1. MA Thesis
Columbia University
Spring 2001
A Comparison of the Use of Adjectives and Onomatopoeic Words
for Describing Emotions, States, and Actions in English and
Japanese
Tim Schwartz
Department of East Asian Studies
Japanese Pedagogy

2. “Dante gave him a cachou every time he brought her a piece of tissue paper.”
-A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, James Joyce
“…she was licked by a hound, chirripa-chirruta, while poing her pee……while Sally her
nurse was sound asleep in a sloot and, feefee fiefie, fell over a spillway….”
-Finnegans Wake, James Joyce
“Salt and pepper, bamm…”
- TV Chef Emeril Lagasse
“Boing”
-Advertisement for Nike shoes

3. 1. Introduction
Learning to speak a second language as well as a native speaker is arguably an
impossible feat. Nonetheless, teachers must inspire students to master the various aspects of the
target language in order to promote the production of natural speech patterns. Speaking like a
native requires more than just the orthodox knowledge bestowed upon students by textbooks, it
demands the use of informal, colloquial language. As idioms are the key to sounding natural in
English, the use of onomatopoeics is crucial to a language learner sounding unaffected in
Japanese. Sound symbolic words represent the most emotionally charged part of the Japanese
lexicon, as well as providing the fertile ground needed to foster the growth of expressive
communication. Words such as pika pika, zaa zaa, or gussuri in Japanese allow speakers to
achieve clarity in self-expression, add zest to descriptions, employ metaphorical speech, or
possibly even heighten the listener’s sense of emotional involvement in a conversation.
Although many of the earlier linguistic studies that sought to compare the use of
onomatopoeia in both English and Japanese mistakenly concluded there was a dearth of sound
symbolic expressions in English and an abundance in Japanese, recent research has presented
arguments that English is in fact filled with mimetics. Herlofsky notes that much of the earlier
analyses “have been limited by the prevalent belief that the Japanese language is different from
other languages of the world, with one of these differences being its unique abundance of
imitative words” (Herlofsky 1990, p.213). However, works by Nishihara (1983), Galef (1994),
and Sadler (1972) have identified and categorized over a thousand mimetic words in English.
Examples including mimetics ranging from words frequently found in writing such as aaah,
woh, gulp, ha-ha, phew, fooey, ugh, yuk, or yikes to words used in the spoken language like
bang, boom, bump, cough, crack, drizzle, grumpy, honk, hush, knock, mumble, or whisper.

4. Furthermore, studies have shown that mimetic words in English have many characteristics in
common with their Japanese counterparts such as phonological properties that facilitate
systematic categorization by sound, reduplicating patterns, and an ability to function as more
than one part of speech.
However, despite the fact that English as well as Japanese is rich with sound symbolic
words, results of a pilot study presented in this paper indicate that Japanese native speakers are
two and a half times as likely to employ onomatopoeia in conversation when describing feelings,
actions, states, or events. Conversely, native English speakers are more likely to employ a wide
array of adjectives in corresponding circumstances. Although it is indisputable that there are
words in every language for describing situations and the spectrum of human emotions, a
comparison of the variation in the way that native English and Japanese speakers express
themselves reveals a difference in not only the part of speech, but the frequency and range of
word usage as well. Though there may be a one-to-one equivalent for all the adjectives or sound
symbolic words that exist in both languages, there is a tendency for native Japanese speakers to
employ onomatopoeics, verbs in the te-form or in past tense in situations where English speakers
would use adjectives. However, though the results from the investigation presented in this paper
do indicate a tendency for Japanese speakers to choose onomatopoeia with a greater frequency,
in support of the thesis, interestingly, they also indicated that a surprising number of native
English speakers opted for onomatopoetic responses as well when given a choice. This will
prove important in validating the argument that not only are there a larger number of sound
symbolic expressions in English than previously thought, but more importantly, they are
commonly used by adult native speakers in conversation.

5. This paper will examine the use of expressive words in both English and Japanese. More
specifically, it will investigate how various situations, events, and emotions are described in each
language. Furthermore, this study will also measure the parts of speech that are most commonly
employed such as onomatopoeics, adjectives, adverbs, or verbs, as well as the degree and extent
to which they appear in discourse. Additionally, it will show how the role of Japanese
onomatopoeics in achieving vivid self-expression is actually closer to that of adjectives in
English, rather than that of verbs. Finally, this paper will present a theory that attempts to explain
the high frequency of onomatopoeic usage in contemporary Japanese speech based upon
concepts presented in Doi’s Anatomy of Dependence (1973), and through a broad interpretation
of Makino’s hikikomisei (1996), as well as his analysis of the concepts of uchi and soto (1996) as
windows on Japanese culture. This paper is divided up into the following sections: Introduction,
Previous Research, Characteristics of Onomatopoeia in English and Japanese, Pilot Study,
Results and Discussion, Implications for Japanese Pedagogy, Hypotheses Relating to the
Extensive Use of Onomatopoeia in Japanese, Future Research, and Concluding Remarks.
2. Previous Research
Most of the previous studies done comparing sound symbolism in Japanese and English
have focused on either the part of speech that onomatopes typically occur as or on their
phonological aspects. The dearth of studies which sought to directly compare actual usage in
conversation between the two languages may be linked to the fact that until recently there was a
belief that onomatopoeia in English was limited to mainly animal sounds or was considered
“childish or informal and of marginal lexical status (Kakehi et. al. 1996, p.1). Nonetheless, there
are a few studies worth noting.

6. Research mentioned earlier by Herlofsky (1990) presents the sound symbolic system in
English in a more realistic light. Herlofsky provides detailed explanations of the many forms and
grammatical functions of imitative words in both languages, as well as discussing the best way to
accurately translate mimetics between languages without losing their nuance. More importantly,
he provides plenty of examples of onomatopoeic translations for tricky Japanese imitatives like
‘gush’ for the Japanese shaashaa, ‘flush’ for shitoshito, or ‘plunge’ for jabujabu which all help
to refute the myth that onomatopoeia exists solely in the realm of animal sounds (Herlofsky
1990, p.220). Herlofsky’s study also emphasizes the importance of teaching sound symbolics to
JSL students, which is a topic discussed later in this paper.
A comparison of the manner in which actions are described in both languages reveals the
oft cited fact that while English uses a multitude of specific onomatopoeic verbs, Japanese
employs a variety of onomatopoeic adverbs in conjunction with a single verb. Tamori writes,
“As with animal cries, in English specific verbs, such as ‘giggle’ and ‘titter’ describe particular
manners of laughing, whereas in Japanese the general verb ‘laugh’ is employed and the manners
of laughing are specified by onomatopoeic adverbials, such as kera-kera and kusu-kusu” (Tamori
1990, p.297). Furthermore, Kakehi (1990), Shibatani (1990), Kimizuka (1967), Makino (1986),
Miura (1994) etc. all allude to the widely accepted idea that sound symbolics in Japanese are
more expressive than their onomatopoeic verb counterparts in English. Although well stated by
Tamori and countless others, the fact that the same examples are consistently given hints of
subjectivity. Also, the fact that the three examples for manners of walking, laughing, and crying
that are invariably given represent actions says nothing about how similar comparisons
describing emotions or states would turn out. In other words, the comparisons made are often
limited to the description of actions and not emotions or states. An analysis of the results of the

7. pilot study presented in this paper show evidence of a correlation between Japanese
onomatopoeic adverbials and English adjectives in situations where the speaker is describing
feelings or conditions, as well as actions. Moreover, evidence that the range of adjectives
employed by English speakers is wider than that of native Japanese speakers indicates that
perhaps English adjectives play a similar role to onomatopoeic adverbials in Japanese in that
they add a degree of expressiveness to conversation that Japanese adjectives lack. Tamori makes
comparisons between Japanese onomatopes and English verbs and concludes that the former
have a “concrete expressiveness stemming from systematically contrasting pairs…” (Tamori
1990, p.304). However, he neglects to make any reference to the role that English adjectives play
in adding expressiveness to the language. This topic will be dealt with in more detail later in the
discussion of the results.
Bredin (1996) argues in support of the notion that onomatopoeia is a linguistic universal
and that the influences of sound symbolic expressions in English extend far beyond the realm of
animal noises. He notes that “onomatopoeia is not a trivial and incidental phenomenon of usage,
but answers to a deep seated need that lies at the heart of the linguistic consciousness” and
continues by declaring that “we want language to be onomatopoeic” (Bredin 1996, p.557).
3. Characteristics of Onomatopoeia in English and Japanese
Webster’s New World Dictionary defines onomatopoeia as “ the formation of a word by
imitating the natural sound associated with the object or action involved” (Webster 1988,
p.947). However, sound symbolic words can be divided up into more semantically specific
categories: phonomimes (giseigo), phenomimes (gitaigo), and psychomimes (gitaigo). Makino
and Tsutsui define phonomimes as the “direct phonetic representations of actual sounds in

8. everyday life”, while phenomimes are explained as “phonetic representations of phenomena
perceptible by auditory senses” and psychomimes are referred to as the “phonetic representations
of human psychological states” (Makino and Tsutsui 1986, p.50). However, this paper will not
deal with the phonological aspects of sound symbolic words and for the sake of simplicity the
categories delineated above will be referred to with blanket terms such as onomatopoeics,
mimetics, imitatives, or sound symbolics.
The myth that English has only a few sound symbolic words most likely stems from the
fact that many native English speakers themselves do not realize that the words they commonly
use have onomatopoeic origins. Therefore, the research presented in this paper calls for a broader
definition of what would normally be considered as onomatopoeic. Miura notes while outlining
the three important differences between English and Japanese sound symbolism how “…English
is actually filled with verbs and adjectives that originated as giongo or gitaigo but are no longer
regarded as such, e.g., slaw, whack, flash, slick, smooth, plump, glisten, etc” (Miura 1994,
p.254).
A cross-linguistic comparison of sound symbolics in English and Japanese is helpful in
establishing the validity of the premise that onomatopes are almost as prevalent in English as
they are in Japanese in terms of their numbers, as well as the frequency by which they occur in
the language. Although the number of sound symbolic words in Japanese is undoubtedly greater
than that of English, they still share many characteristics in common. For example, both
Japanese and English onomatopes can be categorized by sound. Note how words that end with a
voiceless consonant like pop, snap, chop, clap, or crack all allude to an abrupt sound or
movement while words that end in –sh like smash, mash, crush, or flush signify a lingering
sound or action (Sadler 1972, p.177). A similar categorization based upon phonological

9. properties can be applied to echoic words in Japanese as well. Makino notes that words with a
velar [k] or [g], such as garatto kawaru or gutto hiku, tend to “ represent hardness, sharpness,
clear-cutness, separation, detachment or sudden change” (Makino 1986, p.51).
A second characteristic that both Japanese and English onomatopes share in common is
their reduplicating pattern. Although the most common types of imitatives to repeat in English
are animal sounds such as baa baa, ruff ruff, oink oink, or moo moo, there are other words that
occur in pairs as well. Note words such as blah blah, lovey-dovey, fuddy-duddy, hodgepodge,
mumbo jumbo, hurly burly or teeter-totter which either reduplicate or rhyme (Sadler 1972,
p.176). Sound symbolic words that reduplicate are more prevalent in Japanese. Furthermore, the
majority of Japanese onomatopes that repeat such as goro goro, pika pika, zukin zukin are
examples of reduplication where both words are the same.
A third characteristic that both Japanese and English imitatives have in common is their
ability to occur as more than one part of speech. English onomatopoeics, as with their Japanese
counterparts, typically occur in one of three forms. English onomatopes can function as either a
verb as in “The flag is fluttering in the breeze,” a noun as in “She let out a shriek,” or as a
quotative or an adverb as in “The clock went bong” (Tamori 1990, p.295). Like English,
Japanese mimetics can occur as a verb as in “Kanojo wa niko niko shita,” as an adverb as in
“Mado ga battan to shimatta,” as an adjective as in “ Fuku wa bicho bicho da,” or as a noun as
in “koo atsukute wa ira ira ga tsunoru bakari da” (Tamori 1990, p.291).
The examples above help to substantiate the notion that onomatopoeia is not just
prevalent, but a well organized, active part of both the English and Japanese lexicon. This is an
important point that needs to be established in order to put the argument of this paper in the
appropriate perspective. The position presented in the introduction is unique in that it

10. simultaneously states two seemingly contradictory ideas. It submits that on the one hand
onomatopoeia is more prevalent in English than previously acknowledged, while on the other
hand, it declares that when given a choice, native English speakers are less likely to employ it
than their Japanese counterparts. However, the more important point that should be ascertained
from the results of the pilot study presented in this paper is the reason why this discrepancy
exists. If we were to believe previous research such as that presented by Tamori (1990) and
Kakehi et. al. (1996), which concludes that Japanese speakers rely heavily on onomatopoeia to
achieve vividness in expression while English avoid onomatopoeia for fear of sounding like a
child, it would only be partially correct. It is the contention of this paper that while Japanese
speakers do indeed employ onomatopoeia to add color to language, which explains the high
frequency of usage in daily conversation, it is used in English for the same reason as well, but to
a lesser extent. However, more importantly, as the results from this study show, the vividness of
expression that native Japanese speakers rely on mimetics for is achieved in English through the
use of a wider, more active lexicon of adjectives than commonly employed in Japanese.
4. Pilot Study
The pilot study presented in this paper was composed of four surveys that sought to
examine the manner in which both native English and Japanese speakers expressed their feelings
and described actions or states in normal conversation. Two of the surveys were written in
Japanese (See appendix G, section I) and completed by native Japanese speakers, while the other
two surveys were written in English (See appendix G, section II) and completed by native
English speakers. Both the Japanese and English questionnaires contained similar questions and
answers wherever direct translations existed without sounding awkward. Although the majority

11. of the sound symbolic words used in the Japanese survey were translated using the closest
English equivalents, it should be noted that a few of the English translations of Japanese
onomatopes are more commonly found in written speech rather than spoken speech.
Furthermore, in the one question where no accurate English translation for a Japanese onomatope
could be found, a different situation was used altogether.
The first survey instructed participants to read the various situations and write simple
answers that best described how they would most likely feel. The second survey prompted the
participants to read the various situations and select the answer that best expressed how they
would most likely describe the situation. The participants were instructed to write answers
according to how they would describe each situation as if they were talking to a close friend in
order to elicit responses that simulated natural conversation. The questions used in both surveys
were the same with the only difference being that multiple-choice answers were provided in the
second questionnaire. In order to avoid getting biased responses, the participants were not shown
the questionnaire with multiple-choice answers until the first one had been completed. This
assured that the participants would be forced to respond with their own words and would not be
tempted to write answers they had already seen. Three types of situations were presented on the
questionnaire. The first type of sentence was designed to elicit an emotional response to a given
situation like in the following examples:
1)(English) - You drop a plate while doing the dishes but it doesn’t break. How do you feel?
(Japanese) - Araimono o shite itara, chawan o otoshita ga, warenakatta. Kimochi wa doo datta
to tomodachi ni setsumei shimasu ka.

12. The second type of sentence was created to evoke a description of a state or condition such as in
the following example:
2) (English) - Your boss can never seem to find anything on his desk because he never cleans.
How would you describe his desk?
(Japanese) - Hotondo sooji shinai tame, mono o sugu mitsukerarenai jooshi no tsukue wa
donna jootai da to tomodachi ni setsumei shimasu ka.
The final type of sentence used on the questionnaire was designed to elicit a description of an
action or movement as in the following:
3) (English) - You went out last night and came home late. By the time you came home your
whole family was asleep. Describe how you entered the house.
(Japanese) - Yoru osoku made asobi, ie e kaeru to minna mo nete imashita. Doo yatte heya ni
haitte to hanashi shimasu ka.
The second questionnaire contained the same questions as listed above with three multiple-
choice answers. One of the three answers provided was an onomatope, while the other two words
were either adjectives, adverbs, or verbs. There was no time limit set on completing the survey
and the participants were not told anything about the object of the experiment before filling out
the surveys. The participants were from mixed age groups ranging from their early twenties to
their mid-sixties. There were a total of 20 native Japanese and 20 native English speakers who
participated in the pilot study.

13. Once all the surveys had been completed the results were analyzed in numerous ways. In
order to measure the percentage of times that both native Japanese and English speakers opted
for onomatopoeia over adjectives or verbs, the number of onomatopoeic responses were counted
on each participant’s questionnaire and converted to a percentage on the multiple-choice survey
(See appendix B). The multiple-choice surveys were then analyzed further to see what
percentage of time the participants opted for onomatopoeia in describing emotions, states, or
actions (See appendix C).
The surveys with written answers were first analyzed to measure the total number of
adjectives that were used per question (See appendix D) The number of adjectives that appeared
in the participant’s responses were counted and then placed in either the Japanese or English
column. Then, in order to assess which type of word was most often employed in a given
situation, the respondent’s answers were divided up according to category, counted, and then
placed in one of three possible columns (See appendix E). Finally, the degree of variety in word
choice between English and Japanese respondents was measured on the written answer surveys
by counting the number of differing words employed per question (See appendix F).
5. Results of Research and Discussion
The results of the pilot study described above support the main argument as well as
lending credence to the various other subordinate themes discussed in this paper. The primary
argument that native Japanese speakers are more likely to employ onomatopoeia in natural
conversation is validated by the results in both the multiple-choice survey as well as the written
answer survey. Despite the fact that English equivalents were found for most of the Japanese
onomatopoeics used in the multiple-choice survey, indicating that the English lexicon of sound

14. symbolics is larger and more extensive than perhaps previously thought, native Japanese
speakers still chose them more often than native English speakers. The charts presented in
appendix B show that Japanese speakers opted for onomatopoeia over the use of adjectives or
verbs on the average 66% of the time when given a choice, while native English respondents
only chose onomatopoeic responses 27% of the time. The Japanese percentage is almost three
times greater than the English percentage, which clearly supports the thesis that Japanese are
more likely to use onomatopoeia than native English speakers are. However, contrary to what
many earlier linguists might have predicted, the percentage of the time that native English
speakers opted for onomatopoeic answers is large enough to merit further attention. Although
native Japanese speakers did elect to use sound symbolic expressions 39% more frequently than
English speakers, the fact that native English speakers selected onomatopoeic responses as much
as they did indicates that the use of mimetic expressions in English could be more widespread
than previously thought. Two examples on the written answer surveys further highlight this point
by showing how the native English respondents naturally chose onomatopes in situations where
they were not even presented with a choice. For example, question five, which asks the
participant how their head would feel if they went out drinking and were awakened by
construction in their neighborhood the next morning, prompted onomatopoeic responses such as
throbbing, thumping, and pounding.
The charts presented in appendix C show the percentage of times that native English and
Japanese speakers opted for onomatopoeia in describing emotions, states, or actions. The results
indicate that native English speakers are more likely to use onomatopoeic expressions to describe
states or conditions followed in order by emotions and then actions. However, the native

15. Japanese participants exhibited a tendency to use sound symbolic expressions when describing
actions or movements, followed by states or conditions, and finally emotions.
An examination of the chart in appendix D reveals that native English speakers are
indeed more likely to employ a wider array of adjectives in describing each of the situations.
Chart I, which shows the total number of adjectives used per question out of the twenty
situations, indicates the high frequency with which native English speakers employ adjectives in
self-expression. A comparison between the number of adjectives used on both the English and
Japanese surveys reveals that native English speakers consistently used more adjectives for each
answer, with English speakers using two to three times more adjectives in over half of the
responses. The charts in appendix E, which show a breakdown of word choice on the written
answer surveys, further support the argument that English speakers are more likely to employ
adjectives in situations where Japanese use onomatopoeia or verbs in the te-form or past tense.
An examination of chart II reveals that the verb or onomatopoeic category of words was chosen
thirteen out of twenty times. Simply stated, this means that of the possible words that could have
been used when native Japanese speakers were expressing themselves, three quarters of the time
they happened to be words other than adjectives.
Analysis of the written surveys based upon variety in word choice, as highlighted in the
chart in appendix F, indicates that native English speakers consistently employed a wider variety
of words in expressing themselves over their Japanese counterparts. In some instances, such as
numbers two, three, twelve, thirteen, eighteen, and nineteen, the variety of words used by native
English speakers was almost double that of the Japanese participants. Interestingly, there is one
example among the Japanese surveys which not only shows a wide variety in word choice, but
many of the terms employed happen to be onomatopoeic as well. Question ten, which asked the

16. speaker to describe the manner in which a bunch of unruly college students enter a bar, managed
to elicit an impressive variety of onomatopoeic expressions such as doka doka, muki muki, doya
doya, bara bara, gaya gaya, doka toka, suga suga, zoro zoro and dota dota. Nevertheless, this
example was the exception rather than rule. Some examples, such as number thirteen which
asked the respondent how they would feel in the interim between receiving notice that an
unexpected package was being held for them at the post office and being free to go and retrieve
it, elicited only waku waku, tanoshimi, and mendo kusai out of sixteen responses. However, the
average English question, such as number two which asked the respondent how they would feel
if their boss ordered them to do some silly job that made them late on the day of a big date,
elicited responses as varied as annoyed, vexed, angry, irritable, beleaguered, vengeful,
disappointed, frustrated, optimistic, anxious, cheated, resentful, devastated, and upset. These
results clearly support the theory that native English speakers work from a more extensive
repertoire of words when expressing themselves in natural conversation. The results from this
section of the study will hopefully prove important to the way Japanese language teachers are
trained as well as developing a sensitivity to how their native English speaking students are
accustomed to expressing themselves.
6. Implications for Japanese Pedagogy
One of the most common pitfalls that second language learners make is the tendency to
adapt the rules of their mother tongue to the new language. Although extrapolating based on
knowledge from one’s own language can sometimes be an effective language learning strategy,
it can also lead to the fossilization of inappropriate language patterns. For all the universals that
exist, there are also language specific traits that need to be identified and acquired on the path to

17. proficiency. Despite the fact that English speakers employ onomatopoeia to a certain extent in
conversation, it is obvious from the results of the pilot study presented in this paper that native
speakers of Japanese are more likely to employ sound symbolic expressions in situations where
English speakers opt for adjectives or verbs. Furthermore, as the results in the analysis of the
written surveys based upon variety in word choice showed, native English speakers are used to
expressing themselves with a wide array of emotion or situation specific adjectives. The results
presented in the previous section are crucial to restructuring the way Japanese is taught as a
second language.
Students equipped with the knowledge of how their own language differs from the target
language are more likely to acquire natural speech patterns. Furthermore, students of Japanese
who are not just introduced, but continually instructed in the use of sound symbolics will avoid
the frustration of being misunderstood and the embarrassment of standing out while among
native speakers. Students who are used to describing emotions, actions, or conditions with
adjectives in their native tongue are likely to follow the same pattern in the second language if
not properly instructed, leading to a reliance on direct translations taken from dictionaries.
Despite the fact that dictionaries are integral to the process of broadening one’s vocabulary, they
also have the potential to be misleading. For example, a dictionary may provide the closest
Japanese equivalent for the English word excited as koofun shita, without stating that the average
Japanese speaker seeking to express the same emotion is more likely to use a more colloquial,
onomatopoeic equivalent such as doki doki shita or waku waku shita. Though some English to
Japanese dictionaries do list mimetic synonyms, the most authoritative and helpful resources
tend to be onomatopoeia dictionaries, which the average student is less likely to buy.

18. Furthermore, despite the fact that many JSL textbooks currently on the market do make mention
of onomatopoeia, it is rarely incorporated into the core vocabulary of each chapter.
Clearly, it is essential that the teaching of onomatopoeia be a major part of every JSL
curriculum. Likewise, there is also a need for JSL teachers to discourage students from relying
solely on the use of adjectives when practicing speaking. Although the objective of this paper is
not to provide detailed explanations of how onomatopoeia could best be taught, there are a few
points that could be made clear. Given the extensive number of sound symbolics that are
commonly employed in speech, as well as the multiple meanings that many of these words have,
instruction in them should be limited to words that students are more likely to use in a language
classroom. For example, introducing students to more infrequently used onomatopoeics like tara
tara or chakkari that are employed for detailing states or actions will not be as effective as
teaching practical words they could use to describe their feelings such as ira ira or doki doki.
Onomatopoeia should be present from the very beginning of a student’s study and continue
throughout the acquisition process. Parts of speech, which are formally introduced in textbooks
and have commonly used mimetic equivalents, should be presented in conjunction with the core
vocabulary wherever possible. Furthermore, textbooks should provide explanations of how
onomatopoeia is used as well a limited number of examples for each word presented. The
examples that are introduced should focus on one meaning in particular without delving into the
variety of other possible denotations. Textbooks which primarily emphasize the teaching of
formal speech, could include a section in each lesson that provides a limited number of
colloquial equivalents for certain words including onomatopoeics. Teachers can further improve
the learning process through a variety of techniques that will stimulate the student’s curiosity.
For example, techniques such as introducing onomatopes and letting students guess their

19. meanings based on the sound, or providing gestures or actions for each mimetic that students can
associate with the meaning will help students learn to use sound symbolic words more
accurately. Moreover, teachers who strive to provide fun examples for each mimetic will
ultimately be more successful than teachers who simply present the material in a forthright
manner are.
While it may seem unrealistic to incorporate the vast number of sound symbolic words in
the Japanese lexicon, as well as the multiple meanings of onomatopes, into a JSL classroom,
these words play too important a role in colloquial speech to be left to students to study on their
own. Onomatopes can best be taught as Kimizuka notes “….in context so that the student can
learn the appropriate semantic situation in which they are used.” Kimizuka goes on to state
“practice should be given on each onomatopoeic form in as many sample sentences as possible”
(Kimizuka 1967, p.16). However, the most influential voice that comes in supporting the
teaching of onomatopoeia can be found in the words of the average Japanese speaker. Many of
the participants who were interviewed upon completion of the questionnaire stated that non-
native speakers who regularly employed onomatopoeia in casual speech sounded more natural.
Kakehi supports this view by stating, “Facility in using such forms to express subtle gradations
of expressive meaning is widely recognized as a mark of fluency” (Kakehi et. al. 1996, p.1).
7. Hypotheses Relating to the Extensive Use of Onomatopoeia in Japanese
It is incontrovertible that the use of sound symbolic words in casual speech changes the
nature of a conversation. Correspondingly, it is highly unlikely that one would hear
onomatopoeics used in formal business meetings or scholarly debates in any language. Gomi
notes in An Illustrated Dictionary of Japanese Onomatopoeic Expressions how mimetics

20. “represent a world of their own – a group of expressions on the verge of becoming words if
necessary” (Gomi 1989, p.3). Sound symbolic expressions occupy a part of the lexicon reserved
for certain types of conversations, or more specifically, certain types of language strategies.
Although some of the hypotheses presented below are not necessarily made evident through the
results of the research introduced in this paper, they represent ideas that merit some
consideration.
The general consensus among linguists in regards to onomatopoeia is that it functions to
promote succinct self-expression as well as to add color to language. Chang submits that “One
role of mimesis and onomatopoeia, then, is to fill the gap and provide a means for concise
expression when a sufficiently descriptive verb does not exist. They make the language vivid.
They conjure up imagery instantly in the mind of the native speaker, thus producing a
synaesthetic effect” (Chang 1990, p.5). Although the contention that onomatopoeia is mainly
employed to make language more vivid is by far the most accurate assessment of its role, there
are other factors that need to be examined. Consider Bredin’s assertion mentioned above, that we
want language to be onomatopoeic. There is a psychological dimension involved in the use of
sound symbolic expressions that the average speaker may not always be aware of. It is the link
between the words we speak and unconscious mental processes. Bredin is correct in his assertion
that we want language to be onomatopoeic because its use promotes a sense of familiarity with
the listener. Through the use of repetitive expressions the speaker is able to draw the listener into
their own world, a world characterized by sharp distinctions between inner circle and outer circle
relationships. The idea that the language of relationships changes according to the nature of the
speaker-listener relationship is discussed extensively by Makino (1996) and Quinn (1994). Both
scholars argue that much of Japanese culture and language can be analyzed through the concepts

21. of uchi and soto. An analysis of onomatopoeia based upon the precepts of uchi and soto provides
an explanation of sound symbolic expressions’ greater frequency in Japanese. However, a brief
explanation of the concepts of uchi and soto will first be necessary in order to gain an
understanding of the extensive use of onomatopoeia in Japanese.
Uchi and soto represent more than just inside and outside, they are symbols
encompassing everything in Japanese society. They are not just nouns demarcating spheres of
space, they are metaphors for the Japanese world view. Makino applies the term uchikei to refer
to inner circle oriented speech and sotokei to refer to outer circle oriented speech (Makino 1996,
p.100). The terms can be used to analyze the degree of politeness in conversation. For example,
the choice a native speaker makes when deciding whether or not use formal or informal Japanese
or the choice between speaking one’s dialect versus standard Japanese can be explained through
the standpoint of uchi and soto. The farther a Japanese person moves away from their inner circle
the more soto oriented their language becomes. Likewise, the greater the level of intimacy
between the speaker and the listener, the more uchi oriented the speaker’s language becomes.
Uchi oriented language is a way of inviting the listener into one’s world and it demonstrates the
degree of intimacy the speaker feels with the listener (Schwartz 1999, p.55). Ultimately, the
speaker’s choice of words, as well as the speech strategy he or she applies, reflect the speaker’s
sentiments towards the listener, and on a more significant level, the distinctions symbolized in
uchi and soto.
The use of onomatopoeics in speech is just another strategy the speaker employs to define
the boundaries between uchi and soto. Though the extent of the relationship between sound and
meaning is debatable, there is no denying that onomatopoeia is purposely employed because of
its power to evoke unusually emotional reactions in both the speaker and the listener. Native

22. Japanese speakers employ onomatopoeia because of its ability to cover the range of Japanese
emotion in the same way native English speakers employ a wider array of very specific
adjectives and verbs. Onomatopoeia has what Makino refers to as hikikomisei, or degree of
involvement
i
(Makino 1996, p24). Although Makino uses the term to refer to the power of
certain palatal and nasal sounds to draw the listener into a conversation, hikikomisei can be
applied to lexical categories as well. The word hikikomi, which literally means to pull or draw in,
symbolizes the effect that the use of onomatopoeia has on a listener. Onomatopoeia represents a
realm of speech that is antithetical to the soto world of formality, ambiguity, distance, tradition,
and rigidity. Onomatopoeia embodies informality, conciseness, intimacy, progressiveness, and
flexibility. It is the ultimate example of sound’s relationship to meaning. As Bredin postulates,
“the main function of a verbal sound , it would seem, is that, because it is discriminable from
other sounds, it can be used to give a sensuous and communicable existence to a non-sensuous
and otherwise amorphous meaning” (Bredin 1996, p.5). A means for evaluating the validity of
this hypothesis will be dealt with later in this paper.
Ultimately however, it is conceivable that native Japanese speakers employ
onomatopoeia to a greater extent because it is a means of speech that allows the speaker to be
self-indulgent with the listener. It is at the heart of what Doi refers to in his classic psychological
exploration of the Japanese national character, The Anatomy of Dependence. Doi contends that
the term amaeru, to be indulgent upon someone, epitomizes the nature of Japanese interpersonal
relationships. It is the desire that a child has to” …be enveloped in an indulgent love…” and
“…by extension refers to the same behavior, whether unconscious or deliberately adopted, in the
adult” (Doi 1973, p.8). Correspondingly, a Japanese speaker who employs onomatopoeia in a
conversation is taking the liberty of indulging themselves on the listener. The speaker is using

23. language to establish the close contact that rigid formal language denies. Onomatopoeia, rooted
in the amae mentality, functions as the means by which an individual can foster a sense of
oneness with the listener. Certainly, one reason onomatopoeia is employed may be because its
simple, informal nature allows the speaker to set aside the structures of formality and directly
express their emotions. It is interesting to note that the onomatopoeia language used so
frequently by adult Japanese speakers, shares many characteristics in common with the mimetic
language used among parents and children. It could even be asserted that perhaps the use of
onomatopoeia, on a deeper level, might very well be related to the psychological desire to return
to childhood where so much of language was mimetic. Nevertheless, the similarity between the
language of childhood and onomatopoeic expressions offers a possible foundation for adult
speaker’s adoption of mimetic expressions to mark intimate territory with language. Note how it
is not uncommon for parents to use reduplicative language with children such as nai nai shite for
putting something away, nen ne shite for going to sleep, or itai itai for expressing pain. These are
all examples of non-onomatopoeic words mimicking one of the typical patterns in which sound
symbolics occur as. Thus, it is no surprise that, as adults, the words we prefer to use are those
that bring us back to our childhood. Furthermore, it is undeniable that a child’s initial lexicon is
filled with animal sounds and mimetics for sounds their own bodies make or specific actions
relating to their daily lives. If Doi’s assumption is correct that the desire to be self-indulgent is
prolonged throughout one’s adult life, then it would not be a far stretch to cite the use of
onomatopoeia as an example of the manifestation of this exact desire.

24. 8. Future Research
The bulk of research that has been done to date focuses mostly on systematic
categorization of sound symbolic words based on the phonological aspects. There are only a few
studies that attempt to directly compare onomatopoeia between the two languages, and many of
them are biased by the belief that sound symbolics do not compose a valid lexical category in
English. Furthermore, there are a lack of socio-linguistically oriented studies which seek to
compare the situations where onomatopoeia is more likely to be employed in each language. The
need for more research in a few specific categories became apparent in the process of
researching and composing this paper.
The validity of the hypothesis presented in the previous section that attempts to connect
the extensive use of onomatopoeia to the distinctions native speakers make between uchi and
soto, could be tested through an analysis of actual recorded discourse between native speakers of
varying relationships. A comparison of conversations recorded between intimate friends, family
members, co-workers, employees and employers, and even among strangers, would certainly
provide conclusive evidence to the frequency that onomatopoeia is employed in a variety of
social settings. Moreover, scripted conversations where the speaker is explicitly instructed to
either employ or avoid onomatopoeia could be utilized to test the hypothesis that the use of
onomatopoeia affects the degree of involvement a listener feels. Interviews with both
participants following each conversation would help to establish the degree of emotional contact
both members felt. An analysis of the types of conversations where onomatopoeia occurred
would most likely indicate the motivation of the speaker for employing it as well as the affect it
had on the listener. The results from such an experiment should show a marked increase in the
use of onomatopoeia among inner circle oriented relationships, as well as a greater emotional

25. involvement on the part of both the listener and speaker in conversations where onomatopoeia is
freely employed. Likewise, the results from scripted conversations where the use of
onomatopoeia was avoided should show a marked decrease in the level of emotional
involvement the listener feels.
The same corpus of data gathered to test the validity of the hypothesis mentioned prior,
along with a separate questionnaire, could also be used to investigate the veracity of the
assumption that native Japanese speakers employ onomatopoeia to a greater extent as a result of
a latent psychological desire to be indulgent upon the listener. Surveys could be designed to
prompt participants to consider the reason they employed onomatopoeia in the situations they
did, as well as questioning whether the replacement of certain sound symbolic words with non-
onomatopoeic equivalents would provide the same degree of emotional satisfaction and
involvement. Furthermore, considering the fact that parent-child language in other cultures is full
of onomatopoeia as well, similar tests would have to be conducted among participants from
additional countries to gauge the willingness a speaker has in adjusting the types of words they
employ in conversation, and to measure the subsequent emotional response that such an action
would bring about. A cross-cultural comparison of these results would assist in establishing the
extent to which the amae mentality impacts the frequency that onomatopoeia is employed among
native Japanese speakers. The experiments would ultimately need to be designed to achieve an
accurate measure of the degree of emotional attachment an individual has for the use of specific
words in particular situations, as well as determining the emotional reaction that sound symbolic
words produce. The results from such an experiment should show that native Japanese speakers
are less willing to change their choice of words as a result of an abstract attachment to the use of
onomatopoeia when expressing themselves. More specifically, the results should show that

26. participants are unable to achieve the same degree of emotional gratification from using non-
onomatopoeic words as they are from employing sound symbolics.
Another area of research in critical need of attention is the methodic categorization of
onomatopes in English based upon phonological, lexical, and semantic characteristics. As Bredin
notes “Onomatopoeia has rarely, if ever, received the attention it deserves” (Bredin 1996, p.5).
Despite the fact that native English speakers employ onomatopoeia in casual speech as
demonstrated by the research presented in this paper, few people even recognize that their choice
of words derives from an onomatopoeic lexicon. Moreover, research in this field would facilitate
more accurate comparisons between patterns of sound symbolism in other languages as well.
One final area of research that could prove interesting is related to the current status of
onomatopoeia in modern Japanese. Interviews conducted following the surveys that were used to
gather data revealed that older people see the prevalence of onomatopoeia in young people’s
speech as an instance of negative change in the language. It was often cited that younger people
are relying too much on simpler modes of speech and the widespread use of onomatopoeia was a
principle example of this trend. Although there is inevitably a faction of older people in every
generation that claims the language of the youth is degenerating, if we were to ignore the value
judgement and test the validity of this statement it could prove to be true. An analysis of the use
of sound symbolics across the last fifty years would certainly provide the data needed to analyze
whether or not the use of onomatopoeia is on the rise. Although an accurate assessment of the
spoken language would be almost impossible, the aforementioned hypothesis could be tested by
comparing works of contemporary literature with literature of the past to measure the degree and
extent that onomatopoeia is used. Furthermore, if one were to accept the proposition that
language used in manga, Japanese comics, was reflective of how people spoke in a given period,

27. then an analysis of manga of today with its pre-war counterpart would certainly show whether a
change has occurred or not.
9. Concluding Remarks
This paper presented results from an experiment that conclusively proves that
onomatopoeia is an active part of the English lexicon, though it is not as widely employed as it is
in Japanese. Moreover, this paper presented evidence that English speakers are more likely to use
a wide array of specific adjectives or verbs where native Japanese speakers are more inclined to
employ onomatopoeia to achieve the same level of expressiveness. This paper also offered an
explanation for why onomatopoeia is used to the extent it is in Japanese by analyzing it
according to the principles of uchi and soto, as well as the psychology of amae. Finally, and
perhaps most importantly, this paper put forth a proposal for a new direction in the field of
Japanese pedagogy.
Students learning a second language need to be guided in more than the just the physical
language itself. There needs to be explicit instruction, as well as comparing and contrasting of
how L2 differs from L1, to help students avoid detrimental language transfer and to establish
natural speech patterns at an early stage in the language acquisition process. The research that is
presented in this paper is as important to the field of language pedagogy as studies in the
mapping of DNA are to the field of genetics. Both types of research seek to slowly define the
boundaries, variations, and types of structures that are necessary for understanding the larger
picture and contribute to the existing body of knowledge that further research grows from.
Although it is common knowledge that different languages employ different means for
communicating similar ideas, and that a certain category of words in one language may not have

28. a corresponding category in other languages, it is precisely the use of different means in different
languages to perform a similar function that must be systematically defined and categorized in
order to further the field, and to ultimately allow students to acquire more naturalistic language
speech patterns. It is my hope that JSL textbook and curriculum design will reflect the
information presented in this paper, and that English speaking students of Japanese will soon
learn not only how to bring Japanese vocabulary into their English model of speech, but even
taught how to modify their model of self expression to include onomatopoeic terms in place of
adjectives so that they may more closely approach a native Japanese speaking level of
competence.
Notes:
i
Professor Makino approved the translation of hikikomisei as ‘degree of involvement’ via e-mail.

29. Appendix A
I.
Breakdown of native English participants by sex.
male 11
female 9
Breakdown of native English participants by age.
10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60+
0 8 9 1 0 2
II.
Breakdown of native Japanese participants by sex.
male 11
female 9
Breakdown of native Japanese participants by age.
10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60+
0 15 2 0 2 0

30. Appendix B
I.
Percentage of the time that native English speakers opted for onomatopoeia over adjectives or
verbs on the multiple-choice survey.
Participant # Onomatopoeia
word choice
1. 30-39 F 15%
2. 20-29 F 35%
3. 60+ F 25%
4. 60+ M 15%
5. 30-39 M 20%
6. 30-39 M 35%
7. 30-39 F 35%
8. 20-29 M 35%
9. 30-39 M 15%
10. 20-29 M 25%
11. 20-29 M 40%
12. 40-49 M 15%
13. 30-39 F 25%
14. 20-29 F 35%
15. 30-39 M 20%
16. 30-39 M 25%
17. 20-29 F 45%
18. 30-39 F 20%
19. 20-29 M 35%
20. 20-29 F 20%
High
Low
Average
45%
15%
26.8%

31. Appendix B (cont.)
II.
Percentage of the time that native Japanese speakers opted for onomatopoeia over adjectives or
verbs on the multiple-choice survey.
Participant # Onomatopoeia
word choice
1. 20-29 F 75%
2. 20-29 F 70%
3. 20-29 F 65%
4. 50-59 F 55%
5. 20-29 M 30%
6. 20-29 F 75%
7. 20-29 M 65%
8. 20-29 M 60%
9. 20-29 M 45%
10. 20-29 F 75%
11. 20-29 M 70%
12. 20-29 M 55%
13. 20-29 M 85%
14. 20-29 F 80%
15. 30-39 M 70%
16. 50-59 M 80%
17. 20-29 M 75%
18. 30-39 F 65%
19. 20-29 F 80%
20. 50-59 M 50%
High
Low
Average
85%
30%
66.3%

32. Appendix C
I.
Percentage of the time that native English speakers opted for onomatopoeia in describing the
following situations on the multiple-choice survey.
emotional/feelings states/conditions actions/movements
1. 30-39 F 0% 43% 0%
2. 20-29 F 14% 40% 66%
3. 60+ F 0% 50% 0%
4. 60+ M 0% 30% 0%
5. 30-39 M 14% 30% 0%
6. 30-39 M 29% 50% 0%
7. 30-39 F 14% 40% 66%
8. 20-29 M 14% 50% 33%
9. 30-39 M 0% 30% 0%
10. 20-29 M 14% 30% 66%
11. 20-29 M 0% 60% 66%
12. 40-49 M 0% 10% 66%
13. 30-39 F 0% 30% 66%
14. 20-29 F 14% 30% 100%
15. 30-39 M 14% 20% 33%
16. 30-39 M 14% 40% 0%
17. 20-29 F 14% 50% 100%
18. 30-39 F 0% 30% 33%
19. 20-29 M 29% 50% 0%
20. 20-29 F 29% 20% 0%
Average 10.7% 36.7% 5%

33. Appendix C (cont.)
II.
Percentage of the time that native Japanese speakers opted for onomatopoeia in describing the
following situations on the multiple-choice survey.
emotional/feelings states/conditions actions/movements
1. 20-29 F 43% 90% 100%
2. 20-29 F 71% 60% 100%
3. 20-29 F 57% 60% 100%
4. 50-59 F 43% 50% 100%
5. 20-29 M 43% 30% 0%
6. 20-29 F 71% 70% 100%
7. 20-29 M 29% 80% 100%
8. 20-29 M 57% 60% 66%
9. 20-29 M 42% 30% 100%
10. 20-29 F 86% 60% 100%
11. 20-29 M 43% 80% 100%
12. 20-29 M 58% 40% 100%
13. 20-29 M 71% 90% 100%
14. 20-29 F 42% 100% 100%
15. 30-39 M 42% 80% 100%
16. 50-59 M 86% 70% 100%
17. 20-29 M 71% 70% 100%
18. 30-39 F 57% 70% 66%
19. 20-29 F 71% 80% 100%
20. 50-59 M 29% 60% 66%
Average 55.6% 66.5% 90%

34. Appendix D
I.
Total number of adjectives used per response out of twenty questions on the written answer
survey.
Number of adjectives
Question # Japanese English
1. 5 11
2. 4 20
3. 1 18
4. 1 18
5. 4 5
6. 8 13
7. 1 17
8. 3 16
9. 0 19
10. 4 16
11. 19 19
12. 6 19
13. 6 18
14. 12 18
15. 8 14
16. 4 7
17. 3 6
18. 4 11
19 2 12
20. 8 18
Total 103 295

35. Appendix E
I.
Breakdown of word choice on the written answer survey for native English speakers.
Question #* Number of times
adjectives or
adverbs were
employed
Number of times
verbs or
onomatopoeics
were employed
Other
1. (12) 11 1 0
2. (20) 20 0 0
3. (18) 18 0 0
4. (19) 18 0 1
5. (16) 5 11 0
6. (15) 13 1 1
7. (17) 17 0 0
8. (19) 16 1 2
9. (19) 19 0 0
10. (18) 16 2 0
11. (19) 19 0 0
12. (19) 19 0 0
13. (18) 18 0 0
14. (18) 18 0 0
15. (18) 14 4 0
16. (14) 7 7 0
17. (19) 6 11 2
18. (13) 11 1 1
19. (17) 12 5 0
20. (18) 18 0 0
Total 295 44 7
*The number in parentheses represents the total number of valid responses counted out of
twenty.

36. Appendix E (cont.)
II.
Breakdown of word choice on the written answer survey for native Japanese speakers.
Question #* Number of times
adjectives or
adverbs were
employed
Number of times
verbs in te-form or
past tense and
onomatopoeics
were employed
Other
1. (18) 5 13 0
2. (10) 4 4 2
3. (14) 1 10 3
4. (17) 1 3 13
5. (18) 4 14 0
6. (12) 8 4 0
7. (13) 1 12 0
8. (18) 3 11 4
9. (15) 0 14 1
10. (19) 4 15 0
11. (19) 19 0 0
12. (12) 6 2 4
13. (16) 6 10 0
14. (20) 12 8 0
15. (12) 8 3 1
16. (19) 4 14 1
17. (12) 3 8 1
18. (6) 4 2 0
19. (18) 2 15 1
20. (11) 8 1 2
Total 103 163 33
*The number in parentheses represents the total number of valid responses counted out of
twenty.

37. Appendix F
I.
Degree of variety in word choice between English and Japanese on the written answer surveys.*
Question # Japanese English
1. 8 11
2. 7 15
3. 7 15
4. 6 11
5. 9 10
6. 7 11
7. 4 4
8. 11 14
9. 8 8
10. 13 11
11. 8 15
12. 6 12
13. 3 10
14. 8 6
15. 7 13
16. 6 8
17. 7 10
18. 4 11
19. 6 15
20. 7 12
*Not all the words that appeared on the written surveys were counted in these results. All
adjectives, adverbs, verbs, nouns, and onomatopes were included. However, nouns occurring in
metaphorical phrases such as “like a log” were excluded.

38. Appendix G
I.
Japanese multiple choice and written answer survey.
言語調査のアンケート
名前：＿＿＿＿＿＿＿
年齢：10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-
職業：＿＿＿＿＿＿＿ 連絡先：＿＿＿＿＿＿＿＿
下記の状況を読み、親しい友達にそれそれの状況、あるいは
気持ちを説明するとしたら、どういうふうに表現するかを想
像し、自分の気持ちにもっとも近い答えを選択して
ください。
１．一日中一生懸命仕事をした。家へ帰り、寝る。どう寝たと友達に説明しますか。
a. よく寝た。
b.眠りは深かった。
c.ぐっすり寝た。
d.深く寝た。
２．ずっと楽しみに待っていたデートの日が来たのに、上司に余計な仕事を頼まれ、１
時間遅れて行かなければならなかった。気持ちはどうでしたか。
a.もどかしい。
b.いらいらした。
c.腹立たしい。
３．映画館でホラー映画を見ていたら火災警知報機が突然鳴り出した。友達にその時の
気分をどう説明しますか。
a. 不安になった。
b.驚いた。
c.どきっとした。
４．自分が計画したバーベキューパーティーの日に、雨が降ったらどう感じたと友達に
説明しますか。
a. がっかりした。
b. 残念だった
c. 失望した。
５．昨日、夜遅くまで居酒屋で飲み、次の朝二日酔いになった。なのに、近所での工事
の騒音で起こされた。頭の具合はどうだったと友達に説明しますか。
a. 頭痛がした。

39. b. 頭が痛かった。
c. 頭ががんがんした。
６．テレビで、日本文化についてのパネルディスカッションを見ていたら、その番組に
出ているアメリカ人のコメントを聞いて、驚きました。彼の言語能力はどうだったと説
明しますか。
a.流ちょうだった。
b.上手だった。
c.ぺらぺらだった。
d.よく話せた。
７．夜遅くまで遊び、家へ帰ると家族は皆もう寝ていました。どうやって部屋へ入った
と話しますか。
a. 静かに入る。
b.そっと入る。
c.黙って入った。
８．何十年も使われ、古くなった家の見た目はどんな風だと説明しますか。
a.貧相。
b.見窄らしい。
c.ぼろぼろだ。
９．よく考えてみると、今日は朝から何も食べていなかった。今の気分はどうだと説明
しますか。
a. 空腹だ。
b. ぺこぺこだ 。
c. お腹がすいた。
１０．たくさんの体育会系の男子学生が、居酒屋に入ってきました。その入ってき方は
どんなでしたか。
a. 荒々しく。
b. がさつに。
c. どかどかと。
１１．私の友達は、お世話になった人に必ずお礼をします。そんな友達の性格をどう説
明しますか。
a. きっちりした人。
b. 律儀な人 。
c. 礼儀正しい人。
１２．最近、毎晩おそくに、暴走族が近所でバイクを乗り回している。そんな時、どう
思いますか。
a.うんざり。
b. へきえきする。
c. 飽きてきた。
１３．おもいがけなく、郵便物の知らせが来ました。取りに行くまでの気持ちはどうだ
と説明しますか。
a.わくわくする。
b.興奮する。
c.楽しみにする。

40. １４．洗い物をしていたら、茶わんを落としたが、割れなかった。気持ちはどうだった
と友達に説明しますか。
a.安心した。
b.良かった。
c.ほっとした。
１５．一時間しか眠れなかった。あくる日、仕事に行けば、その日の気持ちははどうだ
ったと説明しますか。
a.眠かった。
b.ふらふらした。
c.疲れていた。
１６．洗ったばかりの車は、太陽の光でどう見えると説明しますか。
a. ぴかぴかしている
b. よく光っている 。
c.まぶしい。
１７．ほとんど掃除しないため、ものをすぐ見つけられない上司のつくえは、どんな状
態だと友達に説明しますか。
a. きたない。
b. めちゃぐちゃ 。
c. 乱雑だ。
１８．以前、同じクラスにいた田中さんが、アメリカから帰ってきて、皆の前で英語の
文を何の問題なく読んだことをどう説明しますか。
a. 円滑に読んだ。
b. 流動的に読んだ 。
c.すらっと読んだ。
１９．最近付合ってきた友達は、いつでも、どこでも彼女と一緒にいる。その二人の関
係はどう説明しますか。
a. あつい。
b. 愛し会っている。
c.ラブラブ。
２０．２０キロを走った後に、冷たい水を飲む気持ちはどんな感じだと説明しますか。
a. さっぱりした。
b. さわやか 。
c. すがすがしい。

41. Appendix G (cont.)
II.
English multiple choice and written answer survey.
Questionnaire
Name: ___________
Age: 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-
Occupation: _____________
Part A
Read the following sentences and select the answers that best express how you would most likely
describe the following situations to a close friend in a conversation.
1. You worked hard all day and now you are exhausted. You go home and go to bed. How did
you sleep?
a. well.
b. I had a deep sleep.
c. like “zzzzz”
2. The day of a big date that you have been looking forward to finally comes. However, your
boss orders you to do some silly job that makes you an hour late for your meeting. How do you
feel?
a. irritated.
b. grumpy.
c. pissed-off.
3. A fire alarm goes off during a horror movie at the theater. How do you feel?
a. anxious.
b. surprised.
c. like “gulp”.
4. It rains the day of a big barbecue party that you planned. How do you feel?
a. whiny.
b. regretful.
c. disappointed.

42. 5. You went drinking last night and the next day you have a hangover. You are awakened by the
sound of construction in your neighborhood. How does your head feel?
a. I have a horrible headache.
b. It hurts.
c. It is throbbing.
6. You watch a panel discussion on TV about American culture. You are impressed by the
eloquent comments made by a non-native English speaking guest. How would you describe his
language ability?
a. He was fluent.
b. He was skilled.
c. He spoke smoothly.
7. You went out last night and came home late. By the time you came home your whole family
was asleep. Describe how you entered the house?
a. I entered quietly.
b. I slipped right in.
c. I went in silently.
8. How would you describe the appearance of a house that has been lived in for many decades
and is quite old?
a. worn.
b. dilapidated.
c. crumbling.
9. It is early evening and you suddenly realize that you haven’t eaten anything all day. What do
you say to your friend?
a. I am hungry.
b. My stomach is growling.
c. My stomach is empty.
10. A bunch of jocks from the local college come into the bar you are at. Describe their manner
of entering the bar to your friend.
a. noisy.
b. loud.
c. raucous.
11. Your friend is always quick to figure out the answers to any problem. How would you
describe her personality?
a. sharp.
b. smart.

43. c. clever.
12. Recently there have been young motorcycle gangs riding around late at night in your
neighborhood. How does it make you feel?
a. cranky.
b. annoyed.
c. disgusted.
13. You unexpectedly receive a notice from the local post office saying that they are holding
onto a package for you. How do you feel until you are able to get to the Post Office to pick it up?
a. giddy.
b. excited.
c. looking forward to getting it.
14. You drop a plate while doing the dishes but it doesn’t break. How do you feel?
a. relieved.
b. glad.
c. like “whew”.
15. You couldn’t sleep at all last night. How do you feel at work the next day?
a. sleepy.
b. flighty.
c. tired.
16. How would you describe the effect of the sun reflecting off the car you have just washed?
a. glimmering.
b. shining.
c. bright.
17. Your boss can never seem to find anything on his desk because he never cleans. How would
you describe his desk?
a. disorganized.
b. messy.
c. disorderly.
18. Your student who has just returned from studying in America reads a passage in English in
front of the class. Everyone is impressed by how natural she sounds. How does she read the
passage?
a. She read it smoothly.
b. She read it fluently.
c. She whizzed through it.
19. Your friend just started dating a new girl. They are always together. How would you describe
their relationship?
a. a hot item.

44. b. intimate.
c. all lovey-dovey.
20. You run twenty kilometers and have a cool drink upon your return. How does it feel?
a. like “aaah”.
b. refreshing.
c. delicious.

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