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The nexus between illicit drug
crop cultivation and deforestation
in Latin America and Asia
Liliana M. Dávalos, Stony Brook University
!
Thank you for inviting me and attending this talk. I’ve been investigating the relationship between forest and illicit crops since the 2000s. At the beginning, data were
scarce, however with the release of many remote sensing products for forest cover, it has become easier to evaluate how one affects the other
Colombia
Coca found in areas with more forest cover
First, it’s important to note illicit crops—here is coca in Colombia—are not distributed randomly. In the Andean region, coca concentrates in areas with more forest. This is
important to bear in mind when evaluating deforestation, as deforestation requires there be forest to begin with. In the case of Colombia, these areas are a gradient
between densely populated and more developed Andean and Caribbean towns, and what we call the forest frontier, a region in the process of developing widely since
the mid 20th century. In Bolivia and Peru the forest frontier is almost exclusively Amazonian.
Peru & Colombia
Direct deforestation from coca is low
When we zoom into these regions at the interface between denser settlement and much less populated forested areas, we find forest loss. But this loss, although it may
be associated with coca is not directly caused by coca. These are data from Peru and Colombia, and in each case the deforestation rate from coca is several or many
times smaller than the deforestation rate from other, legal crops. These has caused many to argue coca is the ultimate cause, as coca may attract colonists who in turn
clear forest to make room for other uses. If this were correct then we should see higher deforestation rates anywhere where there is coca compared with anywhere where
there is not coca.
Andean region
Areas with coca have lower deforestation, but not in
Bolivia
But this is true only for Bolivia. In Bolivia, the prediction turns out to be correct: areas with coca have higher deforestation rates than places without coca—although
statistically these cannot be distinguished. For 

Colombia and Peru the areas with coca have lower deforestation rates. In any case, these comparisons of forest loss by itself are hard to interpret. For example, places
with coca in Bolivia might also have rivers or new roads allowing more colonists to get to them, explaining the higher deforestation rates. To actually measure the
contribution of coca to these rates, we need to include some of these spatial factors that we already know affect deforestation rates anywhere in the world.
Colombia
No relationship between coca cultivation and
deforestation rates
This requires using statistical models, and including several important factors: how much forest there was at the start, roads, and population. We used data for Colombia,
shown here. If we classify each of the >1000 units into having no coca or having some to a lot, we get this bins at the bottom. If coca cultivation related to deforestation
rates, we would see this upward trend, in which units with more coca experienced higher deforestation rates. We do not find that and, in fact, this kind of analysis has
been carried out by three labs independently, before I completed this study. In each case, no relationship was found. We need similar analyses for Bolivia and Peru.
Southeast Asia
Risk of poppy does not increase probability of
deforestation
In fact, such analyses are missing for most of the world. As part of the study, my colleague Jon Flanders and I modeled the relationship between the risk of poppy
cultivation and the probability of deforestation in Laos and Myanmar. As before, we included other variables of importance like roads and population density. If the risk of
poppy cultivation increased deforestation, we would see increasing lines in places with risk. But this is not what we found. Instead, in Laos the effect is more or less non
existent. In Myanmar, the effect if the opposite of what we expected: as the risk increases, the probability of deforestation actually declines.
Honduras
Trafficking leads to greater deforestation
There is one case in which illegal drugs have a definitive and negative impact on forests: trafficking. Recent studies have shown a tight correlation between trafficking
activities and deforestation in Honduras. But this doesn’t mean all the deforestation is caused by airstrips. This does happen but, in addition, traffickers grab land
displacing campesinos who then clear out more land. The traffickers also clear out more of their land compared to campesinos and put cattle in it because this helps
launder illegal assets. Similar situations have been described for Colombia and Peru.
Colombia
Strongest signal from Amazonia: fumigation directly
related to deforestation rate, same in Chocó
Finally, I wanted to examine the effects of counter drug activities. The most easily measured activity is aerial fumigation with herbicide undertaken in Colombia. As with
coca cultivation, it is important to include other important variables such as roads, population, etc. The relationships vary by region as seen here, and are only statistically
clear for two regions: Amazonia and Choco. In both cases, these relationships are positive: the more fumigation those units have received, the higher the deforestation
rate observed. With that, I want to thank you once more. Thanks!
1400
1600
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2200
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3035404550
Forest
NP
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28 30 32 34 36 38 40
Pasture
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0.51.01.52.02.5
Coca
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PA(ha)
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PLAND
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0.51.01.52.02.5
PLAND
Figure 2
BA
G
C
E FD
H I
Coca -> pastures? Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons
Understanding habitat change
These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
Figure 4
BA
DC
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20 25 30 35 40 45
Percentage Land Area (pasture)
Cattle
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0.00 0.01 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.05
Per capita Property Tax
Percentagelandarea(pasture)
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Percentage Urban Population
Percentagelandarea(pasture)
−50
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0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000
Aerial Fumigation Previous Year
Growthincocacultivation
Surely there are cows in
those pastures
Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons
Understanding habitat change
These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
A
B
C
Figure 4
Calamar
El Retorno
San Jose
30,000
60,000
90,000
10
20
30
Year
CattlePriceofbeef(pesos/Kg)RanchingGDP(109
pesos)
2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010
1,600
1,800
2,000
2,200
There are cows but
no money
• Relationship
cows:pasture yields
~ 1.08 cow/ha

• This is up to 10X
overestimate

• Beef prices have
barely budged

• Ranching revenues
have plummeted
Understanding habitat change
Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons
These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
Municipality
●
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Calamar
El Retorno
San Jose
Figure 6
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Cattle
Percentagelandpasture
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2,000
4,000
6,000
30 40 50 60
Percentage population urban
Cocacultivation(ha)
Why did coca
decline?
• Each municipality
started out with
different amounts of
coca

• As the municipalities
become more urban,
there is less coca

• At ~50% urban
population there is 0
coca in the smaller
municipalities Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons
Understanding habitat change
These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
A
B
C
Figure 5
Calamar
El Retorno
San Jose
2010
0.00
0.02
0.04
0.06
20
30
40
50
2
3
4
5
2000 2002 2004 2006 2008
Year
FinancialGDP
(109
pesos)
ConstructionGDP
(109
pesos)
PropertyTax
(106
pesos/capita)
What urbanization
looks like
• Urban people
paying more taxes
that finance
construction

• Finance becomes
important

• Less dependence
on ranching (and
agriculture)
Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons
Understanding habitat change
These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results

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The nexus between illicit drug crop cultivation and deforestation in Latin America and Asia

  • 1. The nexus between illicit drug crop cultivation and deforestation in Latin America and Asia Liliana M. Dávalos, Stony Brook University ! Thank you for inviting me and attending this talk. I’ve been investigating the relationship between forest and illicit crops since the 2000s. At the beginning, data were scarce, however with the release of many remote sensing products for forest cover, it has become easier to evaluate how one affects the other
  • 2. Colombia Coca found in areas with more forest cover First, it’s important to note illicit crops—here is coca in Colombia—are not distributed randomly. In the Andean region, coca concentrates in areas with more forest. This is important to bear in mind when evaluating deforestation, as deforestation requires there be forest to begin with. In the case of Colombia, these areas are a gradient between densely populated and more developed Andean and Caribbean towns, and what we call the forest frontier, a region in the process of developing widely since the mid 20th century. In Bolivia and Peru the forest frontier is almost exclusively Amazonian.
  • 3. Peru & Colombia Direct deforestation from coca is low When we zoom into these regions at the interface between denser settlement and much less populated forested areas, we find forest loss. But this loss, although it may be associated with coca is not directly caused by coca. These are data from Peru and Colombia, and in each case the deforestation rate from coca is several or many times smaller than the deforestation rate from other, legal crops. These has caused many to argue coca is the ultimate cause, as coca may attract colonists who in turn clear forest to make room for other uses. If this were correct then we should see higher deforestation rates anywhere where there is coca compared with anywhere where there is not coca.
  • 4. Andean region Areas with coca have lower deforestation, but not in Bolivia But this is true only for Bolivia. In Bolivia, the prediction turns out to be correct: areas with coca have higher deforestation rates than places without coca—although statistically these cannot be distinguished. For Colombia and Peru the areas with coca have lower deforestation rates. In any case, these comparisons of forest loss by itself are hard to interpret. For example, places with coca in Bolivia might also have rivers or new roads allowing more colonists to get to them, explaining the higher deforestation rates. To actually measure the contribution of coca to these rates, we need to include some of these spatial factors that we already know affect deforestation rates anywhere in the world.
  • 5. Colombia No relationship between coca cultivation and deforestation rates This requires using statistical models, and including several important factors: how much forest there was at the start, roads, and population. We used data for Colombia, shown here. If we classify each of the >1000 units into having no coca or having some to a lot, we get this bins at the bottom. If coca cultivation related to deforestation rates, we would see this upward trend, in which units with more coca experienced higher deforestation rates. We do not find that and, in fact, this kind of analysis has been carried out by three labs independently, before I completed this study. In each case, no relationship was found. We need similar analyses for Bolivia and Peru.
  • 6. Southeast Asia Risk of poppy does not increase probability of deforestation In fact, such analyses are missing for most of the world. As part of the study, my colleague Jon Flanders and I modeled the relationship between the risk of poppy cultivation and the probability of deforestation in Laos and Myanmar. As before, we included other variables of importance like roads and population density. If the risk of poppy cultivation increased deforestation, we would see increasing lines in places with risk. But this is not what we found. Instead, in Laos the effect is more or less non existent. In Myanmar, the effect if the opposite of what we expected: as the risk increases, the probability of deforestation actually declines.
  • 7. Honduras Trafficking leads to greater deforestation There is one case in which illegal drugs have a definitive and negative impact on forests: trafficking. Recent studies have shown a tight correlation between trafficking activities and deforestation in Honduras. But this doesn’t mean all the deforestation is caused by airstrips. This does happen but, in addition, traffickers grab land displacing campesinos who then clear out more land. The traffickers also clear out more of their land compared to campesinos and put cattle in it because this helps launder illegal assets. Similar situations have been described for Colombia and Peru.
  • 8. Colombia Strongest signal from Amazonia: fumigation directly related to deforestation rate, same in Chocó Finally, I wanted to examine the effects of counter drug activities. The most easily measured activity is aerial fumigation with herbicide undertaken in Colombia. As with coca cultivation, it is important to include other important variables such as roads, population, etc. The relationships vary by region as seen here, and are only statistically clear for two regions: Amazonia and Choco. In both cases, these relationships are positive: the more fumigation those units have received, the higher the deforestation rate observed. With that, I want to thank you once more. Thanks!
  • 9. 1400 1600 1800 2000 2200 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 3035404550 Forest NP 1500 2000 2500 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 Pasture 150 200 250 300 350 400 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 0.51.01.52.02.5 Coca 500 550 600 650 700 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 3035404550 PA(ha) 150 200 250 300 350 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 ● ● ● ●● ● ● ● 0.51.01.52.02.5 90 100 110 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 3035404550 PLAND ENN(m) 95 100 105 110 115 120 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 PLAND 300 400 500 600 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 0.51.01.52.02.5 PLAND Figure 2 BA G C E FD H I Coca -> pastures? Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons Understanding habitat change These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
  • 10. Figure 4 BA DC 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 20 25 30 35 40 45 Percentage Land Area (pasture) Cattle 20 25 30 35 40 45 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 0.00 0.01 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.05 Per capita Property Tax Percentagelandarea(pasture) 20 25 30 35 40 45 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 30 40 50 60 Percentage Urban Population Percentagelandarea(pasture) −50 0 50 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 Aerial Fumigation Previous Year Growthincocacultivation Surely there are cows in those pastures Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons Understanding habitat change These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
  • 11. A B C Figure 4 Calamar El Retorno San Jose 30,000 60,000 90,000 10 20 30 Year CattlePriceofbeef(pesos/Kg)RanchingGDP(109 pesos) 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 1,600 1,800 2,000 2,200 There are cows but no money • Relationship cows:pasture yields ~ 1.08 cow/ha • This is up to 10X overestimate • Beef prices have barely budged • Ranching revenues have plummeted Understanding habitat change Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
  • 12. Municipality ● ● ● Calamar El Retorno San Jose Figure 6 A B ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 20 30 40 30,000 60,000 90,000 Cattle Percentagelandpasture ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 2,000 4,000 6,000 30 40 50 60 Percentage population urban Cocacultivation(ha) Why did coca decline? • Each municipality started out with different amounts of coca • As the municipalities become more urban, there is less coca • At ~50% urban population there is 0 coca in the smaller municipalities Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons Understanding habitat change These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results
  • 13. A B C Figure 5 Calamar El Retorno San Jose 2010 0.00 0.02 0.04 0.06 20 30 40 50 2 3 4 5 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 Year FinancialGDP (109 pesos) ConstructionGDP (109 pesos) PropertyTax (106 pesos/capita) What urbanization looks like • Urban people paying more taxes that finance construction • Finance becomes important • Less dependence on ranching (and agriculture) Dávalos et al. 2014 Biol Cons Understanding habitat change These slides are here in case of questions about disconnect between the Meta-Guaviare study and my results