Understanding Brazil's 2014 Presidential Election: The Parties Candidates and...MSL
The present political situation in Brazil is unpredictable. While it is difficult to forecast a possible winner for the Presidential election, there is consensus that regardless of who wins, there will be no drastic changes in Brazil's international relations.
President Dilma Rousseff's Workers’ Party (PT) will face tough competition from the opposition’s Aécio Neves representing the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and Eduardo Campos of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB). Experts believe that the election is expected to go to a second round between President Rousseff and Neves.
Our report details nine key issues to understand & monitor in this Brazilian elections:
• The Brazilian economy
• Family Benefit
• World Cup
• Lula Factor
• Public Demonstrations
• Free Party Political Broadcast
• Monthly Payment Scandal
• Debates &
• Party Alliances
The putrefaction of the michel temer government and of the political institut...Fernando Alcoforado
The Datafolha Research demonstrates, above all, the putrefaction of political and juridical institutions of Brazil that can only be resolved by convening a new Constituent Assembly to carry out the political, of State and of Public Administration reform aimed at reordering the national life. Indirect elections with a demoralized National Congress as current and direct elections with a National Congress and demoralized political parties like the present ones will not solve the problems of Brazil.
Brazilis New DirectionWendy HunterJournal of Democracy.docxAASTHA76
Brazilis New Direction
Wendy Hunter
Journal of Democracy, Volume 14, Number 2, April 2003, pp. 151-162
(Article)
Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press
DOI: 10.1353/jod.2003.0034
For additional information about this article
Access provided by Florida International University (24 Feb 2014 10:41 GMT)
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v014/14.2hunter.html
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v014/14.2hunter.html
BRAZIL’S NEW DIRECTION
Wendy Hunter
On 27 October 2002, the voters of Brazil chose Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva of the Workers’ Party (PT) to be their next president, giving him
a wide margin of victory with 61.3 percent in a two-candidate runoff
against José Serra of the Social Democratic Party (PDSB). Does the
election—on his fourth try—of this lathe operator turned trade union
leader and the ascendance of his leftist party signal a historic shift in
Brazilian politics? What are the implications of a Lula presidency for
democracy in Brazil, and what is the larger situation of that democracy
now?
Should 2002 be seen as marking a new era in Brazilian politics? Is it
the start of a period in which a programmatic leftist party that has cham-
pioned popular participation, accountability, and redistributive change
supplants the political clientelism, social elitism, and technocratic policy
making for which Brazil is known? Or is it wiser to focus on the prag-
matic adjustments that the PT has made, the continuing sway of
conservative forces, and the multitude of constraints—political and eco-
nomic, domestic and international—that will hem in efforts to make
major changes?
On the one hand, the election of a candidate who is a true outsider is
a dramatic break with the pattern of Brazilian politics since the
postauthoritarian period began in 1985. President José Sarney (1985–
90), who inaugurated the civilian regime, had been a leading member of
the official government party under the military regime that ruled from
1964 to 1985. His successor, the disgraced Fernando Collor de Mello
(1990–92), had similar political origins. After serving as an opposition
Wendy Hunter is associate professor of government at the University
of Texas–Austin. Her current research investigates the effects of
democratization, economic globalization, and international diffusion
on decisions that affect social policy and human capital formation in
Latin America.
Journal of Democracy Volume 14, Number 2 April 2003
Latin America’s Lost Illusions
Journal of Democracy152
Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) senator during the military
period, Fernando Henrique Cardoso played a leading role in brokering
Brazil’s transition to democracy, forging an array of compromises with
outgoing actors and solidifying his establishment credentials, albeit as
a moderate social democrat affiliated initially with the PMDB and then
the PDSB.
Sarney, Collor, and Cardoso all came from elite backgrounds in a
soci ...
Democratic front to avoid the ascension of fascism to power in brazilFernando Alcoforado
In order to oppose the advance of fascism and to prevent Bolsonaro's victory in the second round of the presidential elections, it is necessary to build an antifascist democratic front that, unifying left-wing political forces and democratic liberals, seeks the peaceful coexistence between antagonistic social classes and political parties, also antagonistic, electing Fernando Haddad as President of the Republic as long as he makes a commitment to celebrate a political and social pact that meets the multiple interests at stake.
Democratic front to avoid the ascension of fascism to power in brazilFernando Alcoforado
In order to oppose the advance of fascism and to prevent Bolsonaro's victory in the second round of the presidential elections, it is necessary to build an antifascist democratic front that, unifying left-wing political forces and democratic liberals, seeks the peaceful coexistence between antagonistic social classes and political parties, also antagonistic, electing Fernando Haddad as President of the Republic as long as he makes a commitment to celebrate a political and social pact that meets the multiple interests at stake.
From the confrontation between the defending forces and the opponents of the current democratic system may result in the maintenance of representative democracy in Brazil or its end.
Understanding Brazil's 2014 Presidential Election: The Parties Candidates and...MSL
The present political situation in Brazil is unpredictable. While it is difficult to forecast a possible winner for the Presidential election, there is consensus that regardless of who wins, there will be no drastic changes in Brazil's international relations.
President Dilma Rousseff's Workers’ Party (PT) will face tough competition from the opposition’s Aécio Neves representing the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and Eduardo Campos of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB). Experts believe that the election is expected to go to a second round between President Rousseff and Neves.
Our report details nine key issues to understand & monitor in this Brazilian elections:
• The Brazilian economy
• Family Benefit
• World Cup
• Lula Factor
• Public Demonstrations
• Free Party Political Broadcast
• Monthly Payment Scandal
• Debates &
• Party Alliances
The putrefaction of the michel temer government and of the political institut...Fernando Alcoforado
The Datafolha Research demonstrates, above all, the putrefaction of political and juridical institutions of Brazil that can only be resolved by convening a new Constituent Assembly to carry out the political, of State and of Public Administration reform aimed at reordering the national life. Indirect elections with a demoralized National Congress as current and direct elections with a National Congress and demoralized political parties like the present ones will not solve the problems of Brazil.
Brazilis New DirectionWendy HunterJournal of Democracy.docxAASTHA76
Brazilis New Direction
Wendy Hunter
Journal of Democracy, Volume 14, Number 2, April 2003, pp. 151-162
(Article)
Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press
DOI: 10.1353/jod.2003.0034
For additional information about this article
Access provided by Florida International University (24 Feb 2014 10:41 GMT)
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v014/14.2hunter.html
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v014/14.2hunter.html
BRAZIL’S NEW DIRECTION
Wendy Hunter
On 27 October 2002, the voters of Brazil chose Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva of the Workers’ Party (PT) to be their next president, giving him
a wide margin of victory with 61.3 percent in a two-candidate runoff
against José Serra of the Social Democratic Party (PDSB). Does the
election—on his fourth try—of this lathe operator turned trade union
leader and the ascendance of his leftist party signal a historic shift in
Brazilian politics? What are the implications of a Lula presidency for
democracy in Brazil, and what is the larger situation of that democracy
now?
Should 2002 be seen as marking a new era in Brazilian politics? Is it
the start of a period in which a programmatic leftist party that has cham-
pioned popular participation, accountability, and redistributive change
supplants the political clientelism, social elitism, and technocratic policy
making for which Brazil is known? Or is it wiser to focus on the prag-
matic adjustments that the PT has made, the continuing sway of
conservative forces, and the multitude of constraints—political and eco-
nomic, domestic and international—that will hem in efforts to make
major changes?
On the one hand, the election of a candidate who is a true outsider is
a dramatic break with the pattern of Brazilian politics since the
postauthoritarian period began in 1985. President José Sarney (1985–
90), who inaugurated the civilian regime, had been a leading member of
the official government party under the military regime that ruled from
1964 to 1985. His successor, the disgraced Fernando Collor de Mello
(1990–92), had similar political origins. After serving as an opposition
Wendy Hunter is associate professor of government at the University
of Texas–Austin. Her current research investigates the effects of
democratization, economic globalization, and international diffusion
on decisions that affect social policy and human capital formation in
Latin America.
Journal of Democracy Volume 14, Number 2 April 2003
Latin America’s Lost Illusions
Journal of Democracy152
Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) senator during the military
period, Fernando Henrique Cardoso played a leading role in brokering
Brazil’s transition to democracy, forging an array of compromises with
outgoing actors and solidifying his establishment credentials, albeit as
a moderate social democrat affiliated initially with the PMDB and then
the PDSB.
Sarney, Collor, and Cardoso all came from elite backgrounds in a
soci ...
Democratic front to avoid the ascension of fascism to power in brazilFernando Alcoforado
In order to oppose the advance of fascism and to prevent Bolsonaro's victory in the second round of the presidential elections, it is necessary to build an antifascist democratic front that, unifying left-wing political forces and democratic liberals, seeks the peaceful coexistence between antagonistic social classes and political parties, also antagonistic, electing Fernando Haddad as President of the Republic as long as he makes a commitment to celebrate a political and social pact that meets the multiple interests at stake.
Democratic front to avoid the ascension of fascism to power in brazilFernando Alcoforado
In order to oppose the advance of fascism and to prevent Bolsonaro's victory in the second round of the presidential elections, it is necessary to build an antifascist democratic front that, unifying left-wing political forces and democratic liberals, seeks the peaceful coexistence between antagonistic social classes and political parties, also antagonistic, electing Fernando Haddad as President of the Republic as long as he makes a commitment to celebrate a political and social pact that meets the multiple interests at stake.
From the confrontation between the defending forces and the opponents of the current democratic system may result in the maintenance of representative democracy in Brazil or its end.
Thanks to the political irresponsibility of the PT and its allies in defending the corrupt Lula are contributing to the ascent of the egg of the fascist serpent in Brazil. By acting in this way, the PT and its allies lack the necessary intelligence to realize that the correlation of forces is entirely unfavorable to their pretensions. Insisting on the confrontation with the great majority of Brazilian society means plunging the Country into civil war whose consequences are unpredictable. In addition to having allied themselves with right-wing parties and politicians to govern, the PT and its allies are now contributing to the rise of the extreme right to power either in the 2018 presidential election or through a coup d'état if political radicalization reaches uncontrollable levels.
Nos Estados Unidos, a denúncia sobre a farsa do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, encampada por grandes jornais como o The New York Times, ganha força agora entre parlamentares norte-americanos. Em carta a John Kerry, 33 parlamentares pedem ao secretário de Estado que se abstenha de declarações favoráveis ao golpista Michel Temer (PMDB); "Nosso governo deve expressar sua forte preocupação com as circunstâncias que envolvem o processo de impeachment e exigir a proteção da Constituição democrática no Brasil", afirmam os signatários do documento
Carta de políticos americanos para secretário de Estado dos EUADilmaRousseff
Congressistas pedem que representante americano demonstre preocupação com o processo de impeachment e apoio à retomada da democracia. Leia mais: https://goo.gl/sLgvgh
The facts of history show that, as the struggle between the political forces of the right and the left grow up, dictatorship is imposed as a solution for those who are in power to impose by force their will on the nation. Faced with the impossibility of electing a president of the Republic to ensure democratic practice and social peace, we can only hope for dark times in Brazil.
What is at stake in Brazil at the present moment is, above all, our right to life, our right to freedom of thought and opinion, our right to speak what we think. At stake in these elections is the preservation of democracy with the set of rights conquered after the military dictatorship. For all this, Bolsonaro must be defeated in the October 28 elections. NOT TO FASCISM VOTING IN FERNANDO HADDAD.
Governability and democracy threatened in brazil with ascension to the power ...Fernando Alcoforado
The facts of history demonstrate that when the economic crisis deepens, the crisis of governability materializes with the paralysis of the government that can occur in Brazil after the elections of 2018 produced to a large extent by the struggle between the political forces of right and left which may result in a civil war followed by the establishment of a right-wing or left-wing dictatorship. The greatest possibility is that a right-wing dictatorship is implanted either with Bolsonaro's victory to keep him in power and Haddad's victory after overthrowing him.
The only way to avoid the escalation of fascism and the establishment of a right-wing dictatorship in Brazil is the formation of a broad antifascist front, supporting the best candidate to defeat the fascist forces that support Bolsonaro in the upcoming presidential elections. Electoral polls indicate that Ciro Gomes is the candidate who is able to defeat Bolsonaro in the second round of presidential elections.
THE SCENARIOS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN BRAZIL.pdfFaga1939
This article aims to outline scenarios for Brazil's presidential elections in 2022. In the race for the Presidency of the Republic, Lula and Bolsonaro have the preference of the electorate, followed by Ciro Gomes with a wide difference. By considering Lula and Bolsonaro as their preferred candidates, the Brazilian people are not realizing that both have neoliberal economic programs which, in Bolsonaro's case, is radically ultra-neoliberal, while in Lula's case it incorporates developmentalist and humanist elements. Ciro Gomes, in turn, who presents the best economic program for Brazil because it is a national developmentalist, will hardly surpass Lula or Bolsonaro in the 1st round of the presidential elections. One scenario assumes that the elections will take place without incident and the winner will assume power from 2023 and the alternative scenario is that there will be no elections thanks to the coup of state to be perpetrated by Bolsonaro before and during the elections. This means that Brazil may have two alternative futures: 1) Neoliberalism with humanist social policies and democracy with Lula in power if he is victorious in the elections if they are held; and, 2) Ultra-neoliberalism with social tightening and dictatorship with Bolsonaro in power if he succeeds in preventing the holding of elections.
The governability of a country is only achieved when the government has a parliamentary majority to implement its policies and has the support of the vast majority of the population and the various social classes. Dilma Rousseff government seems no longer have the necessary conditions to rule Brazil, not only because they do not have the support of the parliamentary majority in Congress, but also because no longer have the nation's most support that enabled her win the last presidential elections.
The collective suicide of the Brazilian nation may occur if the next presidential elections in Brazil are decided in the second round among Jair Bolsonaro on the extreme right-wing, with a fascist tendency, and Fernando Haddad on the left, with a socialist tendency. It is considered a collective suicide of a nation when its people choose a path that will inevitably lead to political, economic and social disaster.
In the "Gov Affairs in Focus" column, the main topic is the information access and the government relations professional analysis. Does simple access guarantee the effective use of strategic information? Also on information, we highlight the dichotomy access/data leakage.
We do not, of course, avoid discussing the main themes in the political arena, and in this month's edition you will find another profile in the series "Presidential Candidates", this time Geraldo Alckmin. Subsequently, the implications former president Lula imprisonment to the Workers Party campaign, and the impasses and nuances of the distribution of power, or presidencies, in the thematic committees of the House of Representatives.
Finally, the international analysis discusses the China-US economic rivalry and then the importance of investing in the internationalization of companies and establishing global players.
In addition, we wish a good reading!
The closer we get to the elections, the more debates come to fruition. The political scenario is one of uncertainty and a fertile field for the most varied analysis!
Our March newsletter goes on with the series "Presidential Candidates" with the polemic Jair Bolsonaro, besides many international, local, economic and political analysis.
In this edition, we also bring a bit of the day to day of the professional of government relations, with information for a better understanding of the practice.
Always with the aim of stimulating the best debate, we wish everyone an excellent reading!
The two most competitive candidates in the next elections do not propose the necessary measures to overcome the country's economic problems. Marina Silva and Jair Bolsonaro would not be able to promote the structural changes necessary for the development of Brazil. The future of Brazil is threatened either with the victory of Marina Silva and Jair Bolsonaro that do not formulate anything in this direction. It is urgent to elect a candidate who is able to break with neoliberalism and implement a national development model that privileges national interests and not those of international capital, especially those of financial capital.
12 pages12 New Times Roman fontdue July 18 include turnitin re.docxChereCoble417
12 pages
12 New Times Roman font
due July 18
include turnitin report
Social Impacts of Cyber Crime
Cyber criminals take advantage of the fast paced advancement of technology and the individuals who are unsophisticated and have no idea where the Internet fits into their world.
Thieves have become very skilled in using the anonymity of the Internet to trick victims into giving them what they want.
“The scammer tries to prey on victims who are kind of in tune with what’s going on in the world. The scam changes, but ultimately they’re preying on the good will of people” (Donnelly, 2011).
No matter what aspect of cyber crime that happens to an individual, or if restitution was made, the effects of cyber crime can be devastating.
Cyber crime: concepts methodologies, tools, and applications
Types of Cyber Crime
Cyber –Tresspass ( Viruses, Denial of Service attacks)
Cyber –deceptions (identity theft, fraud, piracy)
Cyber-pornography
Cyber-violence (cyberbullying, cyber stalking)
Scope of Cyber Crime
International Cyber crime(transnational)
The challenges and the future of Cyber crime
Conclusion
.
100 wordsThe Internet provides a vast variety of information, .docxChereCoble417
100 words
The Internet provides a vast variety of information, but not all information is accurate, reliable, or safe to access.
discuss the dangers of using the Internet for information and discuss various options for making sure that the information you find is accurate.
.
More Related Content
Similar to Bolsonaro and Brazils Illiberal Backlash Wendy Hunter, Timo
Thanks to the political irresponsibility of the PT and its allies in defending the corrupt Lula are contributing to the ascent of the egg of the fascist serpent in Brazil. By acting in this way, the PT and its allies lack the necessary intelligence to realize that the correlation of forces is entirely unfavorable to their pretensions. Insisting on the confrontation with the great majority of Brazilian society means plunging the Country into civil war whose consequences are unpredictable. In addition to having allied themselves with right-wing parties and politicians to govern, the PT and its allies are now contributing to the rise of the extreme right to power either in the 2018 presidential election or through a coup d'état if political radicalization reaches uncontrollable levels.
Nos Estados Unidos, a denúncia sobre a farsa do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, encampada por grandes jornais como o The New York Times, ganha força agora entre parlamentares norte-americanos. Em carta a John Kerry, 33 parlamentares pedem ao secretário de Estado que se abstenha de declarações favoráveis ao golpista Michel Temer (PMDB); "Nosso governo deve expressar sua forte preocupação com as circunstâncias que envolvem o processo de impeachment e exigir a proteção da Constituição democrática no Brasil", afirmam os signatários do documento
Carta de políticos americanos para secretário de Estado dos EUADilmaRousseff
Congressistas pedem que representante americano demonstre preocupação com o processo de impeachment e apoio à retomada da democracia. Leia mais: https://goo.gl/sLgvgh
The facts of history show that, as the struggle between the political forces of the right and the left grow up, dictatorship is imposed as a solution for those who are in power to impose by force their will on the nation. Faced with the impossibility of electing a president of the Republic to ensure democratic practice and social peace, we can only hope for dark times in Brazil.
What is at stake in Brazil at the present moment is, above all, our right to life, our right to freedom of thought and opinion, our right to speak what we think. At stake in these elections is the preservation of democracy with the set of rights conquered after the military dictatorship. For all this, Bolsonaro must be defeated in the October 28 elections. NOT TO FASCISM VOTING IN FERNANDO HADDAD.
Governability and democracy threatened in brazil with ascension to the power ...Fernando Alcoforado
The facts of history demonstrate that when the economic crisis deepens, the crisis of governability materializes with the paralysis of the government that can occur in Brazil after the elections of 2018 produced to a large extent by the struggle between the political forces of right and left which may result in a civil war followed by the establishment of a right-wing or left-wing dictatorship. The greatest possibility is that a right-wing dictatorship is implanted either with Bolsonaro's victory to keep him in power and Haddad's victory after overthrowing him.
The only way to avoid the escalation of fascism and the establishment of a right-wing dictatorship in Brazil is the formation of a broad antifascist front, supporting the best candidate to defeat the fascist forces that support Bolsonaro in the upcoming presidential elections. Electoral polls indicate that Ciro Gomes is the candidate who is able to defeat Bolsonaro in the second round of presidential elections.
THE SCENARIOS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN BRAZIL.pdfFaga1939
This article aims to outline scenarios for Brazil's presidential elections in 2022. In the race for the Presidency of the Republic, Lula and Bolsonaro have the preference of the electorate, followed by Ciro Gomes with a wide difference. By considering Lula and Bolsonaro as their preferred candidates, the Brazilian people are not realizing that both have neoliberal economic programs which, in Bolsonaro's case, is radically ultra-neoliberal, while in Lula's case it incorporates developmentalist and humanist elements. Ciro Gomes, in turn, who presents the best economic program for Brazil because it is a national developmentalist, will hardly surpass Lula or Bolsonaro in the 1st round of the presidential elections. One scenario assumes that the elections will take place without incident and the winner will assume power from 2023 and the alternative scenario is that there will be no elections thanks to the coup of state to be perpetrated by Bolsonaro before and during the elections. This means that Brazil may have two alternative futures: 1) Neoliberalism with humanist social policies and democracy with Lula in power if he is victorious in the elections if they are held; and, 2) Ultra-neoliberalism with social tightening and dictatorship with Bolsonaro in power if he succeeds in preventing the holding of elections.
The governability of a country is only achieved when the government has a parliamentary majority to implement its policies and has the support of the vast majority of the population and the various social classes. Dilma Rousseff government seems no longer have the necessary conditions to rule Brazil, not only because they do not have the support of the parliamentary majority in Congress, but also because no longer have the nation's most support that enabled her win the last presidential elections.
The collective suicide of the Brazilian nation may occur if the next presidential elections in Brazil are decided in the second round among Jair Bolsonaro on the extreme right-wing, with a fascist tendency, and Fernando Haddad on the left, with a socialist tendency. It is considered a collective suicide of a nation when its people choose a path that will inevitably lead to political, economic and social disaster.
In the "Gov Affairs in Focus" column, the main topic is the information access and the government relations professional analysis. Does simple access guarantee the effective use of strategic information? Also on information, we highlight the dichotomy access/data leakage.
We do not, of course, avoid discussing the main themes in the political arena, and in this month's edition you will find another profile in the series "Presidential Candidates", this time Geraldo Alckmin. Subsequently, the implications former president Lula imprisonment to the Workers Party campaign, and the impasses and nuances of the distribution of power, or presidencies, in the thematic committees of the House of Representatives.
Finally, the international analysis discusses the China-US economic rivalry and then the importance of investing in the internationalization of companies and establishing global players.
In addition, we wish a good reading!
The closer we get to the elections, the more debates come to fruition. The political scenario is one of uncertainty and a fertile field for the most varied analysis!
Our March newsletter goes on with the series "Presidential Candidates" with the polemic Jair Bolsonaro, besides many international, local, economic and political analysis.
In this edition, we also bring a bit of the day to day of the professional of government relations, with information for a better understanding of the practice.
Always with the aim of stimulating the best debate, we wish everyone an excellent reading!
The two most competitive candidates in the next elections do not propose the necessary measures to overcome the country's economic problems. Marina Silva and Jair Bolsonaro would not be able to promote the structural changes necessary for the development of Brazil. The future of Brazil is threatened either with the victory of Marina Silva and Jair Bolsonaro that do not formulate anything in this direction. It is urgent to elect a candidate who is able to break with neoliberalism and implement a national development model that privileges national interests and not those of international capital, especially those of financial capital.
Similar to Bolsonaro and Brazils Illiberal Backlash Wendy Hunter, Timo (20)
12 pages12 New Times Roman fontdue July 18 include turnitin re.docxChereCoble417
12 pages
12 New Times Roman font
due July 18
include turnitin report
Social Impacts of Cyber Crime
Cyber criminals take advantage of the fast paced advancement of technology and the individuals who are unsophisticated and have no idea where the Internet fits into their world.
Thieves have become very skilled in using the anonymity of the Internet to trick victims into giving them what they want.
“The scammer tries to prey on victims who are kind of in tune with what’s going on in the world. The scam changes, but ultimately they’re preying on the good will of people” (Donnelly, 2011).
No matter what aspect of cyber crime that happens to an individual, or if restitution was made, the effects of cyber crime can be devastating.
Cyber crime: concepts methodologies, tools, and applications
Types of Cyber Crime
Cyber –Tresspass ( Viruses, Denial of Service attacks)
Cyber –deceptions (identity theft, fraud, piracy)
Cyber-pornography
Cyber-violence (cyberbullying, cyber stalking)
Scope of Cyber Crime
International Cyber crime(transnational)
The challenges and the future of Cyber crime
Conclusion
.
100 wordsThe Internet provides a vast variety of information, .docxChereCoble417
100 words
The Internet provides a vast variety of information, but not all information is accurate, reliable, or safe to access.
discuss the dangers of using the Internet for information and discuss various options for making sure that the information you find is accurate.
.
100 words for itYou have heard the expression Nine Eleven in r.docxChereCoble417
100 words for it
You have heard the expression "Nine Eleven" in relationship to an historical event. How does that awareness affect your understanding of the play titled "Nine Ten"? Discuss in relation to each of the characters in the play, and what they are trying to do. Have you ever been called for jury selection? What did you notice about the others also there for the same reason?
.
100 words -- a reference in each paragraph--APA formatEthics an.docxChereCoble417
100 words -- a reference in each paragraph--APA format
"Ethics and Security" Please respond to the following:
Organizational end users are generally in the background when it comes to protecting the IT infrastructure. As the chief security officer (CSO), develop a security awareness training communication plan for these users. Your plan must be in nontechnical terms to the user population that incorporates the confidentiality, integrity, and availability of the organization’s information assets.
.
100 to 200 words1. Identify one (1) evidentiary issue that could b.docxChereCoble417
100 to 200 words
1. Identify one (1) evidentiary issue that could be presented regarding the admission of digital evidence at trial. Next, suggest one (1) way in which the court could take to resolve the issue that you have identified. Include one (1) example of such issue and your suggestion action to support your response.
Per the text, there is probable cause to search a computer or electronic media when one believes that the computer or related media either contains or is contraband evidence of a crime, fruits of crime, or instrumentality of a crime. Identify at least two (2) types of warrantless searches that investigators can conduct while collecting digital evidence, and explain the main reasons why you believe the types of searches in question are warrantless. Justify your response.
PLEASE KEEP COMPLETELY SEPARATE FROM 1 AND THIS IS A RESPONSE TO THE POST BELOW 50 to 75 words
2.
One evidentiary issue that could be presented regarding the admission of digital evidence at trial is if the evidence is clear and convincing. For example, When looking channel 7; when someone is maybe breaking into someone's house or breaking into a store. I have seen video feed thats just a shadow, or maybe the person has on something that hides their face. They willstill ask if you reconize that person. Unfortunately, it's hard to figure out who the suspect is because the image maybe bad or they may becovered. There is no way to solve this issue unless they have some kind of tattoo or scar that could be pointed out.
Two types of warrentless searches are: Plain-view search and Exigent circumstances. Plain-view search, a warrent isn't required for this because; if your investigating someone and you see criminal activity on their computersc, no matter what it is; you can use that informaton because as long it can be seen by the general public. Exigent circumstances, a warrent isn't required for this because; it may an immediate emergency. For example, a murder, kidnap, robbery or anyother type of crime.
.
100 essayPromptTopic One of the areas learned in Module 1 wa.docxChereCoble417
100 essay
Prompt/Topic
: One of the areas learned in Module 1 was how to customize the Word toolbar. Why is it important to customize your toolbar? What changes did you make to the toolbar?
(Mdodule 1 )Getting Started with Windows 8 and Creating Documents with Word 2013
Microsoft
®
Office 2013 is a group of software programs designed to help you create documents, collaborate with co-workers, and track and analyze information. You use different Office programs to accomplish specific tasks, such as writing a letter or producing a sales presentation, yet all the programs have a similar look and feel.
The programs in Office are bundled together in a group called a suite. Microsoft
®
Office Word 2013 is used to create any kind of text-based document. Themes are predesigned combinations of color and formatting attributes you can apply and are available in most Office programs. Microsoft
®
Office Excel
®
2013 is used to work with numeric values and make calculations. Microsoft
®
Office PowerPoint
®
2013 is used to create presentations, complete with graphics, transitions, and even a soundtrack. Microsoft
®
Office Access 2013 helps keep track of large amounts of quantitative data.
Because the Office suite programs have a similar interface (look and feel), it is easy to learn the program tools. Office documents are compatible (easy to incorporate or integrate) with one another.
The first step in using an Office program is to open or launch it on the computer. The easiest way to launch a program is to click the Start button on the Windows taskbar or double-click an icon on the desktop. A user interface is a collective term for all the ways you interact with a software program. A file is a stored collection of data. Saving a file enables you to work on a project now and then put it away and work on it again later. Printing can be a simple or complex task. It helps to preview a document to see exactly what a document will look like when it is printed. Each Microsoft
®
Office program allows you to switch among various views of the document windows. A screen capture is a snapshot of your screen.
Microsoft
®
Office Word 2013 is a word processing program that makes it easy to create a variety of professional-looking documents. A word processing program is a software program that includes tools for entering, editing, and formatting text and graphics. The electronic files you create using Word are called documents.
Word Wrap
Those students who learned to type on a typewriter are used to pressing the Return key each time the typewriter carriage approaches the right margin of your paper. Normally, the typewriter bell would "ding," and you would shortly thereafter press the Return key to send the carriage to the start of the next line. Break that habit!
When using a word processing program like Microsoft
®
Word, the word wrap feature will automatically position the insertion point at the beginning of the next line whenever the inse.
11. As you can see, development is better understood by examining bo.docxChereCoble417
11. As you can see, development is better understood by examining both human welfare and economic dimensions. Answer the following question in a one page response (at least two paragraphs) and submit it via the link to Project 2 on Blackboard. (10 points)
What are the long-term ramifications for a society investing heavily in economic production at the expense of human welfare investment?
For two people, so it has to be diffrent papers?
.
100 AccurateWeek 2 Wiley Plus Quiz Study GuideACC561.docxChereCoble417
100% Accurate
Week 2 Wiley Plus Quiz Study Guide
ACC/561
September 1, 2015
Question 1
The relationship between current assets and current liabilities is important in evaluating a company's
Question 2
Which of the following is a measure of liquidity?
Question 3
Current assets divided by current liabilities is known as the
Question 4
Danner Corporation reported net sales of $600,000, $680,000, and $800,000 in the years 2011, 2012, and 2013, respectively. If 2011 is the base year, what percentage do 2013 sales represent of the base?
.
100-250 words for each response.1An international team was.docxChereCoble417
100-250 words for each response.
1
An international team was gathered to discuss how funding should be spent to eliminate human infections. There is only enough funding to eliminate one disease. How would the scientists go about choosing the next disease to be eliminated from the planet? Which one should it be?
2
Infections with hepatitis B and hepatitis C viruses usually take years, even decades, before visible signs of hepatitis manifest themselves. Epidemiological, how does it influenza our ability to track such diseases in a population and prevent transmissions?
3
How are computer viruses similar to biological viruses? Are computer viruses alive? Why or why not?
.
100-200 words, in college writing, information search via internet a.docxChereCoble417
100-200 words, in college writing, information search via internet and in APA reference.
The Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act mandated that hospitals use CPT to report outpatient services. Why? What are the differences between ICD-10 (or ICD-9-CM) and CPT? Why was CPT even created?
.
100 ACCURACYNEEDED in 30MINS to 1HRQuestion1.Sugar al.docxChereCoble417
100% ACCURACY
NEEDED in 30MINS to 1HR
Question
1.
Sugar alcohols are likely to be found in:
a.
b.
c.
d.
2.
An example of a meal or snack that contains complementary proteins is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
3.
The second most common type of malnutrition worldwide is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
4.
A type of exercise that is considered to be aerobic for amateur athletes is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
5.
Home-canned foods should be boiled for 10 minutes before eating to help prevent:
a.
b.
c.
d.
6.
Potent environmental carcinogens include:
a.
b.
c.
d.
7.
The fetal origins hypothesis supports the idea that nutrition during gestation may affect:
a.
b.
c.
d.
8.
The kidney structure that is responsible for filtering the blood is the:
a.
b.
c.
d.
9.
Older adults have lower energy requirements than younger adults because they have:
a.
b.
c.
d.
10.
A characteristic clinical symptom of gallbladder inflammation or gallstones is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
11.
A severe tyramine reaction may cause a crisis due to:
a.
b.
c.
d.
12.
A nutrient that delays gastric emptying time, thereby creating more optimal saturation rates for drug absorption is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
13.
One effect of impaired blood circulation through the liver caused by fibrous tissue is the development of:
a.
b.
c.
d.
14.
A factor that influences the protein needs of older adults is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
15.
One way in which oral hypoglycemic drugs act to lower elevated blood glucose levels is by:
a.
b.
c.
d.
16.
It is important that energy needs in pregnancy are met so that:
a.
b.
c.
d.
17.
Cancer generally begins with disruptions in:
a.
b.
c.
d.
18.
Three key concepts included in the total diet approach to improving nutrient intake are:
a.
b.
c.
d.
19.
Foods and drugs used to enhance athletic performance are known as:
a.
b.
c.
d.
20.
A major benefit of fluoride is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
21.
Pepsinogen secreted by the gastric cells is converted into pepsin by:
a.
b.
c.
d.
22.
In the colon, resistant starch is digested by:
a.
b.
c.
d.
23.
A food choice equivalent to one serving from the Protein group of MyPlate is:
a.
b.
c.
d.
24.
Synthesis of protein is governed by:
a.
b.
c.
d.
25.
The effect of trans fatty acids on blood cholesterol is similar to that of:
a.
b.
c.
d.
26.
Physiologic functions of potassium include:
a.
b.
c.
d.
27.
Aerobic capacity is the greatest in a person with:
a.
b.
c.
d.
28.
Important functions of food additives include:
a.
b.
c.
d.
29.
Patients who undergo pancreatectomy are likely to develop:
a.
b.
c.
d.
30.
A special therapeutic diet may be modified in:
a.
b.
c.
d.
31.
Preschool children often prefer foods that are:
a.
b.
c.
d.
32.
Drugs that can depress appetite include:
a.
b.
c.
d.
33.
Subjective global assessment relies on information from:
a.
b.
c.
d.
34.
Diagnosis of celiac disease is confirmed using:
a.
b.
c.
d.
35.
Entitlement programs include:
a.
b.
c.
d.
36.
Risk of b.
10.2The cost of providing public services at a local hospital ha.docxChereCoble417
10.2
The cost of providing public services at a local hospital has been scrutinized by manage- ment. Although these services are used as marketing tools for the hospital, the cost and availability of scarce resources require their optimal allocation while minimizing costs. Two popular programs being assessed for this purpose are “Family Planning” (FP) and “Health-Drive-Screenings” (HDS); their costs to the hospital for each offering are $200 and $400, respectively. The health care manager in charge of operations found three common patterns of resource consumption for each of these services and the available resources, shown in Table EX 10.2.
.
100 AccurateWeek 4 Wiley Plus Quiz Study GuideACC561.docxChereCoble417
100% Accurate
Week 4 Wiley Plus Quiz Study Guide
ACC/561
September 1, 2015
Question 1
A variable cost is a cost that
Question 2
An increase in the level of activity will have the following effects on unit costs for variable and fixed costs:
Question 3
A fixed cost is a cost which
Question 4
Hollis Industries produces flash drives for computers, which it sells for $20 each. Each flash drive costs $14 of variable costs to make. During April, 1,000 drives were sold. Fixed costs for March were $2 per unit for a total of $1,000 for the month. How much is the contribution margin ratio?
.
10.Which standard C++ library function allows you to compare two.docxChereCoble417
10.
Which standard C++ library function allows you to compare two strings?
11.
What is the ASCII collating sequence?
12.
Which standard C++ library function allows you to paste one string onto the end of another? What must you be careful of when using this function?
13. What header file must you include to use the standard library character classification functions?
14.
Name as many of the character classification functions as you can and what they are used for.
15.
What are the character conversion functions?
16.
What are the numeric conversion functions and what does each do? Which header file must
you include to use them?
17.
What is meant by dynamic memory allocation?
18.
What is the heap? How does heap storage differ from static and automatic storage?
19.
How can you allocate memory from the heap? How can you deallocate memory from the heap?
.
10 Things to Know About the Psychology of CultsBoth terrifying a.docxChereCoble417
10 Things to Know About the Psychology of Cults
Both terrifying and utterly fascinating, cults have a tendency to capture the attention of just about everyone. Questions abound: Where do these people come from? What are they really doing inside those secluded compounds? Most interesting, perhaps, are the psychological components of cult life, questions such as: Who in the world would fall for that? In an effort to answer these questions and more, we’ve listed 10 things to know about the psychology of cults.
Cults are attractive because they promote an illusion of comfort.
Humans desire comfort, and in a fearful and uncertain world many turn to cults because they tend to promote exactly that. Jon-Patrik Pedersen, a psychologist at CalTech, has pointed out that cult leaders often make promises that are totally unattainable, but also offered by no other group in society. Such things might include financial security, total health, constant peace of mind, and eternal life — the things every human desires at the deepest level.
Cults satisfy the human desire for absolute answers.
Today’s world is a tough one, with more abstract issues than there are issues that are black and white. As Dr. Adrian Furnham describes in
Psychology Today
, humans crave clarity. Many people join cults because they believe they’re being offered solid, absolute answers for questions such as good vs. evil, religion, the meaning of life, politics, etc. Many cult leaders promote messages that are simple and seem to make sense, the exact opposite of what we’re often provided with in typical, everyday life.
Those with low self-esteem are more likely to be persuaded by a cult environment.
People are often surprised to learn that those who join cults are, for the most part, average people. They come from all backgrounds, all zip codes, and all tax brackets. But research done in the past two decades has found an interesting pattern: many people successfully recruited by cults are said to have low self-esteem. Cults generally do not look to recruit those with certain handicaps or clinical depression. However, people with low self-esteem are easier to break down, then build back up in an effort to teach them that the cult is the supportive environment they’re looking for.
New recruits are “love bombed.”
Once people have been recruited by a cult, they are often “love bombed.” This odd phrase is commonly used to describe the ways in which someone with low self-esteem is consistently flattered, complimented, and seduced in order to train their brain to associate the cult with love and acceptance.
Women are more likely than men to join a cult.
According to various research, women make up a whopping 70% of cult members around the globe. Psychologists have different ideas about why more women than men join cults. Dr. David Bromley of Virginia Commonwealth University points out that women simply attend more social gatherings, either religious or otherwise. This makes wom.
10 pages double spaced paper about the religion in Cuba. How was rel.docxChereCoble417
10 pages double spaced paper about the religion in Cuba. How was religion under Bautista? How did it change when Castro took charge? Why do Cuban practice santeria? Where is catholicism in Cuba now? The body should include what you ave discovered, its implications, and consequences. Explain why the topic is worth sharing and what we appreciate?
.
10-12 slides with 100-150 words per slideThe CEO heard about your .docxChereCoble417
10-12 slides with 100-150 words per slide
The CEO heard about your lunchtime discussion with the supervisors and managers when metrics were discussed. He would like you to help him prepare a PowerPoint presentation that he could use at the next board of directors meeting to link the day-to-day new metrics you suggested using to the bigger picture metrics that CEOs, CFOs and Board members would better relate to.
Create a presentation using the following format:
10 to 12 PowerPoint slides
Eye-catching graphics, clip art, and charts
A minimum of 100 to 150 words per slide of speaker notes
Content should include the following:
Specifically describe the linkage between the following pairs of metrics (Note: In each pair, the first metric is the kind of measurement the supervisors and managers would monitor and be evaluated on, and the second is the bigger picture metric the CEO, CFO, and board of directors may monitor.):
Dollar amount of WIP inventory:
Return On Assets
(
ROA
)
Order lead time to customers: Cash flow requirements or cash conversion cycle
Cycle time:
Return On Assets
(
ROA
)
Changeover time: Inventory turn
Inventory turn: Profit
For each pair, describe how a meaningful change in the first metric will impact the second metric.
.
1. Kaplan argues that the polarity structure or configuration of th.docxChereCoble417
1. Kaplan argues that the polarity structure or configuration of the international system influences or constrains the actions of large and small states. Do you agree with his assertion? If so how, if not why not?
2. The
issues of preserving and enhancing the biosphere and the role of humans in. How has the international community sought creating or exacerbating these issues pose a significant problem for the international community to address these issues and why have these issues proven so difficult to address?
3. What factors are most important in causing political actors to resort to terrorism? What options do the nations of the world have to address the problem of terrorism and which of these options do you believe to be most effective and why?
.
1. How long is a RIFS A. 2 microsecondsB. .docxChereCoble417
1.
How long is a RIFS?
A. 2 microseconds
B. 10 microseconds
C. 16 microseconds
D. 9 microseconds
2. What guard interval is used with 64-QAM by 802.11n HT devices to reach 600 Mbps data rates?
A. 800 ns
B. 200 ns
C. 100 ns
D. 400 ns
3. When two RF signals on the same frequency arrive at a receiver at the exact same time and their peaks and valleys are in alignment, what is true about these signals? (choose all that apply)
A. They are 180 degrees out of phase
B. They are 90 degrees out of phase
C. They have 0 degrees of separation
D. They are in phase
4. What is the cause of Free Space Path Loss?
A. Beam Reflection
B. Beam Absorption
C. Beam Diffraction
D. Beam Divergence
5. Which of the following are units of power?
A. dBi
B. Watt
C. Milliwatt
D. dBd
E. dBm
6. A single milliwatt = 0 decibels of change.
A. True
B. False
7. Which of the following increase amplitude?
A. Lightning arrestors
B. RF Cables
C. Pig tail adaptors
D. Antennae
E. Amplifiers
8. More than 40% blockage in the Fresnel Zone will not impede an RF link.
A. True
B. False
9. Which of the following describes a behavior of waves?
A. Frequency
B. Phase
C. Modulation
D. Amplitude
10. Phase is a standard measurement of RF wave size.
A. True
B. False
11. In an ERP 802.11 network, there are two mandated spread spectrum technologies.
A. True
B. False
12. ERP-OFDM stations can not connect with OFDM AP’s because the use different __________.
A. Contention methods
B. Modulation techniques
C. Frequencies
D. Coordination functions
13. Which data rates are supported by PBCC?
A. 6, 12, and 24 Mbps
B. 36, 48 and 54 Mbps
C. 1, 2, 5.5 and 11 Mbps
D. 22 and 33 Mbps
E. 1, 2, 5.5, 11, 22, and 33 Mbps
14. How many adjacent non-overlapping channels may be used in the same physical area using the 2.4 GHz spectrum?
A. 14
B. 11
C. 6
D. 3
15. The area of coverage provided by an AP is called which of the following?
A. BSS
B. ESS
C. BSA
D. WLAN
16. The function of an AP is most closely related to which wired networking device?
A. A Switch
B. A Hub
C. A router
D. A firewall
17. What is the largest channel size possible with 802.11ac?
A. 40 MHz
B. 80 MHz
C. 120 MHz
D. 160 MHz
18. What is required for stations to use 256-QAM?
A. they must have a firmware upgrade
B. there can be no more then 2 stations
C. they must be very close to the AP.
Francesca Gottschalk - How can education support child empowerment.pptxEduSkills OECD
Francesca Gottschalk from the OECD’s Centre for Educational Research and Innovation presents at the Ask an Expert Webinar: How can education support child empowerment?
Read| The latest issue of The Challenger is here! We are thrilled to announce that our school paper has qualified for the NATIONAL SCHOOLS PRESS CONFERENCE (NSPC) 2024. Thank you for your unwavering support and trust. Dive into the stories that made us stand out!
Honest Reviews of Tim Han LMA Course Program.pptxtimhan337
Personal development courses are widely available today, with each one promising life-changing outcomes. Tim Han’s Life Mastery Achievers (LMA) Course has drawn a lot of interest. In addition to offering my frank assessment of Success Insider’s LMA Course, this piece examines the course’s effects via a variety of Tim Han LMA course reviews and Success Insider comments.
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
In Odoo, the multi-company feature allows you to manage multiple companies within a single Odoo database instance. Each company can have its own configurations while still sharing common resources such as products, customers, and suppliers.
June 3, 2024 Anti-Semitism Letter Sent to MIT President Kornbluth and MIT Cor...Levi Shapiro
Letter from the Congress of the United States regarding Anti-Semitism sent June 3rd to MIT President Sally Kornbluth, MIT Corp Chair, Mark Gorenberg
Dear Dr. Kornbluth and Mr. Gorenberg,
The US House of Representatives is deeply concerned by ongoing and pervasive acts of antisemitic
harassment and intimidation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Failing to act decisively to ensure a safe learning environment for all students would be a grave dereliction of your responsibilities as President of MIT and Chair of the MIT Corporation.
This Congress will not stand idly by and allow an environment hostile to Jewish students to persist. The House believes that your institution is in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, and the inability or
unwillingness to rectify this violation through action requires accountability.
Postsecondary education is a unique opportunity for students to learn and have their ideas and beliefs challenged. However, universities receiving hundreds of millions of federal funds annually have denied
students that opportunity and have been hijacked to become venues for the promotion of terrorism, antisemitic harassment and intimidation, unlawful encampments, and in some cases, assaults and riots.
The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism. Investigations into campus antisemitism by the Committee on Education and the Workforce and the Committee on Ways and Means have been expanded into a Congress-wide probe across all relevant jurisdictions to address this national crisis. The undersigned Committees will conduct oversight into the use of federal funds at MIT and its learning environment under authorities granted to each Committee.
• The Committee on Education and the Workforce has been investigating your institution since December 7, 2023. The Committee has broad jurisdiction over postsecondary education, including its compliance with Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, campus safety concerns over disruptions to the learning environment, and the awarding of federal student aid under the Higher Education Act.
• The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is investigating the sources of funding and other support flowing to groups espousing pro-Hamas propaganda and engaged in antisemitic harassment and intimidation of students. The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is the principal oversight committee of the US House of Representatives and has broad authority to investigate “any matter” at “any time” under House Rule X.
• The Committee on Ways and Means has been investigating several universities since November 15, 2023, when the Committee held a hearing entitled From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners: Investigating the Nexus Between Antisemitism, Tax-Exempt Universities, and Terror Financing. The Committee followed the hearing with letters to those institutions on January 10, 202
Welcome to TechSoup New Member Orientation and Q&A (May 2024).pdfTechSoup
In this webinar you will learn how your organization can access TechSoup's wide variety of product discount and donation programs. From hardware to software, we'll give you a tour of the tools available to help your nonprofit with productivity, collaboration, financial management, donor tracking, security, and more.
Safalta Digital marketing institute in Noida, provide complete applications that encompass a huge range of virtual advertising and marketing additives, which includes search engine optimization, virtual communication advertising, pay-per-click on marketing, content material advertising, internet analytics, and greater. These university courses are designed for students who possess a comprehensive understanding of virtual marketing strategies and attributes.Safalta Digital Marketing Institute in Noida is a first choice for young individuals or students who are looking to start their careers in the field of digital advertising. The institute gives specialized courses designed and certification.
for beginners, providing thorough training in areas such as SEO, digital communication marketing, and PPC training in Noida. After finishing the program, students receive the certifications recognised by top different universitie, setting a strong foundation for a successful career in digital marketing.
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Operation “Blue Star” is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
Digital Artifact 2 - Investigating Pavilion Designs
Bolsonaro and Brazils Illiberal Backlash Wendy Hunter, Timo
1. Bolsonaro and Brazil's Illiberal Backlash
Wendy Hunter, Timothy J. Power
Journal of Democracy, Volume 30, Number 1, January 2019, pp.
68-82 (Article)
Published by Johns Hopkins University Press
DOI:
For additional information about this article
Access provided at 11 Apr 2019 16:33 GMT from University of
Toronto Library
https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0005
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/713723
https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0005
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/713723
Bolsonaro and Brazil’s
illiBeral Backlash
Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power
Wendy Hunter is professor of government at the University of
Texas at
Austin. Her works include The Transformation of the Workers’
Party
in Brazil, 1989–2009 (2010). Timothy J. Power is head of the
2. Oxford
School of Global and Area Studies and professor of Latin
American
politics at the University of Oxford. Most recently, he is
coauthor of
Coalitional Presidentialism in Comparative Perspective:
Minority Presi-
dents in Multiparty Systems (2018).
On 28 October 2018, Brazilian voters delivered a sweeping
victory
to presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro, putting the far -right
populist
at the helm of the world’s fourth-largest democracy. After a
raucous
campaign in which the former army captain demonized his
political op-
ponents and promised to save the country from total ruin,
Bolsonaro
handed a stinging defeat to the left-leaning Workers’ Party
(PT), which
had governed Brazil from 2003 to 2016. Social media, along
with net-
works of Pentecostal churches, helped to disseminate
Bolsonaro’s in-
cendiary messages and organize his broad multiclass following.
After nearly clinching the presidency in the October 7 first
round
with over 46 percent of valid votes, Bolsonaro received 55.13
percent of
the vote in the runoff (see Table on p. 70). The remaining 44.87
percent
went to PT candidate Fernando Haddad—a last-minute
substitute during
the first round for popular former president Luiz Inácio Lula da
4. legis-
lative backbencher caught many by surprise. Brazilian
presidential elec-
tions since 1994 had been marked by a virtual duopoly, with the
left-
leaning PT and the center-right Party of Brazilian Social
Democracy
(PSDB) as the predictable finalists. Taken together, these two
parties
consistently won between 70 and 90 percent of the vote. The
three presi-
dents elected in this period—Fernando Henrique Cardoso
(1995–2003)
of the PSDB, followed by Lula (2003–11) and his chosen
successor
Dilma Rousseff (2011–16) from the PT—had all won second
terms in
office, lending an air of seeming stability to party politics.
Yet viewed in the context of the multiple crises afflicting Brazil
since
2013, travails for which Brazilians widely blame the
establishment par-
ties, the Bolsonaro backlash begins to make sense. The once-
formidable
PT, which had won four consecutive presidential contests, was
blamed
for the serious downturn in the economy after 2013; the massive
corrup-
tion scheme uncovered since 2014 by the Lava Jato
investigation; and
the unprecedented levels of crime on the streets of Brazil. Lula,
the PT’s
standard-bearer since 1980, might have been able to overcome
these
inauspicious circumstances and carry the day. In fact, he was
5. the front-
runner in the polls until being disqualified at the end of August
2018 due
to his corruption conviction. His popularity as a candidate,
however, de-
pended critically on his strong base of personal support
(lulismo), which
was much broader than partisan support for the PT (petismo).1
With Lula
out of the mix, all the PT’s “baggage,” together with its choice
to nomi-
nate Lula’s understudy at the eleventh hour, ultimately left the
party
unable to draw enough center-left support to elect Fernando
Haddad.2
At the same time, overwhelming popular rejection of incumbent
president Michel Temer tainted the two major center-right
parties as-
sociated with his government: the PSDB and Temer’s own
Brazilian
Democratic Movement (MDB, known until December 2017 as
the Par-
ty of the Brazilian Democratic Movement, or PMDB). Temer,
Rous-
seff’s vice-president from 2011 to 2016, assumed the presidency
in the
wake of her controversial impeachment. His ongoing and
unsuccessful
struggle to turn around the economy, defend himself against
charges
of malfeasance, and control crime in Brazil’s major cities kept
his
approval ratings low and discredited the parties that supported
him.
It did not help that the PSDB nominated as its candidate a bland
6. es-
tablishment figure, four-term S~ao Paulo governor Geraldo
Alckmin
(who had lost badly to Lula in 2006). In the 2018 first round,
Alckmin
took less than five percent of the vote, while MDB candidate
Hen-
rique Meirelles, a former finance minister who ran on Temer’s
record,
barely topped one percent. With the implosion of the MDB and
PSDB,
70 Journal of Democracy
a broad political space from the center to the far right became
vulner-
able to a hostile takeover.
Bolsonaro seized the opportunity with gusto, sounding a “law
and
order” and anticorruption message that resonated strongly with
the pub-
lic. His emphasis on his role in the army under Brazil’s former
military
dictatorship (1964–85) enhanced his credibility as a strong
leader who
would come down hard on crime. In a country in which one out
of three
members of Congress was under either indictment or
investigation for
criminal activity, Bolsonaro’s previous political insignificance
proved a
boon: Never having held (or even run for) executive office or
party leader-
7. ship had shielded him from opportunities to reap the fruits of
corruption.
And while Bolsonaro offered little tangible proof of his
professed com-
mitment to open markets (much less his qualifications to preside
over
a major economy), Brazil’s business community—at first
dubious about
the candidate’s purported free-market conversion—later swung
behind
him when faced with the binary choice between Bolsonaro and
the return
of the statist PT. In the end, the meteoric rise of Brazil’s next
president
was made possible by a combination of fundamental background
condi-
tions (economic recession, corruption, and crime), political
contingencies
(most notably, the weakness of rival candidates), and a shakeup
in cam-
paign dynamics produced by the strategic use of social media.
A Multidimensional Crisis
What we refer to as a “perfect storm” in Brazil broke due to at
least
four simultaneous crises: an economic crisis caused by a
prolonged re-
cession, a political crisis of rising polarization and falling trust
in estab-
lished parties, a corruption crisis brought to the fore by the
Lava Jato
investigation, and the deterioration of an already dismal public -
security
environment. Taken together, these four crises led to a plunge
not only
8. in government legitimacy—with the Temer administration
growing
Candidate (Party) 1st Round Runoff
Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) 46.03 55.13
Fernando Haddad (PT) 29.28 44.87
ciro Gomes (PdT) 12.47 –
Geraldo alckmin (PsdB) 4.76 –
Jo~ao amoedo (novo) 2.50 –
cabo daciolo (Patriota) 1.26 –
henrique Meirelles (MdB) 1.20 –
Marina silva (rede) 1.00 –
other candidates (5) 1.50 –
Totals 100.00 100.00
Table—brazil’s 2018 PresidenTial-elecTion resulTs
(% of Valid VoTes)
Source: Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, http://www.tse.jus.br.
71Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power
MaP—brazil
BoliVia
MaTo
Grosso
MaTo Grosso
do sUl
rio Grande
do sUl
11. rio de Janiero
ATLANTIC
OCEAN
PAC.
OCEAN
massively unpopular over 2017–18—but in regime legitimacy as
well.
Since 1985, Brazilian democracy had had its ups and downs, but
never
before had it performed so poorly for so long.3
The brutal recession spanning the Rousseff administration and
Temer
interregnum followed a protracted expansion of the Brazilian
economy
between 2004 and 2013. This growth was driven by the
international
commodities boom and buoyed by new domestic stimuli such as
higher
minimum wages and the advent of Bolsa Família (a family-
welfare initia-
tive that has become the world’s largest conditional cash-
transfer pro-
gram). The clouds began to darken in 2014, with the economic
slowdown
threatening Rousseff’s reelection bid that year. She eventually
prevailed
by a margin of 3.28 percentage points over the PSDB’s Aécio
Neves, but
had the election been held even a few weeks later, the sharply
worsening
economic indicators could have changed the outcome. Even
then, hardly
12. anyone foresaw what was coming next: the worst recession in
Brazilian
history. Over the next two years, nearly 8 percent of Brazil’s
GDP—a sum
almost equal to the entire GDP of Peru—vanished into thin air.
Rousseff’s
belated appointment of pro-austerity finance minister Joaquim
Levy (who
lasted eleven months in office) came too late to stop the
bleeding. By
2017, Temer’s first full year in office, misery was widespread.
Unemploy-
ment had increased to a record 12.7 percent and
underemployment af-
fected an additional 23.8 percent of the economically active
population.4
72 Journal of Democracy
The end of the recession in 2017 was an imperceptible
technicality, with
the economy expanding less than 1 percent in that year.
Eroding support for the Rousseff government had been evident
even
before the full onset of economic contraction. In June 2013,
street
marches originating in opposition to a fare hike for S~ao Paulo
public
transportation morphed into a nationwide protest movement that
is-
sued demands of all types, but focused mainly on corruption and
the
poor quality of public services. Although diffuse and
13. disorganized,
the protests put Rousseff on defense. They also revealed two
emerg-
ing trends: 1) a deepening sentiment of rejection and hostility
toward
the PT (known colloquially as antipetismo);5 and 2) the
presence of a
small but visible far-right fringe openly expressing nostalgia for
the “or-
der” and “clean government” of the military dictatorship. Both
these
trends would drive demonstrators to the streets again in 2016,
when
Rousseff was impeached on charges of violating federal
budgetary laws.
Against a backdrop of full-blown recession and daily street
protests,
Rousseff’s large and heterogeneous cross-party alliance in
Congress—
sure-footedly assembled by her mentor Lula a decade earlier—
quickly
fell apart. Legislators paid little heed to Rousseff’s legal
defense, and
moved quickly to oust her: She was forced to relinquish the
government
to Vice-President Temer (PMDB) in May 2016 and was finally
con-
victed and removed from office in August. The PT and the left
viewed
Rousseff’s removal as a golpe (parliamentary coup d’état) and
Temer’s
successor government as illegitimate.
1.14
15. 4
6
8
Lula
Dilma Temer
Dilma/
Temer
figure 1—brazilian gdP growTh, 2003–19 (%)
Sources: Data for 2003–17 are from the World Bank
(data.worldbank.org). Data for
2018 and 2019 are projections made in September 2018 by the
Central Bank of Brazil
(www.bcb.gov.br).
Projected
73Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power
The sharp rise in political polarization between 2013 and 2016
was vis-
ible at both the mass and elite levels. Street protests dominated
the nation’s
TV screens, and Rousseff’s impeachment—featuring a naked
intracoali-
tional betrayal led by Temer—showed the political class at its
worst. As
Temer prepared to serve out the final two-and-a-half years of
16. Rousseff’s
second term, the political atmosphere could hardly have been
more toxic.
The daily revelations from Lava Jato, the largest corruption
investiga-
tion in the world, added fuel to the fire. Lava Jato initially
focused on mon-
ey laundering through auto-service stations. As the operation
expanded,
however, investigators stumbled onto a much larger bribery and
kickback
scheme involving rigged bids by leading construction firms for
contracts
with Petrobras, Brazil’s national oil giant, and the recycling
into illegal
campaign donations of the profits these firms made by
overcharging. In its
first four years (2014–18), Lava Jato produced nearly one-
thousand arrest
warrants and 125 convictions, with the guilty verdicts falling on
politicians
and private businesspeople alike. Although the investigation
ensnared pol-
iticians from fourteen different political parties (including
Eduardo Cunha,
a powerful former PMDB speaker of the lower house), many of
the most
important names were linked to the PT. Lava Jato led to the
jailing of sev-
eral past PT party presidents and treasurers before finally
reaching former
president Lula himself, who was sentenced in 2017 to nine years
in prison
for accepting a bribe in the form of a beachfront apartment from
the con-
17. struction firm OAS. This initial sentence was increased to
twelve years by
a regional court in early 2018 and was later upheld by the
Supreme Court.
Lula’s unsuccessful legal appeals were front-page news
throughout 2018,
and his eventual exclusion from the presidential race may have
changed
the course of history. Yet Lava Jato’s impact on the election
was not sim-
ply a “legal” question: Revelations of pervasive corruption
hardened both
antiestablishment and (fairly or not) antipetista sentiment
within the elec-
torate, eventually working to Bolsonaro’s advantage.
Finally, alarming levels of violent crime and public insecurity
were
pivotal to the outcome of the 2018 campaign. In 2017,
seventeen of the
fifty most violent cities in the world were in Brazil.6 The
preponderance
of these were located in the country’s north or northeast and
formed part
of drug transit routes. In that same year, 63,880 people were
murdered in
Brazil, up 3 percent from 2016, and the murder rate was 30.8
per 100,000
people—a figure that compares unfavorably even with homicide
rates in
Mexico.7 That everyday policing is largely a state-level
responsibility in
Brazil’s federal system, and not within the purview of
presidents except in
emergency situations, was an academic point in the minds of
most voters.
18. Heightened fear of crime cut across socioeconomic as well as
ideological
lines, giving Bolsonaro another opportunity to build broad
political sup-
port. In truth, his hard-line “eye for an eye” discourse,
combined with the
view that human rights must be subordinated to public safety,
was nothing
new: Bolsonaro had virtually “owned” this policy space since
the 1990s.
74 Journal of Democracy
In the tense climate of 2018, however, such appeals struck a
chord
with the electorate. Affluent sectors were drawn to the “l aw and
order”
candidate despite their ability to afford private security
measures such
as armed guards, armored vehicles, and gated communities.
Poorer seg-
ments, who not only lack access to such options but also
typically reside
in areas of greater crime, sought credible promises of protection
as well.
The widespread view that recent governments had failed to keep
the pub-
lic safe strengthened the appeal of a candidate who openly
advertised his
willingness to combat crime by restricting due process,
lowering the age
at which defendants could be charged as adults, loosening gun
laws, and
giving the police more autonomy as well as greater firepower.
19. These four simultaneous crises took a heavy toll on support for
both
the government and the regime. Latinobarómetro, an annual
survey
of citizens in eighteen Latin American countries, found that
Brazil’s
government had the lowest approval rating of any among this
group in
2017 and 2018.8 In both years, only 6 percent of respondents
said they
approved of the incumbent government (compared, for instance,
to 18
percent in Mexico and 22 percent in El Salvador). Figures for
regime le-
gitimacy are similar. In 2018 Brazil came in dead last in Latin
America
in levels of satisfaction with the performance of democracy.
Only 9 per-
cent of those surveyed reported being satisfied, a drop of 40
percentage
points when compared to 2010, the final year of Lula’s
government. As
Figure 2 suggests, 2015 was an inflection point in Brazilians’
support
for democracy: The number of respondents who agreed that
“Democ-
racy is preferable to any other system of government” started to
fall,
while the view that “For people like me, it doesn’t matter
whether we
have a democratic government or an authoritarian one” began
gaining in
popularity. Although Brazil has routinely ranked comparatively
low in
the region in satisfaction with democracy as measured by these
20. indica-
tors, the downward trend and the current absolute level of
indifference
and even skepticism toward democracy are alarming. Needless
to say,
this situation bodes poorly for the chances of strong action by
ordinary
Brazilians to defend democratic norms under the next president,
whose
illiberal inclinations have been hidden in plain sight for thirty
years.
Enter Bolsonaro
Prior to his spectacular presidential victory, Jair Messias
Bolsonaro
was neither an outsider nor an insider in Brazilian politics.
After sixteen
years as a cadet and paratrooper in the army, from which he
retired as a
captain, Bolsonaro was first elected to the Rio de Janeiro City
Council
in 1988. His original platform was mostly limited to improving
military
salaries and advocating for military families and veterans.
Beginning in
1990, he was elected to seven consecutive terms as a federal
congressman
from the State of Rio de Janeiro, with his campaign rhetoric
gradually
75Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power
broadening to encompass a comprehensive far-right agenda. His
21. victories
were consistently comfortable due to Brazil’s use of open-list
proportional
representation with a high number of representatives per district
(Rio has
46 seats in the lower house), a system that is friendly to niche
candidates
with strong personal followings. During this period Bolsonaro
appeared
acutely aware of his narrow base: He never attempted to run in
a majori-
tarian election, such as those for mayor, governor, senator, or
president.
Although this longtime officeholder was not truly an outsider,
Bolso-
naro’s fringe status in national legislative politics meant that he
was not
much of an insider either. In the 1990s and 2000s, Bolsonaro
became a
well-known though irrelevant backbencher, building a
reputation as a
gaffe-prone extremist and a cartoonish foil for the left. His
ability to
provoke opponents and generate controversy was the stuff of
legend,
and even led to legal cases against him. In 1999, Bolsonaro
called for
President Fernando Henrique Cardoso to be shot by firing squad
as a
punishment for privatizations. Loud and intempera te, he
insulted his
legislative colleagues on a regular basis. He infamously stated
that PT
congresswoman Maria do Rosário Nunes was “not worth
raping.” In a
23. 40
45
50
55
60
Democracy always preferable
Under some circumstances, authoritarianism
For people like me, doesn't matter
figure 2—PoPular suPPorT for deMocracy in brazil, 1995–2018
(Three-year MoVing aVerage, %)
Note: Response options were “Democracy is preferable to any
other system of government”;
“Under some circumstances, an authoritarian government might
be preferable to a democratic
one”; and “For people like me, it doesn’t matter whether we
have a democratic government
or an authoritarian one.” Each annual value corresponds to the
average of that year and the
previous two years.
Source: www.latinobarometro.org.
76 Journal of Democracy
2011 interview with Playboy, Bolsonaro said that he “would be
24. inca-
pable of loving a homosexual son” and would prefer that his son
“died in
an accident” before “show(ing) up with some bloke with a
moustache.”
In 2017, he claimed that quilombolas
(residents of communities formed by de-
scendants of escaped slaves) were “not
even good enough for procreation.” On
national television during the 2016 im-
peachment of Dilma Rousseff, a feverish
Bolsonaro dedicated his vote to the army
intelligence officer who oversaw her tor-
ture when she was a political prisoner in
1970. The list goes on and on.9
It is tempting to write off Bolsonaro’s
behavior as that of an unhinged provo-
cateur, but over time he acquired both a
highly committed following and a degree
of influence among the broader electorate. His longtime view
that human-
rights activists “only defend the rights of criminals,” however
ludicrous, is
overwhelmingly endorsed by the Brazilian public.10 His
nostalgia for the
1964–85 military regime began to gain traction among voters
clamoring for
safer streets and an end to corruption, finding particular
resonance among
those too young to be able to compare life under
authoritarianism with their
experiences of democracy. Moreover, Bolsonaro’s crude and
inflammatory
25. speech during Rousseff’s impeachment—which lasted less than
two min-
utes—put him in the public eye at the perfect time, allowing
him to surf the
wave of rising anti-PT sentiment in the run-up to the 2018
election. Thanks
to Bolsonaro’s legions of followers on social media (to whom
he is known
as O Mito, or “The Legend”), even those voters who had
previously tried to
ignore Bolsonaro could not escape his growing national
presence.
A full year before the 2018 election, Bolsonaro was already
boasting
15 to 20 percent support in opinion polls. He and Lula were the
only
strong candidates in so-called “spontaneous mention” polling
(in which
respondents are asked how they intend to vote without initially
being pro-
vided with the names of parties or candidates), showing the
motivation
and enthusiasm of their respective voter bases. Much like
Donald Trump
(another perennial noncandidate) in the United States two years
earlier,
Bolsonaro read the public mood well and chose the right year in
which to
finally throw his hat in the ring. He accepted the nomination of
the mi-
nuscule PSL, over which he knew he would have full
operational control.
During the convention season in May and June, no major party
nominated
a novel or appealing candidate who could challenge Bolsonaro
26. from the
center-right. On the left, Lula, far more popular than his
wounded PT,
continued to lead in all major polls right up until his removal
from the
race. Under these circumstances, Bolsonaro’s easiest path to the
presi-
Bolsonaro’s easiest
path to the presidency
lay in a runoff election
in which he would
face a candidate from
the weakened PT—but
not Lula himself. This
is exactly the scenario
he got.
77Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power
dency lay in a runoff election in which he would face a
candidate from the
weakened PT—but not Lula himself. This is exactly the scenario
he got.
Bolsonaro’s actual participation in campaign activities was
minimal.
After going to two televised debates during the first round, he
was stabbed
in the lower abdomen while being carried on the shoulders of
supporters
in Juiz de Fora on September 6.11 Narrowly escaping death, he
underwent
several operations and never returned to the campaign trail (in a
27. first for
Brazil, there were no debates in the runoff election). The
massive media
attention given to the assassination attempt—a “hard news”
event that fell
outside the purview of normal government regulation of
candidate access
to TV and radio—helped to consolidate Bolsonaro’s position as
the lead-
ing anti-PT candidate. With the final exclusion of Lula on
September 11
and his understudy Haddad’s ascent to second place in the polls,
the bi-
nary choice facing voters became clear, and Bolsonaro was able
to secure
support from an even wider swath of anti-PT voters.
Polling during the runoff campaign showed that he had
solidified
many of his strengths and limited some of his earlier
weaknesses. By
October 2018, Bolsonaro—long perceived as a misogynist—
even man-
aged to narrow the yawning gender gap that had plagued him
throughout
the year. The four best predictors of support for Bolsonaro were
income,
education, religious affiliation, and region of residence.
Bolsonaro won
among all income groups except for the poor and very poor:
Haddad
proved more popular among voters whose monthly earnings
were less
than two times the minimum wage. Not only did Bolsonaro run
away
with the vote of Brazil’s “traditional” middle class (households
28. earning
more than ten times the minimum wage), he also prevailed
among the
so-called “new” middle classes, whose emergence is often
credited to
the economic growth and social-inclusion policies overseen by
the PT.12
Education, which in Brazil is highly correlated with income,
was also
a major factor. Despite Bolsonaro’s frequent contention that
Brazilian
universities are hotbeds of “leftist psychos” (esquerdopatas), he
scored
an overwhelming victory among college graduates.
He also took 70 percent of the votes of Pentecostal Christians,
who
now make up a quarter of the Brazilian electorate. During the
campaign,
tightly organized networks of Pentecostal pastors had provided
a vital
communications channel for Bolsonaro, who has successfully
sought to
attract Brazil’s evangelicals. The new president still describes
himself as
a Catholic, but has an evangelical spouse and attends a Baptist
church; in
2016, he underwent a public baptism in the Jordan River by a
fellow poli-
tician who is an Assemblies of God pastor.13 Finally, patterns
of regional
support were stark. Although he lost the poor northeast to the
PT, Bolso-
naro performed spectacularly in the economically advanced
states of the
south and southeast and in the Federal District (Brasília). He
29. received
68 percent of the vote in Rio de Janeiro and S~ao Paulo, 70
percent in the
Federal District, and 76 percent in Santa Catarina, all areas with
high
78 Journal of Democracy
levels of human development.14 With the exception of the very
poor and
northeasterners, Brazil as a whole went heavily for Bolsonaro.
A Changing Party Landscape
Who were the main casualties of the October 2018 presidential
elec-
tion? Suffering the greatest setbacks were the PT, the PSDB,
and the
party system anchored since 1994 by these rival parties, a
system that
had helped to consolidate Brazilian democracy. Even before the
2018
campaign began, the weaknesses of all three were already
evident.
To say that Bolsonaro’s victory reflects poorly on the PT is an
under-
statement. Leaving aside major failures in the areas of economic
manage-
ment and administrative probity, the party’s defeat laid bare its
tragicomic
dependence on Lula. The mythical status of Lula within the
PT—evident
in the staunch support for his candidacy even after his
30. conviction—came
at the expense of cultivating new political leaders. As far back
as 2010, the
commanding role that Lula played in Rousseff’s presidential
nomination
had foreshadowed this problem. Technocratic and severe,
Rousseff had
been Lula’s energy minister (2003–05) and chief of staff (2005–
10). She
had never held elected office and had no independent following
or sway
within the PT, thus …
Critique Assignment for June 2
By first letter of last name:
A to B = Diamond, Chapter 6
C to D = Krastev article
E to G = Plattner article
H to J = Diamond, Chapter 7
K to L = Pei article
M to O = Ang article
P to Z = No assignment
Latin America’s Shifting Politics (Levitsky)
Latin America is extremely democratic
It has never been this democratic for this long (30 years) in its
history
13 of 19 Latin American states are democracies
Three others (Bolivia, Ecuador, and Honduras) are near-
democracies
Only Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela are fully authoritarian
Latin American democracies have improved in quality and are
31. experiencing their longest uninterrupted period of democracy
Concerns for democracy in Latin America
While democracy is surviving, it is not thriving
Only 30% of Latin Americans say they feel satisfied with their
country’s democracy, down from 44% in 2010
Only 25% trust their government, and fewer trust their national
legislatures and political parties
Only 58% believe that democracy is the best form of
government, down from 69% in 2010
Latin Americans have been voting against the political
establishment
Latin Americans are unhappy with their democracies (1)
Extreme social inequality
Gap between the citizens and the political elite
Uneven access to the law generates perceptions of unfairness
Party weakness
Partisan identities eroded by severe crises and policy failures
Voting against the whole political establishment
Latin Americans are unhappy with their democracies (2)
State weakness
Failure to uphold the rule of law leads to corruption and public
insecurity
Failure to tax effectively and redistribute wealth
Undermines government performance
32. Other challenges to democracy in Latin America (1)
Resurgence of the illiberal right
Iron-fisted politicians that trample on liberal rights and
constitutional norms
Examples include Keiko Fujimori in Peru, Alvaro Uribe in
Columbia, and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil
Democratic centre-right parties have severely declined
Other challenges to democracy in Latin America (2)
Polarization
Parties viewing rivals as enemies or existential threats
Willing to use “any means necessary” (violence, election fraud,
and military coups) to defeat rivals
Brazil and Columbia have become extremely polarized
Other challenges to democracy in Latin America (3)
The changing international environment
The U.S. does little to advance the cause of democracy in Latin
America anymore
The Trump administration is the least prodemocratic U.S.
government in decades
Good signs for democracy in Latin America
33. Core democratic institutions are strikingly robust
Unlike the rest of the world, Latin America is not in a
democratic recession
Latin American non-democracies are weaker and doing much
worse than democracies are
Elections take place in every country, except Cuba
Bolsonaro and Brazil’s Illiberal Backlash (Hunter and Power)
Brazil’s Oct. 2018 election
Presidential victory for far-right populist, Jair Bolsonaro
Won runoff with 55% of the vote over Workers’ Party (PT)
candidate, Fernando Haddad
The PT had governed Brazil from 2003-2016
Haddad was a late substitution for former president Luiz Inacio
Lula da Silva (Lula) who was imprisoned after corruption
charges stemming from the Operation Car Wash scandal
Brazil President, Jair Bolsonaro
Decline of establishment parties in Brazil (1)
Two parties dominated politics since 1994, the PT, and the
Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB)
The PT and PSDB consistently won a combined 70% to 90% of
the vote
The PT won four consecutive presidential elections
The PT got blamed for a serious downturn in the economy after
34. 2013, for massive corruption, and for rising levels of crime
Decline of establishment parties in Brazil (2)
The PSDB formed a government with the Brazilian Democratic
Movement (MDB), but was unable to improve the economy or
control corruption and crime
MDB President Michel Temer had very low approval ratings
One out of three members of Congress was under either
indictment or investigation from criminal activity
Four crises in Brazil deflated government legitimacy (1)
Economic crisis
The worst recession in Brazilian history, losing almost 8% of its
GDP
Political crisis
Rising polarization
Falling trust in establishment parties
Impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff in 2016
Emergence of a far-right fringe, expressing nostalgia for the
order and clean government of the military dictatorship
Four crises in Brazil deflated government legitimacy (2)
Corruption crisis
The largest corruption investigation in the world
Revealed a large bribery and kickback scheme involving rigged
bids by leading construction firms and contracts with Brazil’s
largest oil company
35. Produced almost 1,000 arrests and 125 convictions
Four crises in Brazil deflated government legitimacy (3)
Deterioration of the pubic-security environment
Murder rate was up, as almost 64,000 were killed in 2017
17 of the 50 most violent cities in the world are in Brazil
Law and order candidates became popular with both poor and
affluent voters
Jair Bolsonaro (1)
A well-known but irrelevant fringe-party backbencher since
1994
Neither an outsider, nor an insider
A gaffe-prone extremist, who has made multiple sexist,
homophobic, and racist statements
Critical of human rights activists
Appealed to those with nostalgia for military rule
Jair Bolsonaro (2)
Much like Donald Trump, he can read the public mood and
chose the right year to run for president
Was stabbed in the stomach in Sept. 2018, but survived and was
elected president two months later
Support came from middle and upper classes, college graduates,
and Pentecostal Christians
36. Changing party landscape
The PT and PSDB lost many seats and were severely weakened
Brazil has the world’s most fragmented party-system in history
Bolsonaro is perceived as an ideological extremist and will face
much gridlock
Bolsonaro’s PSL party has only 10% of the seats in the
Chamber of Deputies and 5% in the Senate
Bolsonaro lacks an institutionalized political party to catch his
falls and see him through hard times
Brazil’s last populist leader, Fernando Collor, had similar
problems, and was elected in 1990 and impeached and resigned
in 1992