This document is a minor dissertation submitted by Jorge Martín Mora to University College Cork on May 15, 2015 about the 15-M Revolution social movement in Spain. It discusses how the 15-M movement utilized social media to organize mass protests in 2011 against the political and economic establishment. Social media allowed the movement to coordinate demonstrations across Spain and bring attention to their demands for greater participatory democracy and response to the financial crisis. While the 15-M movement did not achieve major political reforms, it has had ongoing social and political impacts by challenging Spain's two-party system and inspiring new forms of civic engagement and protest.

1. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE CORK (UCC)
Minor Dissertation:
15-M Revolution
Name:
Jorge Martín Mora
Student Number:
114224438
Module Code:
HS2063
Course:
HDAHS
Supervision
Dr. Nuala Finnegan
Date of Submission:
15/05/2015

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CONTENT
1. INTRODUCTION
2. 15-M AS A SOCIAL MOVENMENT
3. SOCIAL MEDIA WITHIN 15-M
3.1 Social media as a tool of political participation
4. SOCIAL AND POLITICS IMPACTS
4.1 A new Political environment in Spain
5. CONCLUSION
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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1. INTRODUCTION
Social movements for change have existed for a long time. The first social movements
emerged the late 18th and 19th centuries and were usually represented by social groups
such as working class, peasants, aristocrats or Protestants among others. They fought for
improve the standard of living or to get the political autonomy of the working class.
At the present time social movements are still fight for similar things but in a very
different way. In the past the only way to participate in the democratic process by the
citizens was through the polls, the rest of the time they were mere onlookers. Unlike
this, currently the citizens can take part in the democratic process through social media.
Social media has quickly increasing in importance the last few years, thus big part of
the population can access instantaneity to the news all over the world, furthermore they
are able to participate and give their own opinion. Because of this the role of the citizens
in the political process is much important than before. It allows to politicians to
communicate faster and interact with the people. Reactions, feedback, conversations
and debates are generated online as well as support and participation for offline events.
Messages posted to personal networks are multiplied when shared, which allow new
audiences to be reached. (Tenhunen and Karvelyte, 2015)
The 15-M was the first mass mobilisation organised through Internet in Spain
(Dans, 2011) Many people from different were connected each other protesting and
claiming for a new democracy, thanks to a good organization from different platforms
such as ¡Democracia Real Ya! , they quickly spread all over the country, being
Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) crucial instruments for
coordination, communication and (political) deliberation.
The main purpose of this dissertation is to analyse the transformational changes that 15-
M movement has brought to the political Spanish system through social media. We will
examine how this social movement has generated news outside journalistic and political
circles, and their social impact.

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2. 15 M AS A SOCIAL MOVEMENT
In Order to develops my dissertation I am going to give a brief description about the 15
M movement.
15-M movement was a social movement that took place in Spain and more particularly
in the Puerta del Sol square of Madrid in May 15th, 2011. This social movement
emerged because of the digital platform ¡Democracia Real Ya!
In the beginning of 2011, it was created this digital platform as a tool to mobilize the
Spanish people and take the streets on 15th of May in more than fifty cities of Spain and
various European Capitals. This demonstration had the purpose of show the government
and the political parties their discomfort with the social and political system under the
motto “we are not goods in hands of politicians and bankers”. The called was successful
and thousands of people went out to the streets all over Spain to demand social and
political changes. According to the digital platform ¡Democracia Real Ya! 50.000
people gathered in Madrid, the march started in Plaza de Cibeles and ended in Puerta
del Sol, then, the Puerta del Sol square became a symbol during the protests. After the
demonstration, unexpectedly a group pf people headed to Puerta del Sol and started
camping in the middle of the square. Some days later, more and more people would
joined them building a small city inside the square. Thus was born the 15 M movement.
15M «Excelente. Revulsivo. Importante» v.1.6, (2013)
This movement was born with no political purpose, they were outrage people from
different countries, ages, ideologies and social classes. Thus their protest is focused on
financial capitalism and on its influence on government. They considered that the
political system was rotten and they did not represent the democracy neither themselves,
besides the movement assumed they were damaging the democracy and the social
rights, especially the two big political parties, PSOE and PP. This dominant two-party
system with similar policy outcomes undermined the beliefs in the representative
democracy and the electoral system as effective instruments for the population to get an
influence in the government. Therefore, the repeated claim of participatory and direct
democracy by the 15M became a strategic election of an inspirational frame given the

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closed access of social movements to the institutional establishment. 15M «Excelente.
Revulsivo. Importante» v.1.6, (2013)
The 15M showed a number of signs for a potential revolutionary change facing the
capitalist system in Spain. It was predominantly an anti-crisis movement (Harvey 2012)
3. SOCIAL MEDIA WITHIN 15-M
The use and popularization of the Information and communications technology (ICT)
have generated and generate changes in innumerable fields such as education, media,
economy and of course political. That new tools, as social networking, have generated
real possibilities of participation to the citizens and make easier the civic organization,
moreover globalize the messages and encourage the collective intelligent. (Reig, 2011)
Spain pioneered the presence of “online multitudes” in 2004, when the population
reacted to the electoral manipulation of the 11th March terrorist attacks. The vast
majority of those who participated had access to Internet or to a mobile phone. Digital
technology played a crucial role not only in the ability to self-organize but also in
creating collective action without (and confronted to) institutional structures. An
emerging digital and critical public sphere made its first appearance in 2004 and erupted
in 2011 with the 15-M. (Sampedro and Lobera, 2014)
It is worth noticing that in 2011 (before 15-M movement emerged), The Arab Spring
movement proved the effective use of social media to organize, communicate and
mobilize a social mass in order to challenge the powerful.
According to Dans (2011) the 15-M was the first mass mobilisation organised through
Internet in Spain, this fact has impacted on the news creation process and brought issues
into Spanish political discourse. Thus the success of the 15-M are precisely its ability to
produce news through social media and its effective impact on the mainstream media.
The platforms Democracia real, ¡ya! and Juventud sin futuro expanded through social
media, creating a snow ball effect. Their adoption of a plural position, open to all

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persuasions, meant hundreds of followers joined in and the mobilisation began to take
shape in this way, first through Internet, and later on the streets (Sampedro and Sánchez
Duarte, 2011).
3.1 Social media as a tool of political participation
Social media played a crucial role in the formation and developing the 15 M movement.
The indignados used it as a tool of mobilization, organization and communication with
the purpose of has a social and political impact and protest against the political system.
In addition this mobilization consolidated identities against apathy of the society,
pending that they take a strongest position before the public sphere, dominated by
politicians and journalists. Therefore many digital platforms such as PAH or
15MpaRato arose during 2011. These platforms are initiated by gathering a critical mass
on social networking sites and evolve, on the outside, into a Para-institution, while they
keep an emergent and decentralized network-like structure on the inside. (Balcells
Padullés, Cerrillo-i-Martínez, Peguera, Peña-López, Pifarré de Moner & Vilasau Solana
2013). This constitutes a plural space where new political action and discourse emerge
and it provides expression and collective tools for political struggle that can be used by
the majority of those affected by the crisis and of those disaffected from polarized
bipartisan politics (Calle, 2013).
Thus, the 15-M has brought transformational change in terms of the use of social media
on political participation. In Spain new actors are emerging in the new information
environment and actively participating in the news production and diffusion process.
(Casero-Ripollés and Feenstra 2012)
“The online population is most predisposed to engage in cause-oriented forms of
activism, characteristic of petitioning, demonstrating, and contacting the media over
single-issue politics and civic-oriented activities, such as belonging to voluntary
associations and community organizations”. Norris & Curtice (2006)
We have seen how the complex process of spreading information and the interactions
between users within the network is essential in order to comprehend this phenomenon.

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However, this brings up the question, Why Did the user decides to take the protest to
the streets in order to materialize it?
According to Borge & Cardenal (2012) the use of the Internet has a direct effect on
participation independently of motivation, In other words, the Internet itself is
increasing this willingness to participate online. In this sense, the Internet reinforces
online participation.
It is important to mention that even if the Internet has a positive impact on online
participation and that this online participation correlates with offline participation, this
does not necessarily mean that offline participation has to be understood as usual. In
fact, it has already been found that a higher use of the Internet is not related with being
more interested in a political campaign and not even be more prone to following official
cyberpolitics (Sampedro, Lopez Rey & Muñóz Goy, 2012). Online campaigns, thus,
would be addressed not to the whole of the online population, but to the ones that have
an influence, both online and offline.
Unlike institutions, that have a usually exclusive membership, citizen networks create
Para-institutions that share members among them. The dialogue between political
institutions and network Para-institutions is weak, but existing, and concentrates on the
left-side of the political arena. When dialogue is non-existing, mass media act as the
channel through which political institutions (normally on the right) and network Para-
institutions speak with each other. Therefore, Lack of dialogue and tension sparks
participation and boosts it beyond representational participation. (Balcells Padullés, Cerrillo-
i-Martínez, Peguera, Peña-López, Pifarré de Moner & Vilasau Solana 2013).
It is worth notice the evidence of new ways of extra-representational participation, a
way of political participation that is a growing. Despite this, there seem to be
increasingly stronger liaisons between these movements and political parties (especially
minor and left-wing ones) and media, the later intermediating between social
movements and more disconnected institutions (governments, parliaments and major
and right-wing parties). (Balcells Padullés, Cerrillo-i-Martínez, Peguera, Peña-López,
Pifarré de Moner & Vilasau Solana 2013) This is the case of Spain, while the major
parties (PP and PSOE) still use the classic strategies of political propaganda on old

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media, the minor parties emerged after the 15-M movement such as Podemos and
Partido X focuses on social media in order to develop their strategy of political
propaganda.
It is important to mention that the old media has still a lot of importance within the
political landscape and we are still a long way from a situation where the new media
supplant the old, thus parties such as Podemos use both media in order to get success
and face the major parties.
To summarize the 15-M movement has changed the pattern of the citizens in terms of
political participation through social media. They have used multiple channels to create
and spread the news about their demands, as well as influencing news coverage in the
old media. Therefore it has successfully introduced news related to its demands onto the
traditional media agenda. Thus the 15-M has changed the status quo of the public
opinion questioning the system, generating the creation of a collective consciousness in
which it is possible change the world or at least part of it.
4. SOCIAL AND POLITICS IMPACTS
The above analysis shows that the capacity of the 15M to affect the institutional process
has been low, punctual and, in general, poor compared to the profound challenges that
the movement has produced along four years. However 15 M movement made aware
the people in order to protest and fight for their civil rights. (Martinez Lopez and
Domingo San Juán, 2014)

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As can be seen in (Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014) the importance of the
15-M has been its capacity to change the political order and to challenge the two-party
system. Up to now, during the last four years (2011-2015), the demands of a
revolutionary change has not been brought about in Spain. However, the different
reactions, reforms and protests produced by the 15M have contributed to the possible
political change in the future.
On the one side, the 15M created a social concept against the crisis and the neoliberal
policies that transcended traditional left and wing political alignments. Even more, it
was able to break the cultural hegemony that prompted people on consumerism,
preserved politics as an exclusive field for professional politicians and experts, and
censored or dismissed radical protests. The 15M brought together different social
movements and social groups to unite in a common cause. This had not been achieved
on this scale since the Transition. It gave birth to a stream of strong public deliberation
that politicised many aspects of daily lives. Politics was no longer the sole realm of
institutions and political parties. Even the labour strikes gained more social engagement
and comprehension, despite the low rate of union affiliation and the corporatist image of
the main labour organisations. Social attitudes, then, were profoundly affected.
(Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)
On the other side, a day-to-day politics was embraced in terms of specific practices
where the above discourses were produced, circulated, used and fed back. The most
well-known landmark in this learning process is the practice of assemblies and
horizontality (Corsin and Estalella 2013, Moreno 2013). While assemblies as a form of
direct democracy and deliberation were very important in the Transition period, the
difference now is that the technique has been very much enhanced and the manipulation
attempted by political parties and partisan militants is not so easy. The global justice
movement and the autonomist movements also left fruitful examples of working
horizontally, without leaders and within a very diverse range of contexts, social groups
and identities. The 15-M endorsed those principles and behaved accordingly, although
the targets now were not the global summits but the local-national context of political
decay and soaring poverty. (Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)

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The most evident success of the 15 M movement is its continuation over time and to
make socially visible its claims to the Spanish society. The social interest to its activities
of organisation, protest and mobilisation and the social support obtained and its
reputation are positive outcomes. The persistent challenge to social forms of domination
and inequality is one of the most immediate proofs of how some movements are able to
reach a political influence even without taking State power (Scott, 2012).
Thus the so called “spirit of the 15M” still pervades most of the mobilisations today
since 2011. For instance, the motto displayed in the Marchas por la Dignidad (Marches
for Dignity) in 21th March, 2015 such as, claiming for more jobs and decent working
conditions; demanding decent and effective rights to housing, against cuts and
privatisation of public services among others were the same. This was due to that
implicit and diverse set of claims as well as to its appealing organisational style -
horizontal assemblies, inclusiveness, autonomy from formal organisations, prevailing
pacific civil disobedience in combination with some institutional actions, etc. (Martinez
Lopez & Domingo San Juán, 2014)
Although the 15 M movement has also developed original ways of protest, for instance,
the campaign (Toque a Bankia), which consists in combine web tools, social network
and collectives and people in order to disrupt a banking institution in a massive way, the
mean purpose is block out the activity of the 2.764 bank branches of Bankia all over the
world. (#15MPEDIA)
The 15 M have also inspired to other protest outside of Spain, such as Occupy Wall
Street (OWS) is the name given to a protest movement that began on September 17,
2011, in Zuccotti Park, located in New York City's Wall Street financial district.
The main issues raised by Occupy Wall Street were social and economic inequality,
greed, corruption and the perceived undue influence of corporations on government
particularly from the financial services sector. The OWS slogan, "We are the 99%,
refers to income inequality and wealth distribution in the U.S. between the wealthiest
1% and the rest of the population. To achieve their goals, protesters acted on consensus-
based decisions made in general assemblies which emphasized direct action
over petitioning authorities for redress. (Wikipedia, Occupy Wall Street, 2015)

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It is worth notice that some organisations such as the PAH were already active before
(since 2009), but it was due to the 15M that their direct actions, demands and campaigns
gained popularity, resonance, legitimation, engaged participants and support. On the
other hand, the development of campaigns such as (15MpaRato) carries some of the
15M goals. As a consequence, neither the success nor the failure of the 15M depend on
the general goals of the 15 M movement at large but without a doubt its impact have
changed the current political landscape and its way of understanding. (Martinez Lopez
& Domingo San Juán, 2014)
To summarize, the 15 M movement has succeeded in forcing the majority of the
political parties to include some of its demands in their electoral programmes, such as
administrative transparency, the reform of the electoral system or regulation of citizen
initiated legislation among others. Nevertheless did not make a revolution. For example
precarious work, unemployment, poverty and socio-economic inequality were not
removed by the 15 M movement. Government was not overthrown by protesters. A
second transition and new constitution were demanded as well, however the movement
was more capable of producing a huge political re-constitution of the society.
4.1 A new political environment in Spain
The 15M had no political identity, however, many left wing political parties tried to
persuade the 15M activists to represent them. The support of these parties was basically
tactical, in order to weaken the power of the big ones. However in 2013 and 2014
respectively two new political parties called “Partido X” and “Podemos” were born to
give an institutional and continuity to aspirations of the 15M. (Martinez Lopez and
Domingo San Juán, 2014)
Since 1982, Spain has been governed by only two parties, conservative Partido Popular
(PP) and its leftwing opposition Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), however
this fact could change in the next elections if political parties such as Podemos can grow
further. Unlike Traditional parties, Podemos and Partido X came from the streets, social
media platforms and out of a horizontal ideology. In their internal
constitution process, these parties present a new model of horizontal internal
organization, with broad participation from its base in its debates and discussions and a

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methodology based on cooperation and transparency, furthermore they consider the
current democracy and political system must be renewed. (de Andés, 2014)
Thus a new political party concept has emerged in Spain. These new political parties
such as Podemos and Partido X do not have a specific ideology as such. They call for
anyone who wants to change the political system in favour of democracy. They are not
politicians, they are elected public employees who compile and implement the solutions
created by the expert knowledge of society in the most effective way possible. Unlike
the traditional parties, the citizens have an active role in the political process, the people
and the political party are connected each other through social media and social
network. Therefore they are an active part of the party, sharing information and giving
their opinion. Traditional political parties are open to affiliation; the way that they
organize themselves in the Network is through mutual affinity and actions. Also this
kind of parties are financed from the people of the party mostly through legal donations
but never from the banks as the traditional parties do, furthermore all of the information
is visible in the web, standing up for a methodology of transparency and freedom.
(Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)
Partido X focuses on electronic devices to improve democratic participation and fight
against corruption. They have no leaders because they want to put an end to politics
based on a the egos of political leaders. They do not want to fall into the logic of work
of traditional parties. They do not believe in political parties as the only tool for
participation. For this reason they are constantly in contact with all these spaces, social
movements, independent organizations or people really doing a programmatic and
propositional work for change (Partido X). Among the newest political parties,
Podemos, lead by Pablo Iglesias, is the one which also more overtly intended to
represent the 15M’s clamour. Equally to Partido X, Podemos did not want to represent
the 15M. Both parties emphasised their commitment to respect each other’s autonomy.
Podemos has presented itself as a party of "decent ordinary people”, who understand the
needs of ordinary citizens and are open to taking their lead from them through the
participatory process (as opposed to positioning themselves as the intellectual
vanguard). They want to go “beyond acronyms”. The party in order to go forward
proposed an initial draft of a basic political programme with the purpose of a deeper
participatory democracy, a defence of public goods, human rights, equality and social

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control of economic powers as the central planks. On 25 May 2014 Podemos entered
candidates for the 2014 European parliamentary elections polled of the vote and thus
they were awarded five seats out of 54. (Flesher Fominaya, 2014)
Both initiatives, Partido X and Podemos, were singular and somehow contradictory.
They can neither substitute the 15M nor claim its direct representation. The partisan
autonomy of the 15M contributes to its credibility and legitimacy (Alabao 2014).
Thus, these two political parties want to work as ‘institutional interfaces’ in order to
expand the institutional impact of the 15 M. It is important to mention that they are
unintended outcomes of the 15M due to the lack of formal organisations within the
15M. Therefore, Partido X and Podemos were created as parallel instruments to the
15M but sharing the same origin. (Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)
Podemos has grown to become one of the parties in which could take over the
government and break the bipartisanship for the first time in the Spanish Democracy.
What is certain is the 15-M movement has shaken the political landscape, showing us
that the powerful really can be challenged.
5. CONCLUSION
To conclude there have been a period of social uprising in Spain, in which the 15 M
movement with no leaders have challenged the political system. The movement have
always defended the democratic system, because is understood as the best known
system; however it tries to change democracy as a new way of understanding with a
more active participation in the political decision. Therefore they are presented as a
challenge and opportunity to renew democracy and the role of the citizens in it
Since the 15 M movement left the camp site in the Plaza del Sol square, the Spanish
society has not been the same; they have learnt democracy is not just the right of voting
each four years, furthermore it is a form of social organization in which the power is
vested in the citizens. Spanish people realized they can participate in the political

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process whenever they decide, for instance in Madrid in 2012 the number of
demonstration increased 97,97% as compared with the previous year, a total of 2.732
demonstration between January and September of 2012 (Periodico 20 Minutos). This
does not mean that 15 M movement achieved all their goals; indeed the current situation
does not differ very much, however there was one thing that the 15-M movement
achieved and it was the change of mentality from the Spanish society in terms of the
political culture, they have assumed an active role in democracy and that is the most
value achievement of the 15 M movement.
On the other hand, the ability of the 15-M to mobilized through social media showed
how technology can be used in order to participate actively in the new information
environment, and also in streets and squares through demonstration. Definitely the
virtual world is changing faster than the real world, and the 15 M movement and other
similar movements indicate us, social media and technology will change, even more, the
political sphere.
To conclude the current political system has been altered, due in part to the 15 M
movement and also all of the people who have maintain the protests over time, just time
will allow us to know if this situation will last for a long time or on the other hand it
will be temporary, nevertheless, without doubt, the 15 M movement has changed the
course of events in the political history in Spain.
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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De Andés, A.M., (2014) RedPepper, Spain’s radical tide [Online] April 2014, Available
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Directed by: Stéphane M. Grueso, Avalaible from:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cBouuM-64Ik