The document discusses the rise of support for Syriza, the radical left coalition in Greece, through social media from 2006-2015. It describes how [1] early online activism and alternative media helped spread Syriza's anti-austerity message, [2] a dedicated social media team was crucial to their growing popularity and electoral successes in the lead up to 2015, but [3] internal divisions and pressure from international lenders weakened Syriza's position and social media activism after gaining power.
Building support for the radical left through social media: the case of Syriza in Greece
1. Building support for the radical left
through social media
the case of Greece
Nikos Smyrnaios
Université de Toulouse
2. The context
Syriza: coalition of the Greek non Stalinist radical left
It’s rise to power is a unique phenomenon in Europe:
Vote percentage x8 in 5 years. From 13 MPs in 2009 to 149 in
2015 (out of 300)
Against the mainstream media & the political establishment in
Greece & the EU
3. The context
Multiple factors explain this phenomenon:
- Greece’s particular political history
- Dramatic socio-economic crisis & extreme austerity
- Nepotism & corruption of traditional political parties
- Distrust in mainstream media
- Powerful social movement between 2010 & 2014
…but also the rise of overwhelming support
for Syriza online
4. Research question & method
What was the socio-political process that built overwhelming
support for Syriza on social media ?
Historical narrative of the “complex sociotechnical and system” &
the particular political context that helps a popular movement for
change to expand (Lim, 2012)
Empirical material:
Interviews with activists & members of Syriza
Participant observation in two campaigns (disclosure)
Study of online content from 2006 to 2015
5. The early days (2006-2009)
Greek political activism online was limited to Indymedia Athens
up to the middle of the 2000s
From 2006 rise of the Greek blogosphere: modernist technophile
elite, « liberal consensus » against conservatism, political activism
against corruption
May 2006: 4th European Social Forum in Athens
October 2006: SYRIZA’s successful election campaign for
municipality of Athens headed by Alexis Tsipras (32)
August 2007: first protest organised by bloggers in Athens
against massive wildfires
6.
7. The early days (2006-2010)
February 2008: Tsipras becomes leader of SYRIZA
X-generation, anti-globalisation movement & social forums, close
to the blogosphere, try to modernize SYRIZA
Tsipras’ first interview as SYRIZA’s leader is to citizen journalism
webradio (Radiobubble)
December 2008: massive riots in Greece after the assassination
of Alexis Grigoropoulos by a policeman
Alternative media explode: start-ups (TVXS), citizen journalism
(Radiobubble), hashtag reporting (#Griots)
Tsipras’ personal friends with “street credibility” & tenths of
SYRIZA sympathisers connect to it (they will be at the heart of
future campaigns)
8.
9. The early days (2006-2010)
April 2009: Obama’s online campaign organizer invited by
SYRIZA. Strategic choice to invest the internet in order to counter
mainstream propaganda
Online political polarization mainly between progressives (of
radical Left/SYRIZA and Center Left/PASOK) versus
conservatives (Right/New Democracy)
October 2009: PASOK under Papandreou win elections with first
major online political campaign in Greece,
co-opting of the “progressive” blogosphere
April 2010: Greece declared bankrupt, 1st Memorandum (forced
loans from EU & IMF + extreme austerity measures). 2nd
Memorandum in February 2011
10. The early days (2006-2010)
May 2011: Spanish Indignados occupy Plaza del Sol, Greek
Aganaktismenoi occupy Syntagma square
Through 2011 & 2012 massive protests, repeated police brutality,
social media denounce repression & propaganda
Protests & digital/physical hubs (e.g. Radiobubble)
further connect SYRIZA & social media activists
Online political polarization shifts to pro-austerity (Center
Left/Pasok & Right/ND) versus anti-austerity (Left/Syriza &
patriots/populists )
May/June 2012: first electoral success of Syriza that becomes the
main opposition to reactionary pro-austerity right wing
government. Neo-Nazis enter Parliament
11.
12. The road to power (2013-2015)
October 2013: European Left designates Tsipras for the
presidency of the European Commission. Tours Europe
SYRIZA creates a dedicated social media team for campaign
Team (n=20) with very small budget but a lot of enthusiasm.
Many experts (data scientists, communication strategists,
journalists) work for free
Office not in SYRIZA’s HQs => complete autonomy from
politicians. The campaign federates tenths of “influencers”
Strategy connected with social movements (spontaneous
participation); uses coverage about the Greek crisis to speak
about Europe; coordinates internationally (transform!); relies on
creativity coming from the base; radical but also “informal”
discourse (humour, flexibility)
15. The road to power (2013-2015)
Tsipras gains reputation in the EU (+17 MPs for EL, from 35 to
52) and popularity in Greece, SYRIZA becomes 1st party in
Summer 2014: Access to power is only a matter of time. Tsipras
starts meetings with mainstream media moguls (contacts
apparently started in 2012)
The social media team falls apart, one of the 2 main coordinators
resigns over political differences
January 25 2015: Snap elections in Greece. A social media team
is put together only 40 days prior
Electoral communication centred on Tsipras, conceived by ad
agencies & consultants outside SYRIZA, chosen by Tsipras 1st
circle
16. #SYRIZA on Twitter after the Greek Elections of January25 2015
SYRIZA’s victory still has a massive
international impact
17. Negotiation and defeat (2015)
Tsipras’ government tries to negotiate with Troïka on a moderate
basis (strategy co-authored by Varoufakis), as months pass the
Greek government’s position gets weaker
Many members of the social media team get jobs in government,
one of the 2 coordinators becomes Tsipras’ personal CM
Members who voice criticism are not proposed jobs, are
marginalised
June 2015: BCE imposes capital controls
July 2015: Tsipras calls for a Referendum on the Troïka’s
austerity plan, 62% reject it (last popular act of defiance)
One week after Tsipras signs the austerity plan
