Cheers for Japanese Athletes The 1932 Los Angeles Olympics an.docx

Cheers for Japanese Athletes: The 1932 Los Angeles Olympics
and the Japanese American
Community
Author(s): Eriko Yamamoto
Source: Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 69, No. 3 (Aug., 2000),
pp. 399-430
Published by: University of California Press
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Cheers for Japanese Athletes:
The 1932 Los Angeles Olympics and the
Japanese American Community
ERIKO YAMAMOTO
The author is a member of the faculty of literature at
Sugiyama Jogakuen University, Nagoya, Japan.
"Nambu! Banzai!! Banzai!"
Vociferously more than 5000 Japanese fans voiced their
praise of the young man who yesterday broke the world record
in the
hop, step and jump with a leap of 51 feet 7 inches.
Rafu Shimpo (Los Angeles Japanese Daily News)
August 5, 1932 [English section]1
The band swings into the solemn "Kimigayo," the Japanese
national
anthem.., all eyes are focused on the Olympic peristyle as the
Japan-
ese flag unfolds. As we turn our eyes upon a Japanese lad who
stands
on the top platform gazing up for the Japanese flag that he
helped to

raise, we see not just a Japanese boy but a true son of Japanese
war-
rior-Samurai.... The living memory of those men of ancient
Japan
who built the tradition of Bushido becomes a guiding spirit of a
new
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the fourteenth
annual meet-
ing of the Association for Asian American Studies in Seattle,
April 1997. The au-
thor wishes to thank Yuji Ichioka, Brian M. Hayashi, Eiichiro
Azuma, Brian Niiya,
Art Hansen, Eileen Tamura, Hiroshi Yoneyama, Edward
Skrzypczak, and the
anonymous Pacific Historical Review referees for their valuable
comments. Appre-
ciation also goes to the Fulbright Program, UCLA's Asian
American Studies Cen-
ter, and Sugiyama Jogakuen University for their support.
1. Rafu Shimpo (Los Angeles Japanese Daily News, hereafter
Rafu), Aug. 5, 1932,
English section, 6. The name Nambu is a commonly accepted
spelling and there-
fore used throughout this paper, although "Nanbu" more
accurately reflects the
original Japanese name.
Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 69, No. 3, pages 399-429. ISSN
0030-8684
@2000 by the Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical
Association. All rights reserved.
Send requests for permission to reprint to: Rights and
Permissions,
University of California Press, 2000 Center St., Ste. 303,

Berkeley, CA 94720-1223. 399
2014 08:32:43 AM
400 Pacific Historical Review
generation. In them we find the life of new Japan and the future
full
of hopes and success.
Kashu Mainichi (Japan-California Daily News)
August 14, 1932 [English section]2
In the summer of 1932 the Japanese American com-
munity in Los Angeles was swept by fervent nationalism for the
"Country of the Rising Sun." As part of the city that hosted the
tenth Olympic games, the local Issei and Nisei residents eagerly
participated in the Olympiad and contributed to making it a
success. However, their cheers were not for the United States
but for Japan. Calling themselves kaigai zairyti doho (overseas
brethren), the members of the local Japanese community
earnestly supported Japan and, in doing so, testified to the in-
ternational as well as local significance of the Olympics for
Japanese Americans.3
Issei and Nisei attitudes toward the Los Angeles Olympics
reflected many themes of Japanese American prewar history.
Recent scholarship suggests that the 1930s witnessed a surge of
ethnic nationalism, especially among Issei. Brian M. Hayashi
has
shown that some Japanese Americans "ardently supported

Japan" as early as 1931 and that "their loyalty to Japan was not
in conflict with American interests," while Yuji Ichioka has
demonstrated that Issei nationalism "fully crystallized" after the
Sino-Japanese War in 1937. Often believing Japan's official line
that military expansion was for the stability and co-prosperity
of
Asian nations, Issei during the 1930s showed their support for
Japanese soldiers, especially those in China, by sending money
2. Editorial, Kashu Mainichi (Japan-California Daily News,
hereafter Kashu),
Aug. 14, 1932, English section, 2.
3. Issei means first-generation Japanese American, or Japanese
immigrant. At
this point, Issei were technically alien residents forbidden from
naturalization.
Nisei refers to second-generation Japanese American, or a
person born of Japan-
ese parents in the United States. Zairyu- doh6 refers to overseas
Japanese and their
descendants (coming from the same racial stock) and includes
both Issei and
Nisei. In this paper, the terms zairyis d6h6 and doh6 usually
refer to those in the Los
Angeles area. Nikkei is a more general term meaning people of
Japanese ancestry.
The Japanese names of Issei (who then were unnaturalized) and
Japanese natives
appearing in this article are in the Japanese order; that is, the
family name followed
by the given name, except in direct quotations where the
Western style was origi-
nally used.

2014 08:32:43 AM
Japan at the 1932 Olympics 401
and goods. Eiichiro Azuma has found an earlier example of Is-
sei community nationalism (as opposed to homeland-oriented
nationalism) in a Japanese-Filipino conflict in 1930 in Stockton.
The enthusiasm that Los Angeles Japanese evinced in the 1932
Olympics can be regarded as another case of Japanese Ameri-
can nationalism in the 1930s that was concentrated, organized,
and socially visible, involving Issei and Nisei alike. It was an
open
and emphatic affirmation of ethnic pride that did not conflict
with their Americanism. Especially for members of the emerg-
ing Nisei generation, who were questioning the label of "unas-
similable" Americans, the Olympics became a focus for taking
pride in their roots.4
Japanese Americans of the 1930s were caught between U.S.
nationalism, Japan's state-controlled militaristic nationalism,
4. Brian Hayashi, "For the Sake of OurJapanese Brethren":
Assimilation, National-
ism, and Protestantism among the Japanese of Los Angeles,
1895-1942 (Stanford, Calif.,
1995), 9; Yuji Ichioka, 'Japanese Immigrant Nationalism: The
Issei and the Sino-
Japanese War, 1937-1941," California History, 69 (1990), 260.
Japanese American
newspapers around 1932 published thank-you letters from
Manchuria for the
goods and money sent. Such nationalism is also explained in

Hiroshi Yoneyama,
"Taiheiyo Senso mae-no zaibei Nihonjin imin to
nashonarizumu" [Japanese in
America and their nationalism before the Pacific War],
ToyoJoshi Tanki Daigaku
Journal, 27 (1995), 105-115, and Yuji Ichioka, The Issei: The
World of the First Genera-
tion Japanese Immigrants, 1885-1924 (New York, 1988).
Eiichiro Azuma, "Racial
Struggle, Immigrant Nationalism, and Ethnic Identity: Japanese
and Filipinos in
the California Delta," Pacific Historical Review, 67 (1998),
165.
This article mainly examines the news stories, columns,
editorials, letters, and
poems in two major Los Angeles-based Japanese newspapers,
the Rafu Shimpo and
the Kashu Mainichi. The Rafu started in 1903, and served the
growing Japanese
American community in Los Angeles; its weekly English
section was added in Feb-
ruary 1926 and appeared daily from January 11, 1932. The
Kashu was started by
Fujii Sei in November 1931 with a small English section. These
papers were major
sources of community-related news and a medium for
expressing opinions con-
cerning the ethnic group. The two rival newspapers covered the
Olympics and a
wide range of the Japanese community's reactions. An English-
language vernacu-
lar newspaper, the Japanese American Courier, was based in
Seattle and therefore re-
flected little of the Los Angeles community's responses to the
Olympics. However,

its Olympic coverage helps us understand more general Nisei
feelings toward
Japanese athletic feats. The Pacific Citizen, the English-
language newsletter of the
Japanese American Citizens League (JACL), would have been a
good source of na-
tionwide Nisei reactions to the Olympics, but the author was
unable to find any is-
sues for this period either at the Pacific Citizen's or the
University of California, Los
Angeles, library. For the history of the two newspapers, see
Brian Niiya, ed., Japan-
ese American History: An A-to-Z Reference from 1868 to the
Present (New York, 1993), 287,
and Katie Kaori Hayashi, A History of the Rafu Shimpo:
Japanese and Their Newspaper
in Los Angeles (Osaka, 1997), 11-19, 33-66, 72-74.
2014 08:32:43 AM
and their own position as a transnational ethnic minority.5 Dur-
ing World War I, "100 percent Americanism" became a power-
ful force that imposed a political unity on the ethnically diverse
United States. Concurrently, in Japan a domestic nationalism
redolent of a "newly independent nation" grew as that nation
strove to modernize itself along European lines. As it expanded
throughout Asia, the Japanese government carried out con-
scious policies to create a strong national identity by making its
people believe that nationhood under the imperial government

had been a legitimate, long-standing reality.6 The Yamato-
those who were Japanese by blood-were a distinctive and su-
perior people, the government asserted. Living in the midst of
two nations' nationalism, members of the Japanese American
community asserted their own collective identity in the United
States and, in doing so, expressed a range of sentiments about
their ethnic homeland.
In this regard, Japanese Americans confronted a predica-
ment, for even their American-born generation had a very
small chance of being treated as full American citizens. Their
race and Asiatic origin stamped Issei as ineligible for
citizenship
and Nisei as unassimilable, second-class citizens. Asians living
in
5. My views of ethnic minorities' nationalism have been
influenced by Roger
Brubaker's (Europe-based) model of "triadic relational interplay
between national
minorities, nationalizing states, and external national
homelands." Brubaker sees
national minorities as caught between "two mutually
antagonistic nationalisms": "na-
tionalizing" nationalism, which newly independent states use to
emphasize the core
nation's legitimacy, and the transborder nationalism of external
national home-
lands, which asserts a state's right or obligation "to monitor the
condition, promote
the welfare, support the activities and institutions, assert the
rights, and protect the
interests of 'their' ethnonational kin in other states.' Besides
these, he points out,
national minorities have their own nationalism, making "claims
on the grounds of

their nationality," such as a "demand for state recognition of
their distinct eth-
nonational nationality" and "the assertion of certain collective,
nationally-based cul-
tural or political rights'." Roger Brubaker, Nationalism
Refrained: Nationhood and the
National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge, Eng., 1996),
5, 6. In the case of
Japanese Americans in the 1930s, the triadic interplay was
between the relatively
new, multiethnic nation (the United States), the old and yet fast
developing home-
land, and Japanese Americans' own reality of unsettlement-
being rejected by the
U.S. and unprotected by the Japanese government.
6. Yamazumi Masami, Hinomaru, Kimigayo mondai towa nanika
[What is the
Japanese flag/national anthem problem?] (Tokyo, 1988), 57.
Also see Benedict An-
derson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and
Spread ofNationalism (Lon-
don, 1983), 94-99.
2014 08:32:43 AM
the United States were legislatively excluded from citizenship,
and the United States viewed Imperial Japan as a military threat
and opponent of democracy. On that basis, Japanese immi-

grants and their descendants were socially and legally excluded
from incorporation into American nationhood. The first few
decades of the twentieth century witnessed an escalation of
anti-Japanese exclusion through such measures as the Natural-
ization Act of 1906, the Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907-1908,
the California Alien Land laws of 1913 and 1920, and the Im-
migration Act of 1924. Issei fought for their rights in court but
lost their cases because of their ineligibility for citizenship. The
emerging Nisei generation faced the grim reality of discrimi-
nation in employment and social life. To the Japanese commu-
nity, America's surging nationalism occurred at their expense.
In the face of exclusion, many Issei and early Nisei sought
to frame their racial stigma in a positive light. The Olympics
offered the chance to redefine marginality as a cosmopolitan
quality that could coexist with white culture and contribute to
American society. It was a strategy of peaceful, moral suasion
to-
ward whites-one of the prewar Issei tactics or "legacies" that
eventually proved ineffectual.7 Although most Nisei were too
young to make a conscious decision, a handful, well aware of
American racism and wondering about their future, embraced
the strategy of moral suasion during the Olympics in the hope
of toning down American racism. The fact that the Los Angeles
Olympics took place in the largest Japanese American commu-
nity a mere eight years after the 1924 Immigration Act likely
encouraged the surge of collective ethnic sentiments that tran-
scended divisions of age, group affiliations, or strategies for
acceptance.8
The 1932 Olympics in perspective
The modern Olympic games were established by the French
nobleman, Baron de Coubertin, in 1896 in order to instill the
virtues of fair play and soundness of mind and body, as well as

7. Jere Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei: ShiftingJapanese American
Identities and Politics
(Philadelphia, 1997), 27.
8. For an analytical description of the complexity of the Nisei
generation be-
fore and during World War II, see ibid, 35-112.
2014 08:32:43 AM
to help attain world peace and understanding.9 Originally, the
modern Olympiad was a Eurocentric, aristocratic event for
white
males. But this very feature stimulated interest in Japan, which
first participated in the 1912 Olympiad in Stockholm. Not until
the Amsterdam games in 1928 did Japanese athletes do well:
Oda Mikio (in hop-step-jump) and Tsuruta Yoshiyuki (in the
men's 200-meter breast stroke) each won gold, and Hitomi
Kinue won a silver medal in the women's 800-meter track event.
With Oda, Tsuruta, and world-record holder in the broad jump,
Nambu Chiihei, on its 1932 team, Japan's hopes in the Los
Angeles games were high.
Japan's interest in the Olympics grew in proportion to its
militarization. As Japanese historian Kaga Hideo has pointed
out, militarism had much to do with Japan's interest in sports
and the Olympics. The imperial government encouraged sports
in order to build healthy bodies and "healthy" nationalism to-
gether. Through schools, work places, and local organizations,

the government promoted sports throughout the 1930s, a time
of increased militarization. Participation in the Olympics was
recognized as part of the nationalism policy. The Japanese gov-
ernment started subsidizing Olympic athletes in 1924, increas-
ing subsidies for the 1932 Olympics by more than 65 percent.10
The timing and location of the 1932 Olympics also had spe-
cial meaning for the Japanese. In 1930, 70 percent of the
138,834 Japanese in the mainland United States lived in Cali-
fornia.11 The city of Los Angeles and its environs had 35,000
Japanese immigrants and their descendants, most of whom lived
9. Richard Espy, The Politics of the Olympic Games (Berkeley,
1979), vii-viii. Ac-
cording to Espy, Coubertin hoped the modern Olympics would
be "a world of na-
tions participating peacefully but competitively on the playing
field rather than
meeting violently on the battle ground," while helping "to
bolster the lagging for-
tunes of the French nation by developing strong character and
vitality in the youth
of France through the spirit of competition and athletic
participation."
10. Kaga Hideo, "Miritarizumu to supotsu" [Militarism and
sports], in Naka-
mura Toshio, et al., eds., Suptitsu nashonarizumu [Sports
nationalism] (Tokyo, 1978),
152-161.
11. Including Hawai'i and Alaska, the 1930 census showed
278,743 Japanese.
Japanese American population was concentrated on the Pacific
Coast and Hawai'i.
Setsuko Matsunaka Nishi, "Japanese Americans," in Pyong Gap

Min, ed., Asian
Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues (Thousand Oaks,
Calif., 1995), 109; Roger
Daniels, Prisoners Without Trial: Japanese Americans in World
War II (New York, 1993),
8.
2014 08:32:43 AM
around Little Tokyo, the center of Southern California's Japan-
ese community.12 The presence of this large group of people of
Japanese ancestry (Nikkei) was considered an incentive to Jap-
anese athletes and a practical advantage in that the locals would
make the unfamiliar foreign place more comfortable for the
athletes.13
The tenth Olympics, held between July 30 and August 14,
1932, involved thirty-seven nations and 1,281 men and 127
women athletes. Japan sent almost 200 athletes and officials,
sec-
ond numerically only to the United States.14 Japan's national
en-
thusiasm was highlighted by the send-off for its teams.15 The
first main group to leave paraded to the Meiji Shinto Shrine to
pray for victories, continuing on to the Imperial Palace, where
a multitude of well-wishers sang the national anthem, "Kimi-
gayo," and cheered "Banzai!" (Long live the Emperor!). They
then departed from the port of Yokohama on the Tatsuta Maru
amid the fervent cheers of vast crowds.16

Los Angeles brethren welcome the Nipponese
Cheers awaited the Japanese teams on the other side of the
12. Niiya, ed., Japanese American History, 216. It defines Little
Tokyo as a dis-
trict located in those days "within a three-mile radius of First
and San Pedro." It
goes on to say: "The residential community extended as far
south as Tenth Street
and east into the Boyle Heights area. Produce and flower
markets either started by
Issei or in which Issei played a major role were located in and
around Little Tokyo
and served the many Japanese American farmers in the greater
Southern Califor-
nia area. Many other businesses between Jackson and Third
Streets-restaurants,
shops, gambling, and entertainment establishments, etc.-served
the farmers and
local residents as well. Little Tokyo also housed the major
churches/temples, news-
papers, and other cultural institutions that bound the larger
Japanese American
community together."
13. Oda Mikio, Orinpikku monogatari [Olympic stories] (Tokyo,
1948), 194-
195. Oda was expected to win a medal in the hop, step, and
jump but did not do
well because of an injury. He later worked for the Asahi
newspaper and wrote this
book describing past Olympic games.
14. Rafu, Aug. 23, 1932, p. 3. The article criticized the number
of officials-

approximately sixty-as too many.
15. The Japanese equestrian team arrived much earlier than the
others and
was the last to leave Los Angeles.
16. Teikoku Komin Kyoiku Ky6kai, Dai 10-kai Orinpikku dai
shashinch6 [The
tenth Olympiad album] (Tokyo, 1932), 5-13 (in photo section),
14 (in Explana-
tion section); Oda, Orinpikku monogatari, 195. The second
group left on June 30 on
the Taiy6 Maru after similar rituals.
2014 08:32:43 AM
Pacific as well. When the Tatsuta Maru approached the port of
San Pedro on July 8, those on board looked out at hundreds of
doho on thirteen welcoming boats and several thousands more
on the piers cheering them wildly. Upon their disembarking, an
even larger crowd met them with Japanese flags, a chorus of
"banzai," and the Japanese national anthem.17 The team mem-
bers were then paraded-in 150 cars-through Los Angeles into
the new Olympic village.18
This welcome proved only the first of many provided by
Los Angeles doh6. Besides the official team, reporters and visi-
tors also came from Japan, as well as Nikkei from other parts of

N:. ... . . ? ... .. . .. ... .
Xi
Figure 1. The arrival of the Tatsuta Maru at San Pedro. A local
Japanese crowd
welcomes Japanese athletes. Source: Teikoku K6min Ky6iku
Ky6kai, Dai 10-
kai Orinpikku dai shashincho (Tokyo, 1932), 30.
17. Teikoku Komin Ky6iku Ky6kai, Dai lO-kai Orinpikku dai
shashinch6, 14-15
(in Explanation section).
18. The new concept of an Olympic village was adopted to
house male ath-
letes from all over the world together as a microcosmic town.
Women athletes had
to stay at hotels because the village was male-only.
2014 08:32:43 AM
the United States and other countries.19 The Japanese Ameri-
can Citizens League, the major American Nisei organization,
arranged to hold its biannual convention in Los Angeles just be-
fore the Olympics so that delegates could stay and see the
event.20 The July 30 Rafu carried a welcoming message for
"our"
athletes, wishing them victories and hoping that their efforts

and spirit would let the world see Japan's good
sportsmanship.21
In response to the keen interest of "overseas brethren" in the
Japanese performance, the Rafu installed a direct phone line be-
tween its office and the main Olympic site in order to post news
flashes on Little Tokyo Olympic billboards, while the Kashu set
up its own phone line between the stadium and Little Tokyo and
put on a live broadcast.22
From arrival until departure, Japanese athletes received
strong support. Japanese community organizations eagerly
hosted teams and individuals. The Long Beach community,
which hosted the Japanese boat team, organized a support
group, entertained the athletes, held receptions for them, and
cheered them on during practices and games.23 Kenjin-kai, or
organizations based on prefectures of origin, invited athletes
from their own regions to various events. On a larger level, Los
Angeles Japanese Americans as a united group held big events,
such as a victory celebration lantern march in Little Tokyo, or-
ganized by the Los Angeles Japanese Association (Nihonjinkai),
and a dinner-dance at the Biltmore Hotel with more than 400
guests. To support Japan's Olympic participation at a time of
economic depression and a weakening yen, doho volunteers
raised funds. The Los Angeles Japanese Consulate received a
total of $6,684.79 from Nikkei within and outside of Califor-
19. The Shun'y6 Maru, dubbed the Olympics "cheering ship,"
brought more
than a hundred Japanese visitors to Los Angeles on July 29.
Rafu, July 29, 30 1932,
p. 3 of each.
20. JACL held its biannual convention in Los Angeles on July
27 and 28.
More than a hundred delegates participated, and they apparently
stayed for a few

more weeks to continue discussions on the organization's future
plans.
21. Rafu, July 30, 1932, p. 3.
22. Ibid.; Kashu, Aug. 8, 1932, p. 1.
23. One of the receptions was held on August 13 at the Mission
Inn with a
Japanese flag flying from the roof. Rafu, Aug. 15, 1932, p. 7. At
the end, the Long
Beach Japanese community alone organized a farewell party.
See ibid., Aug. 9, 14,
1932, p. 3 of each.
2014 08:32:43 AM
nia.24 Such hospitality and generosity continued until late Au-
gust when the last Japanese competitors left Los Angeles. When
a contingent of Japanese athletes left on Shun'y6 Maru on Au-
gust 17, an estimated 20,000 supporters, according to Rafu,
came to see them off with banzais and Japanese flags. The
news-
paper noted: "No event on the Olympic program during the
past 20 days surpassed the demonstration."25 While the
intensity
of the Olympic fervor eventually subsided, the community con-
tinued to celebrate Japanese victories in the form of movies, al-
bums, badges, and the like.26

Wanting to see the "Sun" rise
During the Olympics, Los Angeles Japanese of all ages pub-
licly demonstrated their enthusiasm for Japanese victories un-
der a community slogan "Nihon wo kataseyd' (Make Japan win).
Every day many crowded the practice and competition sites,
wav-
ing Japanese flags. Although ticket prices were high, many doh6
took this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to see firsthand the
Japanese celebrities they hoped would bring honor to Japan on
American soil. The Kashu's July 29 issue printed a detailed
schedule and expected highlights from a 'Japanese viewpoint,"
so that those who could not afford a t6shi kippu (an all-event
pass
or season ticket) would know which event was best to choose.27
It was estimated that local Japanese spent more than $100,000
on admissions during the two weeks of the games. Many went to
watch the Japanese teams practice, cheering them on as if they
were watching real games. Their intensity and numbers became
24. Ibid., Aug. 18, 1932, p. 3. A total of roughly $6,600 was
donated, accord-
ing to Consul-General Sato Toshito, some coming from as far
away as New Orleans
and Panama. Sato expressed his appreciation to the overseas
Japanese for their
generosity despite the economic depression.
25. Ibid., Aug. 17, 1932, pp. 3, 6. The k6enkai (support group),
formed by the
community to cheer for Japan, completed its function with a
farewell party on Au-
gust 16 and dissolved itself on August 22.
26. The Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles
stores some of

these artifacts. One of them is a sixty-four-page booklet
compiled by the Japanese
Chamber of Commerce in Los Angeles, DaiJukkai Orinpikku
Kinencho: Rafu Nihon-
jinkai Kaih6 [Tenth Olympic Commemorative Booklet] 2: 3
(1932). Others include
an autograph book with twenty-five Japanese athletes, a
souvenir fan, and post-
cards.
27. Kashu, July 29, 1932, p. 2.
2014 08:32:43 AM
so great that the teams eventually had to turn away or limit such
visitors.28
Japanese had high hopes of winning gold in the track-and-
field events. An August 1 Rafu article predicted a gold in the
broad jump: "Nambu Likely to Send 'Sun' Up Flagpole," and
'Japan's Rising Sun may flutter to the top of the flagpole to-
morrow for the first time, if Chuhei Nambu lives up to his
record setting performances of the past."29 Many went to see
him, but Japan's world-record holder finished third, allowing
U.S. athletes to take the top two places. The Rafu openly ex-
pressed disappointment.30 In the pole vault event on the fol-
lowing day, the close competition between an American and
Japan's Nishida Shiihei excited the doho audience, who were
moved by their sportsmanship and Nishida's second place.31

But the doho wanted Japanese athletes to win gold. The
Rafu English-language section reporter wrote: 'Japanese fans
de-
mand to know if the Olympic band can play Japanese national
anthem 'Kimigayo.' So they are looking for a victory.., in order
that the Japanese flag may rise on the flagpole of honor, signi-
fying an Olympic winner.32 To see Nambu in the hop, step, and
jump event on August 4, an estimated 4,000 Japanese-mostly
local residents-flocked to the Olympic stadium. Nambu ful-
28. Oda, Orinpikku monogatari, 197. Right before the opening
ceremony, a to-
tal of more than 10,000 zairyis d6h6 went out to watch Japanese
equestrian, boat,
field, and swimming practices. Spectators were said to have
shed tears of emotion.
Kashu, July 29, 1932, p. 1.
29. Rafu, Aug. 1, 1932, p. 6.
30. Ibid., Aug. 2, 1932, p. 1. Nambu Chiihei, who held the
world record at 26
feet 2-/s inches, and Sylvio Cator of Haiti, who held the
previous world record, did
not do well. Describing the two American winners, Kieran and
Daley write: "The
surprise winner was Edward L. Gordon, stalwart Negro athlete
from the University
of Iowa and national champion, who took Olympic Laurels with
a leap of 25 feet
3% inch. Lambert Redd, of Bradley Tech, Illinois, finished
second just a trifle more
than an inch behind the winner." John Kieran and Arthur Daley,
The Story of the
Olympic Games: 776 B.C. to 1972 (Philadelphia, 1973), 140.

The newspaper wrote
that what consoled the doho audience most was a small Japanese
flag planted at the
side of the broad jump pit, to indicate Nambu's previous world
record of 26 feet 2
inches, along with an American flag showing the Olympic best
record of 25 feet
4.6 inches. Rafu, Aug. 2, 1932, p. 1.
31. Rafu, Aug. 3, 1932, pp. 1, 6.
32. Ibid., Aug. 4, 1932, p. 6. It is likely that the part cited was
written earlier,
before Nambu's actual performance, and that the headline and
the first two para-
graphs were tacked on immediately before the paper went to
press. Their hope for
gold was also described in ibid., Aug. 3, 1932, p. 3.
2014 08:32:43 AM
filled their hopes, winning gold and setting a new world record
of 51 feet 7 inches. Oshima Kenkichi finished third. The sight
of two Japanese flags and the notes of the Japanese national an-
them moved the doho spectators to tears of joy.33 The Rafu's
English-language column declared, "At last the Rising Sun of
Japan was able to whip itself in the breeze above the peristyle
of
the massive Stadium while the multitudes stood at attention to

the strains of the Japanese National Anthem."34
The swimming events received equal or even greater atten-
tion because of Japan's likelihood of winning medals. The doh6
hoped to see many Japanese swimmers win and to see the
Hinomaru raised many times at the closing ceremony on August
14 where swimming winners were to be honored.35 On August
6, Miyazaki Yasuji, a fifteen-year-old high school boy, set a
world
record in the 100-meter free-style, qualifying him for the final.
"The stands went wild," the Rafu reported. "The Japanese fans
stood up and yelled Miyazaki's name and gave him 'banzais.'"
Three other Japanese men also qualified for the final. A Rafu
Japanese report from Fresno wrote, "Both old and young cheer
for Japan, and the Japanese flag high on the flagpole and the
Kimigayo excite their blood and flesh. They cannot stay still in
the back. This is the character of doh6, and it is only natural
that
they jump out." The next day, Japanese comprised most of the
8,000 spectators around the Olympic pool, making the scene
look like a 'Japan Day" community event. In response to excited
cheers and repeated chanting of their names, Miyazaki and
Kawaishi Tatsugo, age fourteen, came in first and second in the
33. Ibid., Aug. 4, 1932, p. 1. According to Oda Mikio, he,
Nambu, and Oshima
were in poor shape but boldly confident. Oda himself, With
previous injuries, broke
an ankle after his first jump. Oshima had burned himself
severely in the Olympic
village bath but did remarkably well. Surprisingly, Nambu, who
had practiced
mainly in the broad jump, managed to set a world record. Oda,
Orinpikku mono-
gatari, 214-215.

34. Rafu, Aug. 7, 1932, p. 2.
35. The Kashu's English section stated, "Now that the aquatic
events are start-
ing, Hal Roberts and his Olympic band will have to polish up on
the 'Kimi-ga-yo,'
and the Nippon flag may daily rise to the top of the main mast."
Kashu, Aug. 7,
1932, p. 3. The swimming stadium had "a glorious pool and a
sideline seating ca-
pacity of 12,000 that was taxed twice in one day," because the
Japanese swimmers,
determined to win, practiced in morning and afternoon sessions.
See Kieran and
Daley, Story of the Olympic Games, 131.
2014 08:32:43 AM
100-meter free-style event. On August 8, Japan won the men's
800-meter relay, beating the United States. In women's events,
Maehata Hideko won second place in the 200-meter breast-
stroke. To the d6h6, it was bad luck that kept her from winning
the gold.36
As the Olympics drew to a close, cheers from local Japan-
ese spectators became more intense as they demanded more
victories. On August 12, more than 5,000 Japanese came to
poolside, occupying almost half of the seats. They went wild as
Japan's Kiyokawa Masaji, Irie Toshio, and Kawazu Kentaro

swept
the top three places in the men's 100-meter backstroke. "Fi-
nally," the Rafu triumphantly proclaimed, "we grab all three
flag-
poles." The next day, Japan's Tsuruta and Koike won first and
second in the men's 200-meter breaststroke. This final feat in
the swimming events allowed the Rafu to say, "Winning every
regular swimming event for men except the 400-meter race, a
grand total of five first and four second places together with nu-
merous other places, the Japanese aquatic team swept the blue
waters of the Swimming Stadium clear during the past week to
take the Olympic swimming championship for men of the
Tenth Olympiad."37
Beyond vocal cheers and physical presence at the games,
d6h6 also voiced their nationalism through literary expressions.
Issei used Japanese literary forms to express their special feel-
ings for the Japanese flag and national anthem. The "Radio
KY-kyoku" column referred to many senryu poems, probably by
Issei, that expressed their pride in the Hinomaru on the flag-
pole.38 One reads:
36. Rafu, Aug. 7, 1932, p. 1, Aug. 6, 1932, p. 7, Aug. 7, 1932,
p. 1, Aug. 8, 1932,
p. 1. See also ibid., Aug. 9, 1932, p. 6. Maehata won a gold
medal in the eleventh
Olympics in Berlin.
37. Ibid., Aug. 12, 1932, p. 1, Aug. 14, 1932, p. 1.
38. Japanese American History (see note 4 above) defines
senryis as follows:
"Seventeen-syllable Japanese poetic form. Along with haiku and
tanka, senryis was
one of the major poetic forms practiced by the Issei. Like haiku,
senryis has a 17-

syllable structure grouped in lines of five, seven, and five
syllables. Senryii differs
from haiku in subject matter, with the former focusing on the
human condition, of-
ten in a satrical manner, and the latter on observations of
nature. As with the other
poetic forms, Japanese American senryi reflected the uniquely
American experi-
ences of the Japanese immigrants." Niiya, ed., Japanese
American History, 309.
2014 08:32:43 AM
Kimigayo no gaku ogosoka ni hibiki wataru
Mzora ni mihata hirugaeri yamazu
(The Japanese anthem echoes about solemnly
The flag keeps fluttering in the sky)39
Kashu Mainichi published some "engan haiku," using obviously
nontraditional formats, that were entered in a competition com-
memorating the Olympics. Among them was:
Hinomaru suikomu aozora sora nofukasa
Hiyaku no zetcho de hassen-man wo ninatta kao da
(The sun flag, absorbed in the deep blue sky
Represents eighty-million [Japanese] at the height of success)40
Regular poems also adopted Olympic topics. For example, Ishi-
kawa Sayoko's "Hirugaeru Nissh6k'i" expressed the joy and

pride
Issei felt in seeing the Japanese flag raised:
Nissh6ki ga sutadiamu no men masuto ni agatta
Ima dewa yume de nakunatta....
Rosanjerusu no aozora ni sanran to, jitsuni sanran to
Hirugaetteiru Nissh6ki no ikuhon.
Kangeki no kiwami de mi wafurueru.
Kanki no namida ga mazu otsuru.
Yfisho wa yUsh5 wo gekisan suru.
(The flag of the rising sun/Went up the main mast
It is no longer a dream....
Gloriously, truly gloriously/Several Japanese flags are
fluttering
Against the blue sky of Los Angeles/Shaking with emotion
Shedding tears of joy/Victories extol victories.)41
These poems were notable not for their literary merit but for
39. Toyama Seiko, "Hinomaru no hata" (The Japanese flag),
Rafu, Aug. 18,
1932. Author's translation. Another poem by her reads:
Harakara no tamashi komoru
hino mihata shibashi aogeri morobito tomo ni (I looked up with
everyone at the flag that
carries the spirit of our brethren).
40. Kashu, Sept. 4, 1932, p. 5. Author's translation.
41. Ishikawa Sayoko, "Hirugaeru Nisshoki" [The fluttering
Japanese flag], Rafu,
Aug. 11, 1932, p. 5. Author's translation. Fujii Gyiiho's poem,
"Kangeki no setsuna"
[Moment of ecstasy], in Rafu, Aug. 11, 1932, p. 5, also
expressed the joy in seeing
the Japanese flag on the flagpole. See also "Radio KY-kyoku,"

Rafu, Aug. 24, 1932,
p. 8, where Nishi's victory was expressed in "Ten takaku
Hinomaru agete uma kaeru"
[The horse returns after raising Japanese flag sky high].
2014 08:32:43 AM
their innate self-expression. They demonstrated immigrants'
joy at seeing the Japanese flag publicly honored on American
soil, a reaction that might have resulted from their constant ex-
posure to the U.S. flag as a symbol of nationhood.
Nisei also expressed a surge of pride, although their feel-
ings were more complex than those of Issei. Young children,
who then comprised most of the American-born generation,
responded to the enthusiasm of their parents and Japanese-
language schoolteachers, while a handful of young adults felt
an unanticipated sense of ethnic pride. Small children who
were going to Japanese language school to learn about Japanese
language, culture, and values responded especially strongly.42
For example, consider the thoughts of a sixth-grader in his wel-
coming speech on July 24, which can be translated as follows:
How we of the second generation have looked forward to this
day!
When I saw your healthy faces and well-built bodies, I was
convinced

that you would certainly win. Please fight with all your might..,
.and
let the people in the world know what Yamato damashii
[Japanese
spirit] is. Oh, my heart beats fast! ... Please let the Japanese
flag be
raised high on the pole and the Japanese anthem played in and
out-
side the Olympic stadium. The best souvenir you can give us of
the
second generation is the sportsmanship that you leave in the
field,
track, and swimming [pool].43
Another younger Nisei expressed herjoy in her Japanese-
language essay:
I want to see Japanese athletes from our country Japan. There
are
men and women from all over the world. I am giving
contributions to
those from Japan, because I am Japanese. People should support
those from their own country. I will go to see the games with
my fa-
ther, but when I cannot, I will read newspapers every day. I
pray that
Japan will win. Although their number is small, the Japanese
athletes
will win because they have more spirit.44
42. The roles of Japanese-language schools changed over time
and were de-
bated seriously. According to Jere Takahashi, it was in 1912
when the objective of
language schools shifted from preparing Nisei to enter schools
in Japan to just

teaching the moral dimension of their education. Takahashi,
Nisei/Sansei, 26.
43. Taniguchi Ichiro, "Kangei no kotoba" [A welcoming
message], Rafu, July
31, 1932, p. 6. Author's translation.
44. Sakon Reiko (alphabetical transcription unclear),
"Orinpikku gemusu"
2014 08:32:43 AM
To young Nisei who had never visited their parents' country,
the presence of Japanese athletes at the Los Angeles Olympiad
brought to the surface emotional ties to the Asian country.
It is undeniable, however, that adult Nisei entertained com-
plex feelings toward Japan because their ancestry had been con-
sidered unassimilable and undesirable in the United States. The
writings of pioneer Nisei journalists reveal both awkwardness
and pride in Japanese athletes' feats. One difficulty these writ-
ers faced stemmed from the fact that they could not communi-
cate freely in their parents' language. Another was cultural
differences. Dairoku (Roku) Sugawara described his experi-
ences and feelings in his English columns, "Nipping the Nip-
ponese-" in Rafu and "Lines and Outlines" in Kashu. When he
interviewed Japanese athletes with Larry Tajiri, a Nisei
assistant
editor of Kashu, he was proud but also uncomfortable.

Sugawara
had to struggle in his "broken Japanese" to get autographs from
female athletes:
YES, I'M JAPANESE ALSO-It was Asa Dokura who came
next....
Seemed funny to her that I couldn't write Japanese. I told her
that I
was still on book one [of Japanese-language textbooks]. "Since
I
spent so much time on my German and Spanish I didn't or
couldn't
go to Japanese school." "It's also hard, too," I added. Well, the
girls
looked at each other and smiled. They sure can pen the Japanese
down swell, but I can write better English than they. "We are all
required to study English in Japan," said Asa in perfect
Japanese. I
didn't know what else to say so I bowed and said thanks.
Sugawara was also bewildered by the "sons of the samurai" in
the
Japanese quarter in the Olympic village, whom he saw "strolling
about in their loud kimonas [sic]" or "play a bit of goh." Obvi-
ously the quarter was an exotic, foreign world to him.45
[Olympic games], Rafu, Aug. 14, 1932, p. 6. Similarly, a
second-year student at Bap-
tist Gakuen wrote in her open letter to a friend: "People all over
the world probably
want their own nation to win," it read. "The more Japanese
cheer for Japan, the
more eager the athletes will become to make the Japanese flag
be raised high"
(Niino Chieko, "Tegami" [Letter], ibid., Aug. 7, 1932, p. 2). See
also Yamanaka Hi-

roko, "Orinpikku no hata" [The Olympic flags], and Nakaai
Harue, "Senshu
kangeikai" [Reception for athletes], both in ibid., Aug. 14,
1932, p. 6.
45. Roku Sugawara, "Nipping the Nipponese..." Rafu, July 29,
30, 1932,
each p. 6.
2014 08:32:43 AM
Sugawara, for example, rated Japan next to the United
States. The Olympics being quite definite about the ranking of
its winners, he predicted that the United States would end up
first and Japan second. His column on July 31 read:
I figure Japan ought to cop second in the Olympics. Next to the
United States, they have the most representatives. The Yankees
with
three men in every event look like the logical winner. In
rowing, gym-
nastics, wrestling, and boxing, I don't think the wearers of the
hina-
maru [sic] have a Chinaman's chance.... The red and white flag
ought to go up often at the Olympic pool. I feel that the men's
team
have a good chance to paddle their way to a victory. The women
will
be lucky to get second. The spikers should win a couple of first

places.46
Another Nisei journalist, "Hank," cheered for Japanese swim-
mers, saying: "It's up to our swimmers to come through with
the necessary points to place Japan among the leaders."47
To these adult Nisei, the fact that Japan's athletes were
competing with the United States on an even level was a source
of genuine pride. Nisei hoped Japanese victories would help
dispel American prejudices against them as unassimilable, sec-
ond-class citizens.48 But in the end it was not clear whether
other Americans gained a better understanding of Nisei. In his
post-Olympic contemplation, "Hank" remarked:
[W]hen I was sitting in the swimming stadium, watching the
Nip-
ponese mermen, the lady from Iowa next to me said, "My but
you
speak English!" I'm glad she found out that I did and I hope she
goes
back to the "tall corn" with the news that Nipponese do speak
English
once in a while.49
One positive outcome, he admitted, was a drop in the use of
the word, 'Jap," because Los Angeles newspapers began to use
46. Ibid., July 31, 1932, p. 5.
47. Hank, "Impressions," Rafu, Aug. 7, 1932, p. 4.
48. For Nisei's complex status and identity, see Yuji Ichioka,
"The Meaning of
Loyalty: The Case of Kazumaro Buddy Uno," AmerasiaJournal
23: 3 (1997), 45-71.
He refers to John J. Stephan, Hawaii under the Rising
Sun:Japan's Plans for Conquest

after Pearl Harbor (Honolulu, 1984).
49. Hank, "Impressions," Rafu, Aug. 21, 1932, p. 4.
2014 08:32:43 AM
"the full word." "We can thank our heroes from Japan for the
revolution in the newspaper world," he wrote, "and let's hope
that writers keep on using the longer word."50
The tenth Olympics concluded on August 14 with another
Japanese victory, as if to reward Issei and Nisei for weeks of
cheering.51' At the closing ceremony, the Japanese flag and an-
them appeared frequently to the joy of the Japanese d6h6, who
went "crazy over the Nisshoki and 'Kimigayo.'"'52 The Japanese
team ranked fourth overall in the total number of medals.53
The Rafu Japanese section triumphantly proclaimed:
[T]here would be many Japanese flags on the Olympic poles.
Japan-
ese swimmers' boasts came true. The sincere cheers of our
zairyu doho
were rewarded. It is no wonder that tens of thousands of d6ho
came to
the closing ceremony to share thisjoy with the [Japanese]
athletes and
officials. Several thousands of zairyiu d6ho without tickets
stood outside
the stadium to at least listen to the 'Kimigayo' and see the

Nisshoki
raised.54
The "Sun" went up. It was a symbol of the long-dormant pride
of the d6h6, a sentiment that neither other Americans nor na-
tive Japanese could fully share.
Explaining Nikkei nationalism during the Olympics
Why did Los Angeles Japanese-whether immigrant resi-
dents or American-born-exhibit such strong nationalism in
reaction to the 1932 Olympics? According to an Issei-authored
ar-
ticle in Kashu, the games had two major effects. First, the
Olympics showed the "real value" of "our nation" (Japan), in-
creased its national dignity, and impressed people throughout
the
50. Ibid.
51. On the last day, Japan's Lieutenant Baron Nishi Takeichi
won the indi-
vidual championship in the equestrian event, marking a
wonderful ending to their
Olympic experience. Rafu, Aug. 15, 1932, pp. 1, 6; Kashu, Aug.
15, 1932, p. 1.
52. Rafu, Aug. 13, 1932, p. 3.
53. In terms of the number of medals, the order was the United
States (104
medals, including forty-one gold), Italy (thirty-six, including
twelve gold), and
France (nineteen, including ten gold). Japan won eighteen
medals (seven gold,
seven silver, and four bronze ). Koshiki gaido bukku (cited in

note 11 above), 38, 90.
54. Rafu, Aug. 15, 1932, p. 1. Author's translation. See also
Kashu, Aug. 14,
1932, p. 1.
2014 08:32:43 AM
world. Secondly, it gave Nisei positive impressions of Japan
and
produced a change in their view of their parents' homeland.55
1. ProvingJapanese excellence
The Japanese American community earnestly believed that
Japan's Olympic victories would prove Japanese excellence as a
"minzoku" (nationality or ethnicity; almost synonymous with
race), despite being nonwhite and non-Western, and therefore
reduce American prejudice against Japanese in general.56' "For
the first time in the history of the Olympic Games," according
to the Kashu English article, "the Red and White of Nippon
is expected to compete on equal footing with the United States,
Great Britain, France, Finland, Germany, Sweden, and Italy in
the struggle for team supremacy."57
In the United States, the dbho felt that Japanese athletes
could prove by their victories that they could overcome physio-
logical disadvantages-such as short legs and a small build-
with athletic excellence and strong spiritual character.58 The

Rafu English section praised the "brown-skinned swimmers" for
having "finished fully 18 meters ahead of the American team
which was second" in the men's 800-meter relay. It went on to
say: "The best effort of these [American] swimmers was not
good enough for the determined Japanese swimmers." The ri-
valry against white nations, especially the United States, was
strong. One Rafu article contended that the Japanese swimmers
surpassed Johnny Weissmuller, the white American swimming
star at the Paris and Amsterdam Olympics, by further develop-
ing his crawl stroke into an ideal form.59
White Americans' praise for Japanese athletes endorsed Is-
sei and Nisei confidence in Japanese superiority and gratified
55. Kashu, Jun. 12, 1932, p. 3.
56. Minzoku here, as perceived by Issei, was actually very close
to race, rather
than ethnicity or nationality, and "blood" was considered the
main marker. As
noted by Azuma, Issei had an identification as Japanese within a
white-controlled
hierarchy, based on a sense of superiority to other Asian
nationalities. See Azuma,
"Racial Struggle, Immigrant Nationalism, and Ethnic Identity"
165, 171, 196-199.
57. Kashu, Jun. 12, 1932, p. 3.
58. For example, one Rafu columnist wrote in delight that
Japanese athletes
showed their winning spirit even though they had "short legs."
Rafu, Aug. 2, 1932,
p. 8.59. Ibid., Aug. 9, 1932, p. 6, Aug. 25, 1932, p. 3.
59. Ibid., Aug. 9, 1932, p. 6, Aug. 25, 1932, p. 3.

2014 08:32:43 AM
their pride. Even the notoriously anti-Japanese San Francisco
Ex-
aminer praised the Japanese athletes for excellence. "However,"
the Rafu columnist added, "they praise the Japanese because
they had underestimated the Japanese.... If the Japanese be-
came far better than Americans, their praise would be switched
to threatening words."60 Indeed, Japan did better than any
Asian
nation had ever done in Olympic history. Still, its overall rank-
ing was nowhere near that of the United States. The United
States swept many events, in part because more U.S. athletes
took part than did those of any other nation.61 Japanese athletes
were competitive at track-and-field and swimming events, but in
other competitions they had only a small chance of winning.
When Japanese athletes lost, the response of the ethnic
press was either defensive, emphasizing Japanese moral superi-
ority, or hopeful that they would do better in the projected 1940
Tokyo Olympiad. The Kashu extolled "Sports Nippon" and
boasted that, when Japanese athletes lost, they proved them-
selves better than the winners and that other nations should
learn good sportsmanship from the Japanese.62 Fujii Sei of
Kashu, impressed by the excellence of black American athletes,
such as Eddie Tolan, Ralph Metcalfe, Edward Gordon, and Phil
Edwards, insisted that Japanese should analyze and overcome
their own weaknesses, but he also defended Japan's loss in

wrestling as only natural because the opponent was too big.63
Another Kashu article praised Takenaka Sh6ichiro's perfor-
mance in the 1,500-meter run. Although he finished last, it said,
he was better than the first-place winner in that he completed
the race with a body the size of a child, as compared to the size
of the other competitors.64
The collective pride in Japan's athletic excellence, espe-
cially among Issei, reflected a hope that white Americans would
view Japan on an equal footing with the Western nations. In this
sense, Issei opinion leaders tried to unite Manchuria and the
Olympics within an overall picture of Japan's progress and to
use
60. Ibid., Aug. 17, 1932, p. 8. Author's translation. Also see
Kashu, Aug. 10,
1932, p. 3.
61. More than 500 U.S. athletes took part, whereas the Japanese
were next
with 142. See Kieran and Daley, Story of the Olympic Games,
133.
62. "Spotsu Nippon no ninki."
63. Kashu, Aug. 3, 1932, p. 2.
64. Ibid., Aug. 6, 1932, p. 3.
2014 08:32:43 AM

both to stimulate ethnic nationalism among Nisei and improve
American public opinion toward Japanese Americans. A few
months before the Olympics, the Rafu published a special Eng-
lish supplement that emphasized Japan's peaceful leadership in
Asia, intending to give Americans and the Nisei generation a
cor-
rect understanding of the Sino-Japanese relationship.65 Around
the time of the Olympics, Fujii Sei of Kashu, himself an
advocate
of submissive assimilation to white America, ran a long series
of
essays on the Monroe Doctrine, analogously defending Japan's
advancement in Manchuria for the "protection and promotion
of the welfare" of Manchurians.66 In this realm, Issei
nationalism
maintained that Japan's "real value" had been underestimated
and that the nation had only to prove its racial excellence, moral
integrity, and leadership to white Americans and the world.
2. Enhancing Nisei ethnic pride
At the same time that Japanese Americans sought to find in
the Olympics signs of Japan's national greatness, Issei also
sought to provide their children's generation with a positive im-
age of Japan. Immigrant-generation parents, educators, and
leaders were particularly concerned that Nisei, although tech-
nically American citizens, faced severe discrimination and such
an unpromising future because of their parentage that they
were becoming negative toward themselves, their parents, and
their ethnic heritage. Issei therefore hoped that Japanese ath-
letic feats would impress Nisei and boost their self-image and
confidence in their racial stock.
Key in this regard was the generational demography of the
Japanese American population in the early 1930s. The majority
of Nisei then were still young children. Most had been born be-

tween 1918 and 1922, a result of the fact that, beginning in the
late nineteenth century, Japanese immigration consisted pri-
marily of single men.67 This male migration was then restricted
65. Rafu, March 3, 1932, Special Supplement, 1-8.
66. Ibid., Sept. 2, 1932, p. 2. Author's translation. For Fujii's
views on assimi-
lation, see Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei, 26.
67. Roger Daniels, Concentration Camp U.S.A.:Japanese
Americans and World War
II (NewYork, 1972), 22. According to Daniels, in a typical
Japanese American fam-
ily "children were born in the years 1918-1922 to a 35-year-old
father and a 25-year-
old mother."
2014 08:32:43 AM
by the Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907-1908 and terminated
by the Immigration Act of 1924. Between 1908 and 1924, often
through the commonly known "picture bride" system, tens of
thousands of Japanese women crossed the Pacific as spouses of
Issei men already residing in the United States. Thus, the num-
ber of American-born kept rising, while Issei population growth
stopped. By 1930 the American-born comprised almost half the
Japanese in the continental United States; in California, Nisei
al-

ready outnumbered Issei. During the 1930s, the reversal of the
Issei-Nisei ratio became a nationwide phenomenon, entitling
Nisei to a significant voice in the ethnic community.68
In this context, Issei were concerned for the Nisei's future,
often referring to it as the Nisei mondai (problem). Issei
strategies
and ideas on how best to fit the Nisei into American society
var-
ied. Some advocated full assimilation to the United States and
the discarding of Japanese language, habits, religion, and dual
Japanese-United States citizenship. Other Issei wanted their
suc-
cessor generation to cultivate and appreciate their Japanese her-
itage. It was common for immigrant parents to send their
children to supplementary Japanese-language schools or even
back to Japan for education for a few years.69 Japan-trained
Nisei, or so-called Kibei, represented "considerable diversity"
within the Nisei cohort.70 Regardless of the standpoint or back-
ground, however, most Japanese community members were de-
voted to securing for Nisei better "life chances" in American
society.
The Olympics offered hope to Issei that Japanese victories
would help remove Nisei's stigma as second-class American
citi-
zens and simultaneously make them proud of their ethnic roots.
An August 17 Rafu article in Japanese, for example, expressed
the Issei view that "American citizens of Japanese ancestry"
ben-
efited greatly from exposure to Japan's positive image as a "pro-
gressive, developing, and aggressive" nation.
68. Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei, 35. Roger Daniels, Asian America:
Chinese and
Japanese in the United States since 1850 (Seattle, 1988), 155.

69. The objective of Japanese-language-school education was
debated and
eventually shifted from preparing Nisei for returning to Japan to
giving them
moral integrity as Americans in 1912. For details on the
Japanese-language-school
debate, see Ichioka, Issei, 200-203.
70. Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei, 35.
2014 08:32:43 AM
Nikkei citizens who were born to Japanese parents do not look
like
genuine American citizens. It is essential that they be American
citi-
zens with some Japanese qualities. I cannot help emphasizing
this, es-
pecially when I think of the status of black Americans.... Sports
is
relatively free from exclusiveness and encourages the
demonstration
of human capacity. The Olympics is the best form of
sportsmanship.
In that sense, the excellent performance by Japan and the
Japanese
race at the Olympics let people from the participating countries
know

about Japan and the Japanese, and also gave the Nikkei
American cit-
izens a better understanding [of Japan].71
The passage implies that Nisei were American citizens and
that, by emphasizing ethnic difference from white Americans in
a positive manner, they could claim full membership in Ameri-
can society.
In this regard, Issei were pleased with the outcome. Nisei
interest in the Olympics was very strong, and during the games
Japanese performances did stimulate Nisei respect for Japan.
One Kashu English editorial pointed out that "when Japan real-
ized her lack of finance every [Nisei] boy and girl went out into
the street corners to ask for a little help to send their big broth-
ers and sisters to compete on the world stage. It was that dream
and promise those gallant youths of Nippon endeavored to re-
alize while in Los Angeles." It continued:
The younger generation of Japanese in America were impressed
by
the strength, power and spirit of these new youths of modern
Japan;
they gained from them the pride that is within their own blood.
What
was there in the minds of those new Americans who gaze upon
the
young swimmers from the Far East beating the world record? It
was the
pride that they too are Japanese and come from the same racial
stock
as the athletic wonders of new Japan. They have taught us what
it is to
be real "Samurai" in this age of modern world.72
The Olympics realized the Issei hope that Nisei would have

close contacts with the Japanese athletes. By the end of the
games, many Nisei had socialized with their brethren. Young
children especially were impressed by the athletes. Older Nisei,
71. Rafu, Aug. 17, 1932, p. 2. Author's translation.
72. Kashu, Aug. 21, 1932, p. 2. This page as recorded on
microfilm is dam-
aged, so some of the missing words are inferred from the
context.
2014 08:32:43 AM
despite feelings such as those expressed by Roku Sugahara, gen-
erally entertained mature interest and admiration. For example,
a victory celebration banquet (yitsh6 shukuga bansankai) orga-
nized by the Nikkei community on August 15 provided an op-
portunity for young adult Nisei to express their admiration for
the brethren. At the Biltmore Hotel, they danced until mid-
night; Nisei women hovered around Japanese male athletes,
leaving Nisei men jealous.73 A few days later, countless
members
of the American-born generation crowded to the port to bid the
athletes an emotional good-bye.
Overall, the 1932 Olympiad was an exhilarating ethnic ex-
perience for Nisei. Even today, Southern California Nisei re-
member nostalgically how excited they were over the Japanese

team's presence and victories. Yuri Kochiyama, then eleven
years
old, and Aiko Nakamura, then twelve, remember going to the
practice sites every day. They were excited about Japan's
chance
of winning medals in the Olympics before their eyes.74 Yaeko
Nakamura, a 1931 University of Southern California gradu-
ate, fondly remembers dancing with Japanese athletes at the
Biltmore Hotel banquet.75 Dr. James D. Yamazaki, then
sixteen,
went to many events with a season ticket and remembers his ex-
citement over Japanese victories.76 In these and other cases,
spe-
cial sentiments experienced as 'Japanese brethren" remain after
six and a half decades.
3. Seeing the Olympics through rose-tinted glasses
In addition to the issues of national excellence and en-
hanced ethnic awareness on the part of Nisei, it is important to
note that Issei and Nisei alike also believed that the Olympic
games were a force for peace and an opportunity for profit. De-
spite the sense of rivalry with the United States, the overall
thrust
of their cheers was toward fortifying Japanese-U.S. relations
and
improving the status of Japanese Americans in the United
States.
These concerns distinguish their immigrant nationalism from
homeland Japanese nationalism vis-a-vis the Olympics; the
latter
73. Rafu, Aug. 16, 1932, p. 3; Kashu, Aug. 16, 1932, p. 6.
74. Oral interview with Yuri Kochiyama, May 12, 1998, and
with Aiko Naka-

mura, Jan. 6, 2000, by author.
75. Oral interview with Yaeko Nakamura, March 25, 1999, by
author.
76. Oral interview with Dr. James D. Yamazaki, Jan. 2, 2000,
by author.
2014 08:32:43 AM
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i=: " ;i:.::= iNi pii;= i ....i ~ Wff
...............................
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Figure 2. Japanese Farewell Banquet to the Japanese Olympic
Athletes (Yusho Shukuga Bansan Kai), Biltmore Hotel, August
15, 1932.
Note both the Japanese and American flags on the walls, and the
fact that some participants wear traditional Japanese clothes,
although
most wear Western formal clothes. Courtesy the Japanese
American National Museum, Los Angeles (gift of Dr. and Mrs.
Setsuo Amano).
2014 08:32:43 AM

was aimed partly at legitimizing Japan's military expansion as
an
Asian power. In the United States, in contrast, the doh6
Japanese
emphasized peace and friendship. As Ishikawa Sayoko stated:
"Let's eliminate the distinctions between races at this opportu-
nity and encourage international friendship."77
The Olympic movement's promotion of international
friendship and peace reflected the Japanese American hope to
prove Japan's "fair" sportsmanship and peace-oriented charac-
ter and to diminish Americans' anti-Japanese sentiments.78 The
spirit of the modern Olympics, Issei and Nisei hoped, would im-
prove U.S.-Japanese relations. At the beginning of the Olym-
piad, Nisei "Hank" wrote, with a distant fear of another world
war, as follows:
We all know that the very presence of the many foreign athletes
has
erased all race prejudice and hatred that may have existed
before.
Why then cannot all the nations present here today declare a
state
of Olympic Games every year, and in that way have fair play
and
friendship annually, instead of just every four years?... Why
then

cannot the nations take an example from the present Olympic
Vil-
lage, and realize that if their representatives can live peacefully
with
those of other nations, then there must be no reason why they
too
cannot.... Let us sincerely pray and hope that these Games will
clearly show the nations the futility of jealousies and
suspicions, and
that the curtain will come down forever on the play of
international
hatreds!79
A Rafu editorial similarly emphasized the Olympics' ability to
"bind the world's friendship closer together and serve as the
best means of making and maintaining peace between nations."
This optimism was naive, but concurrent international tensions
over Manchuria did not spoil the d6ho belief that U.S.-Japanese
77. Ishikawa Sayoko, "K6kokuban ni minagiru Orinpikku no
hamon" [Olympic
influence seen all over the bulletin board], Rafu, Aug. 6, 1932,
p. 2. Author's
translation.
78. A Kashu Japanese article said that Japanese nationals and
zairyifu d6h6 were
extremely happy over the Japanese accomplishments in the tenth
Olympics and
could not help thanking them. What should be most noted, it
continued, was that
the Japanese athletes had proven sportsmanship, or Japanese
people's kenzen naru
seishin (healthy spirit) and their iki to kihaku (morale and
determination) as the
head of the Far East. Kashu, Aug. 15, 1932, p. 1.

79. Rafu, July 31, 1932, p. 6.
2014 08:32:43 AM
- I
ail IL
9)i
tz )z
Figure 3. A newspaper advertisement for a big sale at a Little
Tokyo sweater
company. At the top is the Japanese American community
emblem for the Los
Angeles Olympics, combining the Japanese and American flags,
with words in
both English and Japanese. The slogan "Nihon wo kataseyo"
translates as
"Make Japan win." Kashu Mainichi, August 6, 1932, Japanese
section, p. 7.
2014 08:32:43 AM

relations would improve. Indeed, some Issei and Nisei extended
their Olympic optimism to interpreting Japan's expansion into
Asia as an effort for peace and coexistence.80
Japanese American enthusiasm for the Olympics also had a
practical side: money. Throughout Los Angeles, merchants
hoped the 1932 Olympics would provide an economic boost in a
time of depression. Japanese Americans, marginalized from the
mainstream economy, had a special interest in stimulating eth-
nic patronage during the Olympics. With a large number of
Japanese athletes, reporters, and visitors in town, and with local
Nikkei residents in a celebrating mood, Little Tokyo merchants
expected what was referred to as a "supbtsu keiki" (sports eco-
nomic boom) or "Orinpikku keikg' (Olympic economic boom).
Consequently, Little Tokyo merchants advertised in a big way,
promoting special sales in honor of the Olympics and in sup-
port of Japanese athletes. For example, a Japanese store on East
First Street had a sale on souvenirs for Japanese athletes to take
back. Another store, Tomio, held an Olympic celebration sale
between August 13 and 15. Mitsuba Trading set up (with Kashu)
a telephone-linked live broadcast of Olympic events; on the day
of Nambu's victory, 1,500 were in the audience. Japantown had
an Olympic sale on August 9, so that Japanese team members
could buy souvenirs to take home. But Little Tokyo merchants'
expectations of a bonanza were unrealistic, for once the
Olympics started, many consumers far preferred watching the
games to shopping. Except for some hotels, restaurants, and
camera shops, all merchants were disappointed. Indeed, the re-
sult of doho spending $100,000 to watch the games, the Kashu
feared, would be a slump in the post-Olympic spending in the
community.81
80. Ibid., Aug. 7, 1932, p. 2. The Japanese Amenrican Courier

expressed this view
clearly in a news story, "Ideal of Peace Becomes Policy for
Manchukuo," July 30,
1932, p. 1. In interpreting this view in a more general sense,
Hiroshi Yoneyama
writes that Japanese expansion into Asia was regarded as
showing Japan's progress,
although immediately before the Pacific War, Japanese
immigrants started to feel
uneasy about maintaining a nationalistic attitude. See
Yoneyama, "Taiheiy6 Senso
mae no zaibei Nihonjin imin to nashonarizumu," 106-107.
81. Rafu, July 30, 1932, p. 3. The same advertisement appeared
also on July
31 and Aug. 2, 1932. Ibid., Aug. 12, 1932, p. 2, Aug. 9, 1932, p.
8. This broadcast at-
tracted such a large Japanese crowd, according to Kashu, that
some media-related
person with a foreign accent informed the Olympic Committee
that this might be
2014 08:32:43 AM
To Japanese Americans, monetary profits were not all that
would help them out of their economic problems. The spiritual
uplift from the Japanese team's victories was also important
because, as a minority group deprived of naturalization rights,
Issei and Nisei suffered more under the Depression than main-

stream white Americans. An August 16 article in Rafu
suggested
that the Japanese in the United States should learn from the
spirit of Japanese (and Korean) marathon runners: "We are
competing in a marathon race, as we struggle honestly at the
forefront of racial development."82
The complexity of nationalism
The Japanese American fervor over the 1932 Olympics was
a special case of ethnic nationalism, and yet sports, immigrants,
and nationalism have been intricately intertwined in American
history. According to Mark Dyreson, the United States had at-
tempted to build a national community by utilizing sports-and
especially the Olympic games-from the late nineteenth to early
twentieth centuries, but within this context, immigrants and eth-
nic minorities were in an awkward position, caught between
exclusion and assimilation. On the one hand, the turn-of-the-
century American concept of a "sporting republic" excluded mi-
norities such as African Americans, Native Americans, and
Asian
Americans. On the other hand, some believed that sports could
"transcend ethnicity" and "unite a multiethnic nation inundated
by millions of immigrants into a community with common in-
terests and values." Thus, minorities used sport as a tool;
African
Americans, for example, created their own athletic organiza-
tions while hoping that sports would eventually encourage inte-
gration and reduce racism.83 As Dyreson shows, sports in
service
to ethnic nationalism has been a common pattern in American
minorities' struggle to achieve assimilation.
a violation. This implies that both the competition between
stores and the rivalry
between Kashu and Rafu were fierce. As the committee judged

that the broadcast
was acceptable, it continued to attract many people. Kashu,
Aug. 4, 1932, p. 1; Aug.
5, 1932, p. 1, Aug. 6, 1932, p. 3, Aug. 9, 1932, p. 3. Rafu, Aug.
13, 1932, p. 8. Kashu,
Aug. 15, 1932, p. 3. The same fear was also pointed out in Rafu,
Aug. 13, 1932, p. 8.
82. Rafu, Aug. 16, 1932, p. 2. Author's translation.
83. Mark Dyreson, Making the American Team: Sport, Culture,
and the OlympicEx-
perience (Urbana, Ill., 1998), 112-119, especially 112-115.
2014 08:32:43 AM
The 1932 Olympics witnessed the dilemma of assimilation
and exclusion within the Japanese American community. While
Los Angeles doho were united in cheering for all Japanese ath-
letes, receptions and entertaining were often based on prefec-
tural origins. For example, athletes from Hiroshima, a
prefecture
from which many immigrants originated, received greater hos-
pitality and more gifts.84 Doho did not fully extend their hospi-
tality to the Taiwanese and Korean athletes who represented
Japan. Although local Koreans hosted and entertained Kin
Onbai and Gon Taika from Korea, Cho Seiken from Taiwan was
ignored by all.85 Cho lamented the lack of hospitality, wishing
there was such a thing as a Taiwan kenjin-kai, since the Chinese

in Los Angeles did not consider Cho as their kin.86
There was yet another aspect of the complexity of nation-
alism: Issei and Nisei's identification with the Japanese "race"
did not mean they felt accepted by Japanese, for they were very
aware of their status as kaigai zairyti dbho. Japanese athletes
and
other visitors from Japan often expressed scorn for the Los An-
geles Japanese as "immigrants and their children." Such preju-
dices were common in prewar Japan because of the stereotype
that, as government policy, it was impoverished farmers from
the countryside who left Japan as kimin (discarded people). For
example, Japanese swimming coach, Nomura Norio, boasted at
a Miyako Hotel party that his team would not need any help
from "immigrants."87 But while Issei and Nisei were aware that
84. Among them were Oda and Tsuruta. Miss Ishizu, a discus
thrower from a
Hiroshima women's school, was said to have received the most
gifts, including a
diamond ring from alumnae in Los Angeles. Kashu, Aug. 13,
1932, p. 3.
85. According to the Kashu, the Japanese government reported
that there
were 1,860 Koreans living in the United States, of whom 815
were American-born.
Kashu, Aug. 17, 1932, p. 3. In the 1936 Olympics, a Korean
athlete's victory led to a
controversy as a Korean newspaper printed his picture on the
victory stand with the
Japanese flag erased from his uniform. This terminated his
athletic career on the
public stage.
86. Ibid., Aug. 18, 1932, p. 6. Although Yen Le Espiritu points

out the prewar
Japanese immigrants' sense of superiority to the Chinese as a
proof of ethnic
"disidentification," the case of the Olympics shows that the
Nikkei affiliation crite-
ria were more subtle. Yen Le Espiritu, Asian American
Panethnicity: Bridging Institu-
tions and Identities (Philadelphia, 1992), 20-22.
87. Kashu, Aug. 21, 1932, p. 3. Nomura also hurt the feelings of
many well-
wishing doh6 who had raised $500 to rent and renovate a pool
so that the Japanese
swimming team could practice whenever they wished. Nomura
took one look at it
and said it was not good enough for his team. The article
mentions that Nomura's
2014 08:32:43 AM
homeland Japanese viewed them as "overseas Japanese," they
still cheered for Japanese victories, because they had their own
interest in such victories-improved status for themselves in the
United States and a chance to "talk tall" with greater pride.88
No
less through their cheers and support, they could also impress
Japanese visitors with Japanese American progress on U.S. soil.
For Japanese Americans of the 1930s, identification with

Japanese athletes had an instrumental purpose that went be-
yond pride in Japanese accomplishments. Through sport and
other means, the ethnic nationalism of Japanese Americans de-
manded not separate nationhood but full admission to main-
stream American society. It was a normal, integral part of the
immigrant group's adjustment to a society with a heteroge-
neous, multicultural population united under democracy.89 De-
spite the worsening diplomatic climate, Issei and Nisei kept
their
comment angered Kondo Choei of the Rafu, who for some
reason held his anger
in check and refrained from writing about the matter. And so,
the Kashu lamented,
the $500 that the volunteers had raised was wasted. Another
Kashu Japanese col-
umn said that the 'Japanese gentlemen who look down upon
immigrants" walked
around naked in the hotel hallway, caring nothing about the
presence of embar-
rassed young Nisei women. Kashu, Aug. 9, 1932, p. 6. The
Kashu, whose readership
was mainly in rural agricultural areas, was particularly sensitive
to this prejudice,
whereas the urban-orientated Rafu apparently decided not to
mention it. In evalu-
ating the overall Olympiad, the Rafu referred to various
"shortcomings," including
"rude comments and acts by a member of the swimming team"
and "a track-and-
field athlete's foolishness." Those incidents, the newspaper
stated, were so "un-
pleasant to look back in detail and criticize that we won't do
more than mention
them here." Rafu, Aug. 15, 1932, p. 1. Author's translation.

88. Appreciations from the Japanese team pleased the zairyiu
d6h6. The Kashu
Mainichi proudly printed the statement of gratitude from Dr.
Kishi Seiichi of
Japan's Physical Education Association for the zairyu d6h6's
support for the Japan-
ese Olympic team. He thanked them for their devotion, fervor,
and "patriotism"
(aikokushin), their understanding for sports, and the spiritual
and material support
despite the depression. Kashu, Aug. 16, 1932, p. 3.
89. In the larger context of nationalism studies, such a
microcosmic case may
look odd. For nationalism, in a real political context, often
relates the issue to state-
hood, borders, and power. Michael D. Levin defines a strong
sense of ethno-
nationalism as leading to the creation of new states and a weak
one as giving the
right to self-determination. See Michael D. Levin, ed., Ethnicity
and Aboriginality:
Case Studies in Ethnonationalism (Toronto, 1993), 3-4. In the
case of the United
States, Native Ainericans and Hawaiians are faced with the
statehood or self-
autonomy question, but for nonindigenous groups, the issues
focus more on how
to coexist in the same society by respecting differences and
pursuing equality. In
current multiculturalism debates, the issues are often reduced to
subcultural
clashes in language, education, heritage, and political power.
2014 08:32:43 AM

hope that the 1940 Olympics in Tokyo would further improve
U.S.-Japanese relations and also their status in America.90
The 1932 Olympics tapped ethnic pride and drew out opti-
mistic hopes for equality throughout the Japanese immigrant
community. The cheering of Los Angeles Japanese Americans
for Japanese Olympic athletes expressed their desire to dispel
racial stigma and gain self-esteem without denying their roots.
Issei, in particular, hoped that their American-born children
would gain ethnic awareness and pride. At the same time, the
Los Angeles Nikkei believed in the Olympic ideal of interna-
tional friendship and world peace, hoping that Americans
would come to view Japan not as an Asian military threat but as
a peace-loving nation.
The naive joys of ethnic pride and international friendship
that Japanese Americans shared in the early 1930s were shat-
tered by the outbreak of World War II. As U.S. nationalism
surged under the banner of defending democracy against fas-
cism, Japanese Americans, although excluded on the account
of their racial and ethnic origins, had to make an agonizing de-
cision over what stance to take.91 As loyalty to the United
States
became the dominant ideological perspective during the in-
ternment, memories of the Olympics were pushed back and
hidden away. However, Japanese American nationalism over the
1932 Olympics, despite its failure to improve their political sta-
tus or to prevent the tragedy of war and internment, was a mem-
orable page in Japanese American ethnic history that attests to

these people's struggle for respect and pride.
90. This relates to Yuji Ichioka's analysis of Issei nationalism
between 1937
and 1941 in response to the Sino-Japanese War in that most
Issei "did not believe,
or refused to believe, in the possibility of war between Japan
and the United States"
at least until the summer of 1941. Ichioka, 'Japanese Immigrant
Nationalism," 274.
91. Takahashi explains the diversity even among Nisei groups
but points out
their attempts to form coalitions because "internment affected
all classes within the
Japanese community" See Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei, 94-95.
2014 08:32:43 AM
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jspArticle
Contentsp. 399p. 400p. 401p. 402p. 403p. 404p. 405p. 406p.
407p. 408p. 409p. 410p. 411p. 412p. 413p. 414p. 415p. 416p.
417p. 418p. 419p. 420p. 421p. 422p. [423]p. 424p. 425p. 426p.
427p. 428p. 429p. 430Issue Table of ContentsPacific Historical
Review, Vol. 69, No. 3 (Aug., 2000), pp. 357-536Front MatterIn
This Issue [pp. -]Mystic Ties of Brotherhood: Freemasonry,
Ritual, and Hawaiian Royalty in the Nineteenth Century [pp.
357-397]Cheers for Japanese Athletes: The 1932 Los Angeles
Olympics and the Japanese American Community [pp. 399-
430]American Indians, Economic Development, and Self-
Determination in the 1960s [pp. 431-463]Review EssayRoaming
the Catlin Gallery: Art History on CD-ROM [pp. 464-
470]Reviews of BooksReview: untitled [pp. 471-472]Review:
untitled [pp. 472-474]Review: untitled [pp. 474-475]Review:

untitled [pp. 514-515]Other Books of Interest [pp. 516-
525]Pacific Visions [pp. 526]Historical News [pp. 527-
536]Back Matter
CIS510 discussion post responses.
Respond to the colleagues posts regarding:
"Predictive versus Adaptive SDLC" Please respond to the
following:
· Analyze predictive SDLC versus adaptive SDLC. Ascertain at
least two advantages and two disadvantages of each approach.
Provide a rationale for your response.
· Determine whether you would rather be part of a project that
used predictive SDLC or adaptive SDLC. Justify your response.
SR’s post states the following:Top of Form
Analyze predictive SDLC versus adaptive SDLC. Ascertain at
According to (Satzinger, Jackson & Burd, 2015), predictive
SDLC is an approach that assumes the project can be planned in
advance and that the new information system can be developed
according to the plan.
Two advantages of predictive SDLC

· the project objectives are clearly defined and understood
· it allows measuring the progress of system
Two disadvantages of predictive SDLC
· it is time consuming, as all the planning need to be outlined
before starting project.
· It does not have enough room for iteration.
Adaptive SDLC is an approach that assumes the project must be
more flexible and adapt to changing needs as the project
progresses. (Satzinger, Jackson & Burd, 2015)
Two advantages of Adaptive SDLC
· Focused on the end users, which can lead to better and more
intuitive products.
· Allows for on-time and even early delivery.
Two disadvantages of adaptive SDLC
· Demands extensive user involvement, which can be difficult to
facilitate.
· Integrates testing into every stage, which can add to a
project’s costs.
Determine whether you would rather be part of a project that
Because predictive SDLC is only considered as appropriate for
the small projects, I would rather be part of a project that uses
adaptive SDLC. The reason for me to use adaptive SDLC is
because it is useful for both small and large projects.
References
Satzinger. John W.; Jackson. Robert B.; Burd. Stephen D.
(February 1, 2015) Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing
World
AM’s post states the following:Top of Form
"Predictive versus Adaptive SDLC” Please respond to the
following:
· Analyze predictive SDLC versus adaptive SDLC. Ascertain at

· Determine whether you would rather be part of a project that
In Predictive SDLC, the project objectives are clearly defined
and understood. The advantages of predictive SDLC are it has
steady project requirements. It allows measuring the progress of
system. Also, the chances of technical risks are minimized in
predictive SDLC approach. Although, the overall impact of
predictive approach is advantageous, it does possess some
possible weakness. One of which is that it is time consuming, as
all the planning need to be outlined before starting project. It
does not have enough room for iteration, and it is not capable to
respond changes.
In Adaptive SDLC, the most important advantage is its varying
approach that allows addition of necessary functionality in the
project accordingly at any instance of time. It is mainly focused
on implementation rather than functionality. Due to its flexible
timeline approach, additional functionality can be included
later. Speaking of weakness, this approach is highly customized
that restricts the re-usability. Also, it needs to be applied in a
different way for each application. The chances of technical
risks are higher. Due to the on-going length of project, there is
a chance of exceeding the budget in this approach.
I would rather be part of a project that use predictive SDLC as
it presents a stable and particular improvement plan prearranged
in the order to produce a predestined end result in a definite
timeframe.
Redefinirg the Boundaries of Traditional Gender Roles
Korean Picture Brides, Pioneer Korean Immigrant Women, and
Their Benevolent Nationalism in Hawai'i

LiIiM,KM
In L9I7 a petite, sixteen-year-old girl left her family in a small
village in Kyoung Nam.
Korea. With her long black hair neatly braided, she set off for
Hawai'i, where she was to
marry a Korean man whom she had never met but whose picture
she had seen through
a "go-between." She had heard that people "can collect money
by rake" in America and
hoped that her picture marriage would provide the opportunity
to pursue wealth in
Hawai'i. She survived the grueling fifteen-day journey by sea
that nearly left her dead
from seasickness and arrived on the shores of Honolulu, to be
met by Kim Ja Soon,r her
husband-to-be, who was all but unrecognizable from the picture
he had sent her from
his younger days. Nam Soo Young recalled, "When I see him,
he was much older, an old
man. I was surprised. He cheated his age ten years. He was
twenty-five years older than
I. 'How can I live with him?' I thought." Tiying to buy herself
time, she asked to post-
Pone the wedding for one week, but to no avail. With tears
running down her cheeks,
Nam married her husband and was released from the
Immigration Station of Honolulu
as the wife of Kim Ja Soon.2
Nam was one of an estimated one thousand Korean picture
brides who came to
Hawai'i and the continental United States between 1910 and
1924.3 The far-reaching
influence of Korean picture brides on the future of the Korean

community in Hawai'i
is hard to exaggerate. Because sugar planters sought strong,
healthy laborers, pioneer
Korean immigrants to Hawai'i mostly consisted of single men in
their twenties, and a
few married men who came with their families. By coming to
Hawai'i as prospective
wives to Korean bachelor laborers, Korean picture brides solved
the problem of the lack
of marriageable Korean women in the early years of Korean
immigration. Unlike the
Chinese, who, due to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882,
remained largely"single" in the
early twentieth century, pioneer Korean immigrants were able to
marry picture brides,
start families, and create a thriving next generation of Korean
Americans.a
Furthermore, Korean picture brides significantly shaped and
contributed to the Ko-
rean independence movement in the United States during the
crucial years of overseas
Korean nationalism, after Japan's annexation of Korea in 1910.
Unlike the small num-
ber of pioneer Korean women who came to Hawai'i with their
husbands between 1903
and 1905, the picture brides had lived under |apanese colonial
rule before coming to
106
V
Redefining Traditional Gender Roles 107

i{awai'i. Their sorrow over losing Korea to }apan and their
determination to see Korea
:lberated made them active community members against the
backdrop of the thriving
','et bitterly divided Korean independence movement in Hawai'i.
Redefining the bound-
aries of traditional gender roles, Korean picture brides, together
with the pioneer Ko-
:ean immigrant women who came before them, contributed to
the Korean indepen-
.lence movement in important and alternative ways. By
demonstrating what I call
irnevolent nationalism-nationalism rendered through valuable
social and economic
services that focused on the good of the community and future
of Korea-Korean pic-
rure brides and immigrant women expanded the scope of
community activism and al-
lered the contours of the Korean independence movement in
Hawai'i. At the same time,
their organizational activities to promote Korean patriotism and
to preserve Korean
culture expedited their Americanization process by challenging
and crossing the
boundaries of Korean traditional gender roles.
Korean Picture Brides Come to Hawai'i
The picture bride practice began after the United States and
fapan reached the Gentle-
men's Agreement of 1907, which stipulated that ]apan would
voluntarily cease issuing
passports to all fapanese laborers coming to the United States.
This restrictive agree-
ment, however, allowed for the immigration of wives and

children who wished to be
united with their husbands and fathers in the United States.
Unmarried fapanese la-
borers in Hawai'i also took advantage of this provision by
sending for picture brides.
Vith |apan's annexation of Korea in 1910, Koreans were
considered fapanese nation-
als, and Korean laborers in Hawai'i could also bring wives and
picture brides from
Korea under the Gentlemen's Agreement Act of 1907. The
Immigration Act of 1924
prohibited the immigration of anyone ineligible for citizenship
and thus stopped vir-
rually all Asian immigration to the United States, including that
of Korean picture
brides.
Single Korean men sent for picture brides not
necessarilybecause they could not find
other women to marry-although that was true in many cases-but
mainly because
they specificallywanted to marry a Korean woman. fulia Chang
Chung spoke of her fa-
ther's popularity as a prospective husband and son-in-law before
marrying her mother,
Do Yun Hong, a Korean picture bride:
Neighborhood people with eligible daughters just wanted to
marry their daughters offto
my papa. There was this Portuguese man who wanted my papa
to marry his nice-looking
daughter. There was another Hawaiian family who had to have
my papa as a son-in-law.
And you couldn't find a better catch than Papa! He invited him
for dinner, gave him this

and that. He even said, "Marry my daughter, and I will give you
a house and a lot." Papa
said he wanted the house and the lot, but couldn't think of
marrying anyone except a Ko-
rean girl.s
Like Chung's father, many single Korean men turned to the
picture bride practice to
find a Korean wife and start a family.
108 LrLr M. KrM
As one can imagine, a marriage agreement based on pictures
with short self-de-
scriptions on the back involved a good deal of courage on the
part of Korean picture
brides. Like Esther Kwon Arinaga's mothet many Korean
picture brides were "willing
to risk life with a total stranger in a new land, in exchange for
the opportunity to fur-
ther ftheir] education, escape ]apanese domination, and pursue
religious freedom."6
Phyllis Ahn Dunn, who came to Hawai'i as a fourteen-year-old
picture bride, recalled,
"I begged my mother to let me go to Hawai'i-I was not afraid!"7
As in the case of Nam
Soo Young, inflated ideas about the kind of life available in
Hawai'i prompted prospec-
tive picture brides to marry men they had never met and to make
a new living in a place
they had never been to.
For their part,Korean men used the deception that picture
marriages allowed to al-

lure prospective wives. Men often sent pictures from their
younger days to conceal their
actual age. They also tried to give an impression of wealth they
did not have by renting
a suit or taking a picture next to their boss's automobile.
Invariably, then, a Korean pic-
ture bride's initial meeting with her husband-to-be was a
devastating disappointment.
Like Nam's husband, most men looked nothing like the picture.
Their workers'cloth-
ing and dark tans from working in the sugar plantation fields all
day gave away their
poor economic standing.s
Going back to Korea, however, was not an option for picture
brides for two reasons.
First, although the prospective husband sent money for the
bride's one-way passage to
Hawai'i, he would not pay for her to back out of the marriage
and go back to Korea; nor
could he have afforded to do so. Second, as Nam explained,
going back meant a life of
unbearable shame in Korea: "I want to go home, but I could not
go home too. Because
if I go home, I only get big shame. People say that the girl went
for marry to Hawai'i,
but she come back. She sent back. That would be most shameful
abuse for a girl."e The
only way to stay in Hawai'i legally was to marry their
prospective husbands, but some
picture brides held out as long as they could:
I'm so disappointed I cry for eight days and don't come out of
my room. I don't eat noth-
ing, but at midnight when everybody sleeps I sneak out to drink
water, so I don't die. . . .

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