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Alexander Falconbridge, The African Slave Trade (1788).html
Alexander Falconbridge, The African Slave Trade (1788)
Alexander Falconbridge served as ship’s surgeon on slaving
ships during the later half of the 18th century. During his
voyages across the Atlantic, Falconbridge had occasion to
observe the abhorrent treatment of the slaves at the hands of the
crews. During one such voyage, Falconbridge wrote this account
of the conditions on the ship, including his own views on the
practice of slavery. This excerpt is from An Account of the
Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa, published in 1788.
As soon as the wretched Africans, purchased at the fairs, fall
into the hands of the black traders, they experience an earnest
of those dreadful sufferings which they are doomed in future to
undergo. And there is not the least room to doubt, but that even
before they can reach the fairs, great numbers perish from cruel
usage, want of food, travelling through inhospitable deserts, etc.
They are brought from the places where they are purchased to
Bonny, etc. in canoes; at the bottom of which they lie, having
their hands tied with a kind of willow twigs, and a strict watch
is kept over them. Their usage in other respects, during the time
of passage, which generally lasts several days, is equally cruel.
Their allowance of food is so scanty, that it is barely sufficient
to support nature. They are, besides, much exposed to the
violent rains which frequently fall here, being covered only
with mats that afford but a slight defense; and as there is
usually water at the bottom of the canoes, from their leaking,
they are scarcely every dry.
Nor do these unhappying beings, after they become the property
of the Europeans (from whom as a more civilized people, more
humanity might naturally be expected), find their situation in
the least amended. Their treatment is no less rigorous. The men
Negroes, on being brought aboard the ship, are immediately
fastened together, two and two, by handcuffs on their wrists,
and irons riveted on their legs. They are then sent down
between the decks, and placed in an apartment partitioned off
for that purpose. The women likewise are placed in a separate
room, on the same deck, but without being ironed. And an
adjoining room, on the same deck is besides appointed for the
boys. Thus are they placed in different apartments.
But at the same time, they are frequently stowed so close, as to
admit of no other posture than lying on their sides. Neither will
the height between decks, unless directly under the grating,
permit them the indulgence of an erect posture; especially
where there are platforms, which is generally the case. These
platforms are a kind of shelf, about eight or nine feet in breadth,
extending from the side of the ship towards the centre. They are
placed nearly midway between the decks, at the distance of two
or three feet from each deck. Upon these the Negroes are stowed
in the same manner as they are on the deck underneath.
. . . About eight o'clock in the morning the Negroes are
generally brought upon deck. Their irons being examined, a
long chain, which is locked to a ring-bolt, fixed in the deck, is
run through the rings of the shackles of the men, and then
locked to another ring-bolt, fixed also in the deck. By this
means fifty or sixty, and sometimes more, are fastened to one
chain, in order to prevent them from rising, or endeavoring to
escape. If the weather proves favorable, they are permitted to
remain in that situation till four or five in the afternoon, when
they are disengaged from the chain, and sent down.
. . . Upon the Negroes refusing to take sustenance, I have seen
coals of fire, glowing hot, put on a shovel, and placed so near
their lips, as to scorch and burn them. And this has been
accompanied with threats, of forcing them to swallow the coals,
if they any longer persisted in refusing to eat. These means have
generally had the desired effect. I have also been credibly
informed that a certain captain in the slave trade poured melted
lead on such of the Negroes as obstinately refused their food.
Exercise being deemed necessary for the preservation of their
health, they are sometimes obligated to dance, when the weather
will permit their coming on deck. If they go about it reluctantly,
or do not move with agility, they are flogged; a person standing
by them all the time with at cat-o'-nine-tails in his hand for that
purpose. Their music, upon these occasions, consists of a drum,
sometimes with only one head; and when that is worn out, they
do not scruple to make use of the bottom of one of the tubs
before described. The poor wretches are frequently compelled to
sing also; but when they do so, their songs are generally, as may
naturally be expected, melancholy lamentations of their exile
from their native country.
. . . On board some ships, the common sailors are allowed to
have intercourse with such of the black women whose consent
they can procure. And some of them have been known to take
the inconstancy of their paramours so much to heart, as to leap
overboard and drown themselves. The officers are permitted to
indulge their passions among them at pleasure, and sometimes
are guilty of such brutal excesses as disgrace human nature.
The hardships and inconveniences suffered by the Negroes
during the passage are scarcely to be enumerated or conceived.
They are far more violently affected by the seasickness than the
Europeans. It frequently terminates in death, especially among
the women. But the exclusion of the fresh air is among the most
intolerable. For the purpose of admitting this needful
refreshment, most of the ships in the slave trade are provided,
between the decks, with five or six air-ports on each side of the
ship, of about six inches in length, and four in breadth; in
addition to which, some few ships, but not one in twenty, have
what they denominate wind-sails. But whenever the sea is rough
and the rain heavy, it becomes necessary to shut these, and
every other conveyance by which the air is admitted. The fresh
air being thus excluded, the Negroes' rooms very soon grow
intolerably hot. The confined air, rendered noxious by the
effluvia exhaled from their bodies, and by being repeatedly
breathed, soon produces fevers and fluxes, which generally
carries off great numbers of them.
. . . One morning, upon examining the place allotted for the sick
Negroes, I perceived that one of them, who was so emaciated as
scarcely to be able to walk, was missing, and was convinced
that he must have gone overboard in the night, probably to put a
more expeditious period to his sufferings. And, to conclude on
this subject, I could not help being sensibly affected, on a
former voyage, at observing with what apparent eagerness a
black woman seized some dirt from off an African yam, and put
it into her mouth, seeming to rejoice at the opportunity of
possessing some of her native earth.
From these instances I think it may have been clearly deduced
that the unhappy Africans are not bereft of the finer feelings,
but have a strong attachment to their native country, together
with a just sense of the value of liberty. And the situation of the
miserable beings above described, more forcibly urges the
necessity of abolishing a trade which is the source of such evils,
than the most eloquent harangue, or persuasive arguments could
do.
Olaudah Equiano, The Middle Passage (1788).html
Olaudah Equiano, The Middle Passage (1788)
Captured in what is now Nigeria, Olaudah Equiano shared the
fear of many captured Africans that the white men were going
to kill and eat him. As the slave of a sea captain, Equiano
worked on ships for much of his life and traveled more than
most slaves. After purchasing his freedom, Equiano became
very active in the British antislavery movement. This selection
covers the portion of Equiano’s experiences from the time he
was first brought to the slave ship until he arrived in America.
. . . The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on
the coast was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at
anchor, and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with
astonishment, which was soon converted into terror when I was
carried on board. I was immediately handled and tossed up to
see if I were sound by some of the crew; and I was now
persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad spirits, and that
they were going to kill me. Their complexions too differing so
much from ours, their long hair, and the language they spoke,
(which was very different from any I had ever heard) united to
confirm me in this belief. Indeed such were the horrors of my
views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds had
been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have
exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave in my
own country. When I looked round the ship too and saw a large
furnace of copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of
every description chained together, every one of their
countenances expressing dejection and sorrow, I no longer
doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and
anguish, I fell motionless on the deck and fainted. When I
recovered a little I found some black people about me, who I
believe were some of those who brought me on board, and had
been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me,
but all in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those
white men with horrible looks, red faces, and loose hair. They
told me I was not; and one of the crew brought me a small
portion of spirituous liquor in a wine glass; but, being afraid of
him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks
therefore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little
down my palate, which, instead of reviving me, as they thought
it would, threw me into the greatest consternation at the strange
feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor before.
Soon after this the blacks who brought me on board went off,
and left me abandoned to despair. I now saw myself deprived of
all chance or returning to my native country or even the least
glimpe of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as
friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference
to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every
kind, still heightened by my ignorance of what I was to
undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief; I was soon
put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation
in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life: so that,
with the loathsomeness of the stench, and crying together, I
became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the
least desire to taste anything. I now wished for the last friend,
death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white
men offered me eatables; and, on my refusing to eat, one of
them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across I think the
windlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely.
I had never experienced anything of this kind before; and
although, not being used to the water, I naturally feared that
element the first time I saw it, yet nevertheless, could I have got
over the nettings, I would have jumped over the side, but I
could not; and, besides, the crew used to watch us very closely
who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap
into the water: and I have seen some of these poor African
prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so, and hourly
whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case with
myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men, I
found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave
ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with
us; they gave me to understand we were to be carried to these
white people's country to work for them. I then was a little
revived, and thought, if it were no worse than working, my
situation was not so desperate: but still I feared I should be put
to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so
savage a manner; for I had never seen among any people such
instances of brutal cruellty; and this not only shewn towards us
blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. One white
man in particular I saw when we were permitted to be on deck,
flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast,
that he died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the
side as they would have done a brute. This made me fear these
people the more; and I expected nothing less than to be treated
in the same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and
apprehensions to some of my countrymen: I asked them if these
people had no country, but lived in this hollow place (the ship):
they told me they did not, but came from a distant one. "Then,"
said I, "how comes it in all our country we never heard of
them?" They told me because they lived so very far off. I then
asked where were their women? had they any like themselves?
"and why," said I, "do we not see them?" they answered,
because they were left behind. . . .
The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so
intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for
any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck
for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship's cargo were
confined together, it became absolutely pestilential. The
closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the
number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had
scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This
produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became
unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and
brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died,
thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it,
of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again
aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become
insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the
children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of
the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a
scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for
myself I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought
necessary to keep me almost always on deck; and from my
extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I
expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some
of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of
death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my
miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep
much more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they
enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for
theirs. Every circumstance I met with served only to render my
state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions, and my
opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a
number of fishes; and when they had killed and satisfied
themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our
astonishment who were on the deck, rather than give any of
them to us to eat as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish
into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as
well as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen,
being pressed by hunger, took an opportunity, when they
thought no one saw them, of trying to get a little privately; but
they were discovered, and the attempt procured them some very
severe floggings. . . .
. . . I and some few more slaves, that were not saleable amongst
the rest, from very much fretting, were shipped off in a sloop
for North America. . . . While I was in this plantation [in
Virginia] the gentleman, to whom I suppose the estate belonged,
being unwell, I was one day sent for to his dwelling house to
fan him; when I came into the room where he was I was very
much affrighted at some things I saw, and the more so as I had
seen a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was
cooking the dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded
with various kinds of iron machines; she had one particularly on
her head, which locked her mouth so fast that she could scarcely
speak; and could not eat nor drink. I was much astonished and
shocked at this contrivance, which I afterwards learned was
called the iron muzzle . . .

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Alexander Falconbridge, The African Slave Trade (1788).htmlAle.docx

  • 1. Alexander Falconbridge, The African Slave Trade (1788).html Alexander Falconbridge, The African Slave Trade (1788) Alexander Falconbridge served as ship’s surgeon on slaving ships during the later half of the 18th century. During his voyages across the Atlantic, Falconbridge had occasion to observe the abhorrent treatment of the slaves at the hands of the crews. During one such voyage, Falconbridge wrote this account of the conditions on the ship, including his own views on the practice of slavery. This excerpt is from An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa, published in 1788. As soon as the wretched Africans, purchased at the fairs, fall into the hands of the black traders, they experience an earnest of those dreadful sufferings which they are doomed in future to undergo. And there is not the least room to doubt, but that even before they can reach the fairs, great numbers perish from cruel usage, want of food, travelling through inhospitable deserts, etc. They are brought from the places where they are purchased to Bonny, etc. in canoes; at the bottom of which they lie, having their hands tied with a kind of willow twigs, and a strict watch is kept over them. Their usage in other respects, during the time of passage, which generally lasts several days, is equally cruel. Their allowance of food is so scanty, that it is barely sufficient to support nature. They are, besides, much exposed to the violent rains which frequently fall here, being covered only with mats that afford but a slight defense; and as there is usually water at the bottom of the canoes, from their leaking, they are scarcely every dry. Nor do these unhappying beings, after they become the property of the Europeans (from whom as a more civilized people, more humanity might naturally be expected), find their situation in the least amended. Their treatment is no less rigorous. The men Negroes, on being brought aboard the ship, are immediately fastened together, two and two, by handcuffs on their wrists,
  • 2. and irons riveted on their legs. They are then sent down between the decks, and placed in an apartment partitioned off for that purpose. The women likewise are placed in a separate room, on the same deck, but without being ironed. And an adjoining room, on the same deck is besides appointed for the boys. Thus are they placed in different apartments. But at the same time, they are frequently stowed so close, as to admit of no other posture than lying on their sides. Neither will the height between decks, unless directly under the grating, permit them the indulgence of an erect posture; especially where there are platforms, which is generally the case. These platforms are a kind of shelf, about eight or nine feet in breadth, extending from the side of the ship towards the centre. They are placed nearly midway between the decks, at the distance of two or three feet from each deck. Upon these the Negroes are stowed in the same manner as they are on the deck underneath. . . . About eight o'clock in the morning the Negroes are generally brought upon deck. Their irons being examined, a long chain, which is locked to a ring-bolt, fixed in the deck, is run through the rings of the shackles of the men, and then locked to another ring-bolt, fixed also in the deck. By this means fifty or sixty, and sometimes more, are fastened to one chain, in order to prevent them from rising, or endeavoring to escape. If the weather proves favorable, they are permitted to remain in that situation till four or five in the afternoon, when they are disengaged from the chain, and sent down. . . . Upon the Negroes refusing to take sustenance, I have seen coals of fire, glowing hot, put on a shovel, and placed so near their lips, as to scorch and burn them. And this has been accompanied with threats, of forcing them to swallow the coals, if they any longer persisted in refusing to eat. These means have generally had the desired effect. I have also been credibly informed that a certain captain in the slave trade poured melted lead on such of the Negroes as obstinately refused their food. Exercise being deemed necessary for the preservation of their health, they are sometimes obligated to dance, when the weather
  • 3. will permit their coming on deck. If they go about it reluctantly, or do not move with agility, they are flogged; a person standing by them all the time with at cat-o'-nine-tails in his hand for that purpose. Their music, upon these occasions, consists of a drum, sometimes with only one head; and when that is worn out, they do not scruple to make use of the bottom of one of the tubs before described. The poor wretches are frequently compelled to sing also; but when they do so, their songs are generally, as may naturally be expected, melancholy lamentations of their exile from their native country. . . . On board some ships, the common sailors are allowed to have intercourse with such of the black women whose consent they can procure. And some of them have been known to take the inconstancy of their paramours so much to heart, as to leap overboard and drown themselves. The officers are permitted to indulge their passions among them at pleasure, and sometimes are guilty of such brutal excesses as disgrace human nature. The hardships and inconveniences suffered by the Negroes during the passage are scarcely to be enumerated or conceived. They are far more violently affected by the seasickness than the Europeans. It frequently terminates in death, especially among the women. But the exclusion of the fresh air is among the most intolerable. For the purpose of admitting this needful refreshment, most of the ships in the slave trade are provided, between the decks, with five or six air-ports on each side of the ship, of about six inches in length, and four in breadth; in addition to which, some few ships, but not one in twenty, have what they denominate wind-sails. But whenever the sea is rough and the rain heavy, it becomes necessary to shut these, and every other conveyance by which the air is admitted. The fresh air being thus excluded, the Negroes' rooms very soon grow intolerably hot. The confined air, rendered noxious by the effluvia exhaled from their bodies, and by being repeatedly breathed, soon produces fevers and fluxes, which generally carries off great numbers of them. . . . One morning, upon examining the place allotted for the sick
  • 4. Negroes, I perceived that one of them, who was so emaciated as scarcely to be able to walk, was missing, and was convinced that he must have gone overboard in the night, probably to put a more expeditious period to his sufferings. And, to conclude on this subject, I could not help being sensibly affected, on a former voyage, at observing with what apparent eagerness a black woman seized some dirt from off an African yam, and put it into her mouth, seeming to rejoice at the opportunity of possessing some of her native earth. From these instances I think it may have been clearly deduced that the unhappy Africans are not bereft of the finer feelings, but have a strong attachment to their native country, together with a just sense of the value of liberty. And the situation of the miserable beings above described, more forcibly urges the necessity of abolishing a trade which is the source of such evils, than the most eloquent harangue, or persuasive arguments could do. Olaudah Equiano, The Middle Passage (1788).html Olaudah Equiano, The Middle Passage (1788) Captured in what is now Nigeria, Olaudah Equiano shared the fear of many captured Africans that the white men were going to kill and eat him. As the slave of a sea captain, Equiano worked on ships for much of his life and traveled more than most slaves. After purchasing his freedom, Equiano became very active in the British antislavery movement. This selection covers the portion of Equiano’s experiences from the time he was first brought to the slave ship until he arrived in America. . . . The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled and tossed up to see if I were sound by some of the crew; and I was now
  • 5. persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad spirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too differing so much from ours, their long hair, and the language they spoke, (which was very different from any I had ever heard) united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed such were the horrors of my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds had been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave in my own country. When I looked round the ship too and saw a large furnace of copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of every description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and anguish, I fell motionless on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I found some black people about me, who I believe were some of those who brought me on board, and had been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those white men with horrible looks, red faces, and loose hair. They told me I was not; and one of the crew brought me a small portion of spirituous liquor in a wine glass; but, being afraid of him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks therefore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, instead of reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest consternation at the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor before. Soon after this the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to despair. I now saw myself deprived of all chance or returning to my native country or even the least glimpe of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief; I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life: so that,
  • 6. with the loathsomeness of the stench, and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste anything. I now wished for the last friend, death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eatables; and, on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across I think the windlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely. I had never experienced anything of this kind before; and although, not being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first time I saw it, yet nevertheless, could I have got over the nettings, I would have jumped over the side, but I could not; and, besides, the crew used to watch us very closely who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the water: and I have seen some of these poor African prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men, I found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with us; they gave me to understand we were to be carried to these white people's country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still I feared I should be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so savage a manner; for I had never seen among any people such instances of brutal cruellty; and this not only shewn towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. One white man in particular I saw when we were permitted to be on deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, that he died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a brute. This made me fear these people the more; and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my countrymen: I asked them if these people had no country, but lived in this hollow place (the ship): they told me they did not, but came from a distant one. "Then,"
  • 7. said I, "how comes it in all our country we never heard of them?" They told me because they lived so very far off. I then asked where were their women? had they any like themselves? "and why," said I, "do we not see them?" they answered, because they were left behind. . . . The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship's cargo were confined together, it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumstance I met with served only to render my state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes; and when they had killed and satisfied
  • 8. themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, took an opportunity, when they thought no one saw them, of trying to get a little privately; but they were discovered, and the attempt procured them some very severe floggings. . . . . . . I and some few more slaves, that were not saleable amongst the rest, from very much fretting, were shipped off in a sloop for North America. . . . While I was in this plantation [in Virginia] the gentleman, to whom I suppose the estate belonged, being unwell, I was one day sent for to his dwelling house to fan him; when I came into the room where he was I was very much affrighted at some things I saw, and the more so as I had seen a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was cooking the dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iron machines; she had one particularly on her head, which locked her mouth so fast that she could scarcely speak; and could not eat nor drink. I was much astonished and shocked at this contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle . . .