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T H O U G H T & A C T I O NFA L L 2 0 0 8 7T H O U G H
T & A C T I O N 7
more seasoned colleagues often bemoan their inability to master
this
elusive and mind-muddling aptitude. For almost everyone,
however,
there is the unshakable conviction that our young students excel
in a
multitasking environment.
In what follows, I try to refute the presumed efficacy of
multitasking by draw-
ing on the results of some of the recent neurophysiological
experiments. I also
examine the concept of multitasking itself, of which the
analytical philosopher in
me demands a more careful scrutiny than what is usually
conducted in more casu-
al conversation. I eventually conclude that multitasking, as we
ordinarily under-
stand it, is both impractical and counterproductive to successful
conceptual learn-
ing and scholastic education.
The term “multitasking” was coined in the computer
engineering industry. In
M
ultitasking has developed a certain mantra in our
culture, repeated and indiscriminately accepted so
often that it has become a commonplace—not only
in colloquial conversation, but among normally astute
academics. According to this
widely held axiom, people in general and our students in
particular, can and do
function productively and learn efficiently doing several things
at once. Scarcely a
day goes by, it seems, that we do not hear at least one of our
colleagues mention the
ubiquitous “m” word. Our hipper, more progressive (and
perhaps younger) col-
leagues brag about their prowess at juggling many tasks
simultaneously, while our
You Say Multitasking
Like It’s a Good Thing
by Charles J. Abaté
Charles J. Abaté is professor of electrical and computer
engineering technology at Onondaga
Community College, in Syracuse, N.Y., where he has taught for
the past 25 years. He holds degrees
in engineering technology and philosophy (which he completed
simultaneously). In addition to his
teaching, he is active in multidisciplinary curriculum
development, authoring publications in the
fields of philosophy and engineering technology, and attending
many college committee meetings
—all at the same time.
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T H E N E A H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N J O U R N A
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that context, it denotes the ability of a microprocessor (the
“brain” of a computer)
to process several tasks simultaneously. Ironically, even the
paradigmatic use of this
term is demonstrably false. Microprocessors, as well as their
current programma-
ble cousins, cannot literally perform several tasks
simultaneously. They are inher-
ently linear in their operation and can perform only one task at
a time. This sim-
ple fact explains the justification for the dual-core and quad-
core microprocessors
in current PC applications, where it is deemed advantageous to
have multiple
microprocessors literally running simultaneously to increase
operational speed in
computer operations. But even here, the notion of simultaneity
breaks down when
we note that the several microprocessors in a multi-core system
must occasionally
interrupt each other for purposes of synchronicity in PC
operations.
For certain kinds of behavior, brains (like microprocessors) are
essentially lineardevices that are incapable of performing two
separate tasks simultaneously. In
a more colloquial sense, though, it seems quite obvious that
people are capable of
at least some level of simultaneous activity. After all, it’s only
the rare klutz who is
called out for not being able to “walk and chew gum at the same
time.” And cer-
tain types of tasks truly can be performed simultaneously. Most
of us are quite
capable of riding an exercise bike and listening to music at the
same time. What
is far less obvious is our ability to engage in conceptual
learning—the type of learn-
ing we expect to foster in the classroom—along with other
simultaneous activities
such as watching television or text messaging.
When I use the term “multitasking,” I refer to an attempt by
individuals to
engage in several tasks in rapid linear succession (rather than
simultaneously)
where at least one of the tasks is a conceptual learning activity.
Implicit in this
understanding of multitasking is that the performance of
multiple activities will
entail frequent interruptions to segue from one task to another,
as well as the abil-
ity to pick up where one previously left off—a model that
directly mirrors the type
of multitasking carried out by microprocessors.
A cursory survey of recent references to multitasking,
especially in the typical-
ly non-technical realm of Web blogs and other non-professional
postings on the
Internet, exposes an interesting dichotomy in general attitudes
about the pre-
sumed upside of multitasking. Those who extol the virtues (or at
least proclaim the
necessity) of multitasking behavior seem typically to constitute
three non-techni-
cal and non-professional communities: career professionals
already saddled with
For certain kinds of behavior, brains, like micro-
processors, are incapable of performing two
separate tasks simultaneously.
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T H O U G H T & A C T I O NFA L L 2 0 0 8 9
YO U S AY M U LT I TA S K I N G L I K E I T ’ S A G O
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overwhelming job-related expectations; young students who
seem intent on justi-
fying their “attention deficit” practices; and, interestingly
enough, academic
administrators and humanities educators.
When one turns from these non-technical discussions to the
more research-
oriented milieu of the neurophysiologist, one quickly learns that
multitasking is
not at all the handy panacea for “too much to do and too little
time to do it” that
it’s often purported to be. In fact, recent experiments provide
strong evidence that
multitasking is counterproductive, particularly when at least one
of the tasks
involves higher-level conceptual learning. As one Wall Street
Journal columnist
quips, multitasking is “the wellspring of office gaffes, as well
as the stock answer
to how we do more with less when in fact we’re usually doing
less with more.
What now passes for multitasking was once called not paying
attention.”1 The
most convincing of these recent studies succeeded in exposing
three fundamental
myths that have arisen about the virtues of multitasking.
M Y T H # O N E : M U L T I T A S K I N G S A V E S T I M
E
In a study published in the Journal of Experimental Psychology,
2 Joshua
Rubinstein, David Meyer, and Jeffrey Poldrack discovered that
people who mul-
titask actually prove more inefficient than people who focus on
one task at a time.
Because our brains are incapable of performing two conceptual
tasks literally
simultaneously, the process of multitasking entails our
alternating rapidly among
the various projects. As with a microprocessor, the interruption
of one task requires
us to remember where we stopped, so that when we return to
this task we can
resume the activity. The same is true, of course, for the
alternate task(s). Now,
whereas microprocessors are quite efficient at storing and
retrieving these inter-
ruption points, brains are decidedly not. They discovered that
the time lost while
the brain continually reorients itself during the stop-and-go
process increases with
the complexity and relative unfamiliarity of the tasks, and takes
longer when the
switching period is extended over a longer time period. In short,
multitasking
proves less efficient than performing the same tasks one at a
time.
The explanation for our apparent inefficiency in switching back
and forth
between projects has to do with the manner in which our brains
process concep-
tual or higher-level information. Using functional magnetic
resonance imaging
experiments, researchers in a recent study published in
Neuron,3 were able to iden-
David Meyer discovered that people who multitask
prove more inefficient than people who
focus on one task at a time.
283796_d-Abate layout 10/30/08 12:24 PM Page 9
tify those areas of the brain that are responsible for the so-
called bottleneck that
impedes our ability to perform more than one conceptual task at
a time. This bot-
tleneck effect helps explain the critical limitations to our ability
to carry out high-
er-level multitasking.
Let us grant that multitasking of higher-level projects may take
longer than
their completion in a linear fashion. Still, learning is learning,
regardless of how
long it takes to acquire, right? So what’s the problem with
students texting, surf-
ing the Web, listening to music, and so on while attending a
lecture, or working
on homework?
M Y T H # T W O : M U L T I T A S K E D L E A R N I N G
I S A S
G O O D A S S I N G L E - T A S K L E A R N I N G
Recent neurophysiological experiments expose the fallacy of
this presumptionabout multitasking. In a study funded by the
National Science Foundation
and published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences,4 Karin Foerde,
Barbara J. Knowlton, and Russell Poldrack discovered that even
if learning is pos-
sible in a frequently interrupted environment—like that inherent
in the process of
multitasking—such learning has a different cognitive status than
that of uninter-
rupted learning, and is actually less efficient and useful than
uninterrupted learn-
ing.
According to the article, brains acquire learning in two
fundamentally differ-
ent manners. Declarative learning (or what I have previously
called conceptual or
higher-level learning) involves the hippocampus area of the
brain and results in
the acquisition of information that can be easily recalled and
applied to a variety
T H E N E A H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N J O U R N A
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of new and unfamiliar situations. Habitual learning (or what is
sometimes referred
to as procedural learning) on the other hand, occurs in the
brain’s striatum, and
results in learning that is basically automatic, almost
subconscious, but much more
limited in its applicability to new situations.
The researchers discovered that the brain uses its hippocampus
for single-task
learning, but diverts dual-task learning to its striatum. Thus,
when a person is dis-
tracted, habitual learning actually takes over from declarative
learning. In this
sense, the two types of learning appear to compete with each
other. And because
procedural learning is more limited in applicability than
declarative learning, it is
“inferior” learning, to the extent that it is less capable of being
manipulated, organ-
ized, and applied to new and unfamiliar situations than
declarative learning. In
short, multitasking actually changes the manner in which people
learn and retain
information.
Given the results of this experiment, one can conclude that
learning stored in
different areas of the brain may well foretell serious limitations
on the overall use-
fulness and future applicability of the stored information. Is it
any wonder that
professors increasingly bemoan students’ inability to analyze
and synthesize infor-
mation, despite the ever-growing wealth of information
available to them?
M Y T H # T H R E E : M U L T I T A S K I N G I S T H E F
O R T E O F
T H E Y O U N G
Even those reasonably sane and insightful individuals who are
loath to acceptthe touted advantages of multitasking are prone
to grant that “we sure can’t
multitask like the kids today do.” Many of us seem almost
resigned to the conclu-
sion that, whatever its potential drawbacks, multitasking is now
a way of life and,
despite our own personal failings, at least young people can
multitask effectively
because they’ve grown up doing it. Therefore, we dinosaurs
need to adapt to their
method of learning, and adjust our educational practices and
expectations accord-
ingly. Fortunately for us dinosaurs, there is now significant
evidence that multi-
tasking is not the blessing of youth that it is generally purported
to be.
Martin Westwell, deputy director of the Institute for the Future
of the Mind,
reported on an experiment conducted with two age groups: 18-
to 21-year-olds
and 35- to 39-year-olds.5 Both groups were assigned the task of
translating images
into numbers, using a simple code (an activity requiring
declarative learning skills).
In short, multitasking actually
changes the manner in which people learn
and retain information.
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When both groups were tested without being interrupted, the
younger group per-
formed the task about 10 percent faster than the older group.
But when both
groups were interrupted by a phone call, instant message, or cell
phone text mes-
sage, the older group matched the younger group in both speed
and accuracy.
Westwell concludes that although older people may process
information more
slowly than younger people, they seem to have a “faster fluid
intelligence,” so they
are more adept at blocking out interruptions and deciding what
to focus on.
We should not draw the conclusion from this research that every
age group is
equally gifted with the skill of multitasking, only that young
people have no
advantage or special edge over those who are older when it
comes to multitasking,
despite their lifelong acquaintance with such efforts, and
despite anyone’s inclina-
tion to believe otherwise.
Like many stories that if repeated often enough become
accepted as unques-
tionably true, multitasking has an aura that people seem to find
irresistibly appeal-
ing. “Unfortunately,” Megan Santosus, in an article,
“Multitasking Wastes Time
and Money,” writes that even in the face of the mounting
scientific and anecdot-
al evidence (not to mention individual blood pressure and stress
levels), multitask-
ing doesn’t work, companies cling to it like shipwrecked
survivors to flotsam. They
believe that asking employees to multitask saves them money
and time when
chances are good that it will do neither.”6
The false hopes raised by multitasking are unfortunate enough
in the business
environment. But they are possibly more pernicious in
academia. These false hopes
purport to justify all sorts of counterproductive behavior that
may seem too uni-
versally accepted to rebel against, such as allowing laptop
computers and cell
phones into the classroom when we know that such devices will
interfere with
instruction.
What drives the persistent faith in the efficacy of multitasking?
Perhaps it is
the illusory dream of getting something for nothing; the hope of
accomplishing
increasing numbers of activities in the time that was formerly
wasted on just one
task. Or perhaps we have created a culture, complete with
myriad diversions and
nifty electronic devices, in which there is simply too little time
to do everything
we need and want to do. Perhaps we are unable to set priorities
for optimal use of
our time for fear of missing out on some fascinating activity or
other.
Whatever the case, the implicit acceptance of multitasking as a
viable and
productive strategy cannot, and should not, be encouraged in the
academic envi-
Although older people may process information more
slowly than younger people, they are more adept at block-
ing out interruptions and deciding what to focus on.
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ronment—at least not if we hope to maintain the level of
educational efficacy of
generations past. The consequence of tolerating these behaviors
is an education
that is fundamentally superficial, short-term-memory-based, and
limited in its
adaptability to new circumstances. We are, unfortunately,
already seeing some
of the effects of this practice in our classrooms. To further
encourage this prac-
tice—discredited by significant neurophysiological testing—is
to invite academic
implosion.
E N D N O T E S
1 Jared Sandberg, “Yes, Sell All My Stocks.”
2 Joshua Rubinstein, David Myer and Jeffrey Evans, “Executive
Control.”
3 Paul Dux, Jason Ivanoff, Christopher L. Asplund, and René
Marois. “Isolation of a Central
Bottleneck.”
4 Karin Foerde, Barbara Knowlton, and Russell Poldrack,
“Modulation of Competing
Memory.”
5 See Steve Lohr, “Slow Down.”
6 Megan Santosus, “Multitasking Wastes Time.”
W O R K S C I T E D
American Psychological Association. “Is Multitasking More
Efficient? Shifting Mental Gears
Costs Time, Especially When Shifting to Less Familiar Tasks”
August 5, 2001.
www.apa.org/releases/multitasking.html.
Dux, Paul, Jason Ivanoff, Christopher L. Asplund, and René
Marois. “Isolation of a Central
Bottleneck of Information Processing with Time-Resolved
fMRI.” Neuron, Vol. 52 (December
20, 2006): 1109-20.
eSchool News Staff. “Study: Multitasking Hinders Learning,”
July 26, 2006.
www.eschoolnews.com/news/showstoryts.cfm?Articleid=6453.
Foerde, Karin, Barbara Knowlton, and Russell Poldrack.
“Modulation of Competing Memory
Systems by Distraction.” Proceedings of the National Academy
of Sciences, 103, 31 ( August
1, 2006), 11778-83.
Lohr, Steve. “Slow Down, Brave Multitasker, and Don’t Read
This in Traffic.” The New York Times,
March 25, 2007.
www.nytimes.com/2007/03/25/business/25multi.html.
Rubinstein, Joshua, David Meyer, and Jeffrey Evans.
“Executive Control of Cognitive Processes in
Task Switching.” Journal of Experimental Psychology, 27, 4
(2001): 763-97.
Sandberg, Jared. “Yes, Sell All My Stocks. No, the 3:15 From
JFK. And Get Me Mr. Sister.” The
Wall Street Journal Online, September 12, 2006.
http://online.wsj.com/public/article_print/SB1158010963242598
03.html.
Santosus, Megan. “Multitasking Wastes Time and Money.” CIO,
September 15, 2003.
www.cio.com/article/print/29708.
Wallis, Claudia. “The Multitasking Generation.” Time, March
19, 2006.
www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1174696,00.html.
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