close the Straits of Tiran. These actions spurred domestic fervor for war.
Immediately following Nassers closure of the Straits of Tiran, much of the Egyptian public
marched the streets shouting “Nasser, Nasser, long live Nasser.” (Bernstein and Ziv, 2007).
Because his actions won him international and domestic support, he may have feared the
political repercussions of backing down. If this is the case, then the six-day war could be an
inadvertent war.
However, for inadvertent war theory to apply, Nasser cannot have known that his actions
would cause war. On the contrary, Nasser repeatedly stated that he knew that closing the Straits
of Tiran was effectively a provocation of war (Louis & Shlaim, 2012; pg. 63). Furthermore, he
appeared eager for the opportunity, "We are ready for war… War might be an opportunity for the
Jews and for Israel to test their strength against ours." (Brady; May 30, 1967). Clearly, Nasser
knew the consequences of his actions. This demonstrates Nasser did not commit an inadvertent
war, which in turn supports the Conflict Narrative hypothesis.
Israel
The empirical evidence against a conflict narrative in Israel comes largely from the
Israeli respect for their Arab opponents. The NY Times quoted Prime Minister Eshkol,
"We haveno interestin violating their security,their territory or their legitimate rights.Norshall we
interfere in anyway in their internal affairs,theirregimesor their regionalor internationalrelations…we
expectof them,according to the principles of reciprocity, theapplication of the sameprinciples toward
us."(Feron;May 23, 1967)
This quote eliminates one of the main clauses of the Conflict Narrative- the belief in the
opponent’s inferiority. Eshkol states that Israel does not intend to interfere with the Egyptians
“legitimate” rights. Had Eshkol viewed Egypt as inferior, then there would have been no
acknowledgment of their earned rights. Furthermore, Eshkol expects Egypt to return the favor.
9. This again demonstrates that, while Eshkol may not have agreed with Egyptian actions, he saw
them as equal and competent and believed them to be moral in their actions.
Further evidence comes from the much more hawkish Moshe Dayan. Dayan was Israel’s
secretary of Defense and firmly believed in an aggressive foreign policy. While he ultimately
replaced Prime Minister Eshkol thanks to public support earned from his strong Zionist leaning,
he acted as a military adviser beforehand. He constantly advised Eshkol to attack early and often.
He says,
"We cannot lose the initiative. The situation gets militarily more complex. It does not matter who
will shoot the first shot. We have to act, and act as quickly as possible"(Bernstein & Ilan Ziv,
2007).
It was not just Moshe Dayan either. A joint statement from Israel’s top generals to Prime
Minister Eshkol reads,
"The risk you are taking in not going to war is that it will take place on our soil. It gives the
Egyptians more time to organize better, to plan better; it gives all the advantage to them." (Ibid)
This again does not follow from a conflict narrative. These statements demonstrate an
Israeli understanding of the power and capabilities of their enemy. For a conflict narrative to be
in place, a society and its leaders must believe that the enemy is weak and cannot match the in-
group’s moral or physical strength (Bar-Tal et al, 2014). Instead, these proclamations show a
profound respect for the Egyptian and Arab fighting forces. There is both a sense of urgency and
a sense of fear. This sentiment appears in a quote from an Israeli paratrooper during the war. He
described the beginning of the war as “a war for survival” and “a defensive war against jihad”
(Bernstein & Ilan Ziv, 2007). From this, it seems that the Israeli motives were not about inherent
superiority and a God-given right to wipe out their inferior neighbors. Instead, it was an act of
preservation. Israel was frightened for its safety and it ultimately decided to respond as
aggressively as possible.
10. Assessment of Evidence
There is too little evidence to support the Conflict Narrative Hypothesis as a causal model
for the six-day war. There are three main problems. First, Israel had no clear conflict narrative.
Aside from a shared sense of duty and patriotism, there was no evidence that a feeling of
superiority and Arab inferiority permeated all levels of society. In fact, they appeared to have
great military respect for their hostile Arabs neighbors. Instead of seeing them as subhuman,
there was a well-documented sense of fear that emanated from both the Israeli generals and the
Israeli.
Second, there is a large sense of ambiguity in what constitutes a stochastic event. The
conflict narrative hypothesis supposes that if the narrative is in place in both countries, a single,
random event could spark a war. A perfect example of this comes from World War 1, with the
assassination of the archduke Ferdinand. This event was unpredicted and caused massive
confusion among all parties involved in the beginning of the war. However, there was no such
event for the six days war. Instead, a steady progression in Israeli-Arab tensions manifested in a
linear route to war. The only potentially “random” trigger event was the closing of the Straits of
Tiran. However, Nasser knew what he was doing and understood the ramifications of his actions.
Therefore, this was not a stochastic event.
Finally, there remains the tautology problem. Egypt had a strong conflict narrative, and if
we consider for the sake of argument that Israel had one as well, we are still left with the
question of which came first, the conflict or the conflict narrative?
Conclusion
In this paper, I examined the six-day war using the Conflict Narrative Hypothesis. The
hypothesis states that if two opposing countries have a sense of superiority, see their opponent as
11. inferior, and have a nationalist call to action, then any random trigger event may cause war. For
my case, I examined whether or not this conflict narrative was in place in both Egypt and Israel
in May and Early June of 1967. I expected to find a strong conflict narrative among all levels of
societies in both actors. However, this was not the case. Instead, I found Egypt to have an
extensive narrative that affected its leaders and public. However, Israel had no such narrative.
The only evidence I found was that they had a strong nationalistic sense of duty, likely born out
of the Zionist movement. There was no evidence that they felt themselves inherently superior to
their adversaries. Instead, they seemed to have a profound respect that was likely born out of
fear. It seemed that Israel worried about its survival, and this fear, not any sense of superiority,
led to their aggressive actions.
The implications of my paper are simply that the Conflict Narrative Hypothesis needs to
be refined. Most importantly, it needs a more accurate definition of what constitutes a belief in
superiority and inferiority. For my paper, I looked at propaganda, popular culture, and the words
and actions of the country’s respective leaders. While I felt that this provided a comprehensive
picture of the general thoughts and attitudes of the society and the time, there is no way to get
into the thoughts of the people involved. I can only infer what the people believed based on the
available evidence. This leads to some ambiguity in interpretation. For example, does the belief
in Zionism equate to a belief in superiority? One central tenant of Zionism is that Israel is the
Jewish homeland. This belief often coincides with the thought that Jerusalem was a gift from
God to the Jewish people. Receiving a gift from God could very well lead to a sense of
superiority. However, I was unable to find any direct evidence to this effect.
12. Ultimately, I feel that there is merit to the Conflict Narrative Hypothesis. However, until
we are better able to interpret public belief, it may remain just a theory and not a testable
hypothesis.
Works Cited
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Theme. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://timesmachine.nytimes.com/
Bar-Tal, D., Oren, N., & Nets-Zehngut, R. (2014). Sociopsychological analysis of conflict-
supporting narratives A general framework. Journal of Peace Research, 51(5), 662-675.
El Hamamsy, W., & Soliman, M. (Eds.). (2013). Popular Culture in the Middle East and North
Africa: A Postcolonial Outlook: A Postcolonial Outlook. Routledge.
Feron, James. (1967, May 23) Eshkol Urges Mutual Troop Pullback. The New York Times.
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Halperin, E., Bar-Tal, D., Sharvit, K., Rosler, N., & Raviv, A. (2010). Socio-psychological
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Herzog, Chaim . (1972). The Arab-Israeli Wars, (NY: Random House, 1982).
Hirst, D. (2003). The gun and the olive branch: the roots of violence in the Middle East. Nation
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