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Communicative Competence 
Whenever someone learns a language—as a mother tongue or a foreign 
language—s/he inevitably learns some grammar, even without being aware of it. 
Language is governed by rules of various kinds that must somehow be mastered to 
some degree for any communication to occur: even understanding everyday 
speech or reading a simple text cannot be achieved without an implicit 
understanding of some of these rules. 
The fact is that most native speakers of a language never reach a very high 
mastery of its grammar: even "educated" people know just enough to function, 
orally and in writing, at a level appropriate to their socio-professional standing. 
Much of this knowledge is acquired inductively through communicative experience, 
early on in life; only a small part of it comes from explicit instruction in an academic 
setting, and most speakers are not able to explain the rules that they apply 
correctly. Frequently, they need to resort to a reference book (dozens are in print 
for French) in order to clarify certain points. 
There is a lingering confusion about the exact nature of "grammar," which can 
mean 
1) a set of laws that account for the way language operates in general—in which 
case it is virtually synonymous with "linguistics" 
2) a set of laws governing the morphology of a specific language—how linguistic 
units are formed—and its syntax—how linguistic units are arranged in linear 
sequences in speech. 
3) a set of rules and recipes on how to produce "correct" forms. 
Grammar in language instruction 
In naturalistic acquisition, grammatical mastery is initially limited to recognition 
and comprehension, before proceeding to production and, possibly, to the ability to 
analyze and explicate grammatical forms. 
Educational theories have not always respected this inductive progression: 
"traditional" language pedagogy, in fact, follows a deductive process that begins 
with formulating rules that students must learn, then "apply" in exercices, before 
moving on to progresssively more divergent expression. Since the late 1970s, 
"functional" and "communicative" approaches have strived to change this status, 
sometimes by proscribing explicit grammar instruction altogether, in other cases by 
respecting the natural acquisition process in which rule-stating comes after 
recognition and comprehension. 
Unfortunately, the problem of grammar in language instruction has not, for the 
most part, been satisfactorily addressed. Language instruction methods 
overwhelmingly rely on "traditional grammar" (type 3), even when they seek to cast 
grammar in a supporting role, or present it inductively. However, such grammar 
does not always reflect a coherent, scientific vision of how language operates: its 
rules, which admit many exceptions, are really ad hoc prescriptions that do not 
explain linguistic mechanisms, and tend to focus on correctness rather than 
meaning. Even language teachers who devote a great deal of time and effort to
grammar instruction do not always understand exactly how language works: they 
teach and use the rules they have learned but would be hard pressed to explain 
why these rules exist. 
Moreover, Language instruction methods tend to focus on grammar and ignore 
usage, i.e., how grammar rules are really applied in specific contexts. Because 
rules of usage are based on what natives actually do, rather than on theoretical 
prescription, they sometimes contradict grammatical rules, and sometimes qualify 
or restrict them. 
Adopting a "scientific" grammar thus appears as an indispensable first step 
towards more productive learning: its rules must suffer no exceptions, and it must 
begin by carefully defining notions beyond commonly held (mis)conceptions. 
Anyone with a modicum of formal education has some idea of what a "sentence," a 
"text," a "verb" are; yes these terms remain imprecise, and are often used 
inappropriately. 
In fact, the very notion of "grammatical knowledge" is at issue, since it can refer 
to several types of competencies. 
1. Receptive competency : 
- recognition, comprehension and understanding of langage forms from authentic 
documents 
2. Evaluative competency : 
- Normative judgement : ability to distinguish between correct and incorrect forms 
- Register judgement : ability to distinguish between formal, standard and colloquial 
forms 
- Authenticity judgement : ability to distinguish between grammatical forms (which 
are possible, even though they may not be correct) and agrammatical forms (which 
are never produced by a native speaker) 
3. Productive competence : 
- Mechanical (convergent) production, of a single, specific form or structure: in an 
exercice or in response to a direct prompt from a teacher, for example. 
- Directed (semi-convergent) production of a range of forms or structures: in an 
exercice or in response to a direct prompt from a teacher, for example, but also in 
writing a text with explicit constraints. 
- Autonomous (divergent) production, in an activity where generic formal 
constraints may exist, but are less determinant than the (free writing, composition, 
essay, description, narration) 
4. Metalinguistic competence : 
- Ability to identify forms by name (knowledge of technical vocabulary); 
- Ability to state a grammatical rule or principle in a coherent, economical manner; 
- Ability to develop explanations (analysis of sentence components, linguistic 
commentary) 
These competencies mostly pertain to morphology and syntax, at the sentence 
level. They must be set apart from discursive and textual competence (sentence 
arrangement, "text grammar"), from rhetorical (or stylistic) competence, or lexical 
competence (vocabulary knowledge), which must be evaluated separately. They
must also be set apart from oral competencies, which involve a different 
hierarchical structure, and allow for a wider usage of colloquial forms.

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Competencia comunicativa

  • 1. Communicative Competence Whenever someone learns a language—as a mother tongue or a foreign language—s/he inevitably learns some grammar, even without being aware of it. Language is governed by rules of various kinds that must somehow be mastered to some degree for any communication to occur: even understanding everyday speech or reading a simple text cannot be achieved without an implicit understanding of some of these rules. The fact is that most native speakers of a language never reach a very high mastery of its grammar: even "educated" people know just enough to function, orally and in writing, at a level appropriate to their socio-professional standing. Much of this knowledge is acquired inductively through communicative experience, early on in life; only a small part of it comes from explicit instruction in an academic setting, and most speakers are not able to explain the rules that they apply correctly. Frequently, they need to resort to a reference book (dozens are in print for French) in order to clarify certain points. There is a lingering confusion about the exact nature of "grammar," which can mean 1) a set of laws that account for the way language operates in general—in which case it is virtually synonymous with "linguistics" 2) a set of laws governing the morphology of a specific language—how linguistic units are formed—and its syntax—how linguistic units are arranged in linear sequences in speech. 3) a set of rules and recipes on how to produce "correct" forms. Grammar in language instruction In naturalistic acquisition, grammatical mastery is initially limited to recognition and comprehension, before proceeding to production and, possibly, to the ability to analyze and explicate grammatical forms. Educational theories have not always respected this inductive progression: "traditional" language pedagogy, in fact, follows a deductive process that begins with formulating rules that students must learn, then "apply" in exercices, before moving on to progresssively more divergent expression. Since the late 1970s, "functional" and "communicative" approaches have strived to change this status, sometimes by proscribing explicit grammar instruction altogether, in other cases by respecting the natural acquisition process in which rule-stating comes after recognition and comprehension. Unfortunately, the problem of grammar in language instruction has not, for the most part, been satisfactorily addressed. Language instruction methods overwhelmingly rely on "traditional grammar" (type 3), even when they seek to cast grammar in a supporting role, or present it inductively. However, such grammar does not always reflect a coherent, scientific vision of how language operates: its rules, which admit many exceptions, are really ad hoc prescriptions that do not explain linguistic mechanisms, and tend to focus on correctness rather than meaning. Even language teachers who devote a great deal of time and effort to
  • 2. grammar instruction do not always understand exactly how language works: they teach and use the rules they have learned but would be hard pressed to explain why these rules exist. Moreover, Language instruction methods tend to focus on grammar and ignore usage, i.e., how grammar rules are really applied in specific contexts. Because rules of usage are based on what natives actually do, rather than on theoretical prescription, they sometimes contradict grammatical rules, and sometimes qualify or restrict them. Adopting a "scientific" grammar thus appears as an indispensable first step towards more productive learning: its rules must suffer no exceptions, and it must begin by carefully defining notions beyond commonly held (mis)conceptions. Anyone with a modicum of formal education has some idea of what a "sentence," a "text," a "verb" are; yes these terms remain imprecise, and are often used inappropriately. In fact, the very notion of "grammatical knowledge" is at issue, since it can refer to several types of competencies. 1. Receptive competency : - recognition, comprehension and understanding of langage forms from authentic documents 2. Evaluative competency : - Normative judgement : ability to distinguish between correct and incorrect forms - Register judgement : ability to distinguish between formal, standard and colloquial forms - Authenticity judgement : ability to distinguish between grammatical forms (which are possible, even though they may not be correct) and agrammatical forms (which are never produced by a native speaker) 3. Productive competence : - Mechanical (convergent) production, of a single, specific form or structure: in an exercice or in response to a direct prompt from a teacher, for example. - Directed (semi-convergent) production of a range of forms or structures: in an exercice or in response to a direct prompt from a teacher, for example, but also in writing a text with explicit constraints. - Autonomous (divergent) production, in an activity where generic formal constraints may exist, but are less determinant than the (free writing, composition, essay, description, narration) 4. Metalinguistic competence : - Ability to identify forms by name (knowledge of technical vocabulary); - Ability to state a grammatical rule or principle in a coherent, economical manner; - Ability to develop explanations (analysis of sentence components, linguistic commentary) These competencies mostly pertain to morphology and syntax, at the sentence level. They must be set apart from discursive and textual competence (sentence arrangement, "text grammar"), from rhetorical (or stylistic) competence, or lexical competence (vocabulary knowledge), which must be evaluated separately. They
  • 3. must also be set apart from oral competencies, which involve a different hierarchical structure, and allow for a wider usage of colloquial forms.