Sex Roles, Vol. 53, Nos. 1112, December 2005 ( C© 2005)DOI.docx

Sex Roles, Vol. 53, Nos. 11/12, December 2005 ( C© 2005)
DOI: 10.1007/s11199-005-8305-3
Gender Role Portrayals in American
and Korean Advertisements
Roxanne Hovland,1,5 Carolynn McMahan,2 Guiohk Lee,3
Jang-Sun Hwang,4 and Juran Kim1
This article reports on an examination of gender role portrayals
in American and Korean
magazine advertisements that is based on the work of Erving
Goffman (1979). Through
a study of advertising images, we explored implied gender roles
within and between cul-
tures. Results of an analysis of a random sample of American
advertisements are compared
to results for comparable Korean magazines and to previous
researchers’ applications of
Goffman’s approach to American advertisements. Results
indicate that sexism in American
magazine advertisements has decreased but not disappeared.
Evidence of sexism in Korean
magazine advertisements was found as well. We also compared
gender depictions in adver-
tisements directed to magazine audiences of relatively different
ages. Observations are made
about differences in gender role portrayals in American
advertisements over time, between
cultures, and for different aged magazine readers.

KEY WORDS: gender roles; American and Korean magazine
advertisements; Erving Goffman.
The way women are depicted in advertisements
in the United States has long been a source of con-
cern and the focus of study among social science and
communication scholars (e.g., Kang, 1997; Lindner,
2004; Signorelli, 1989). Some researchers (e.g., Cho,
Kwon, Gentry, Jun, & Kropp, 1999; Maynard &
Taylor, 1999; Sengupta, 1995) have also examined
the portrayals of women in advertising in other
countries. On one hand, these images provide insight
into the social and sexual values of the societies
that they are intended to represent. The number
and types of depictions within a given culture’s
advertising can be indicative of the roles and relative
power of women in that culture. On the other hand,
1College of Communication and Information, University of
Tennessee, Knoxville, Tennessee.
2Department of Communication, University of North Florida.
3Department of Communication Art, Sejong University,
Gwangjin-gu, Seoul, Korea.
4College of Political Science and Economics, Chung-Ang
Univer-
sity, Heukseok-dong, Dongjak-gu, Seoul, Korea.
5To whom correspondence should be addressed at 476 Commu-
nications and Information Building, Knoxville, Tennessee
37996-
0343; e-mail: [email protected]
advertisements are believed to shape the status
and roles of their target audiences, as they also
influence the values and attitudes of the society as a

whole.
Cross-cultural comparisons of gender role por-
trayals are an especially interesting way to learn
more about the dynamics of two or more cultures.
For instance, as East Asian cultures grow increas-
ingly Westernized, the depictions of both genders are
likely to be influenced by Western values. Analyses
of advertisers’ representations of men or women in a
culture can offer insight into the evolution of a soci-
ety’s attitudes and values.
The present study was based on the assumption
that media portrayals affect how people (i.e., audi-
ences or readers) think, feel, and behave with re-
gard to the subject matter portrayed. There are many
research traditions that deal with this phenomenon.
In particular, social learning theory (Bandura, 1977)
and framing analysis (Goffman, 1974) have been
used to garner empirical evidence about whether
and how media portrayals affect an individual’s con-
sciousness.
887 0360-0025/05/1200-0887/0 C© 2005 Springer
Science+Business Media, Inc.
888 Hovland, McMahan, Lee, Hwang, and Kim
The impact of advertising on audiences is often
explained by social learning theory or by theories
that are based on it. The argument is that, as peo-
ple are repeatedly exposed to advertising images,
they tend to internalize the advertisers’ views of
themselves and others. The more ubiquitous the im-

ages are in advertisements, and the more frequently
they see the advertisements, the deeper the audience
identifies with the images.
The fundamental notion underlying framing re-
search is the assumption that the media frame reality
(in this case, how audiences think about the gender
roles) (Bennett, 1993; Edelman, 1993; Entman, 1993;
Iyengar, 1987, 1991; Pan & Kosicki, 1993; Price,
Tewksbury, & Powers, 1997; Snow & Bedford, 1988,
1992; Tuchman, 1978). Goffman (1974) introduced
frame analysis to explain how active audience mem-
bers frame their realities based on their experiences
with media. He defined a frame as “the principles
of organization which govern events—at least social
ones—and our involvement in them” (Goffman,
1974, pp. 11–12). Entman (1993) also explained
framing as a means of selecting certain aspects of
a perceived reality to highlight, interpret, and com-
municate, or to use as a remedy of sorts. In general,
results of framing research imply that the frame
can directly or indirectly influence judgments about
issues whether the audience recognizes it or not.
Goffman’s approach is ideally suited to our
purpose. Besides having been in use for over two
decades, it is not language dependent, and thereby
makes cross-cultural comparisons feasible. More-
over, given the differences between the English and
Korean (han gul) languages, a language-based com-
parison would be especially difficult. The differences
in alphabet and syntax between these two languages
are profound (Hammer, 2001). Goffman’s approach
not only avoids the language interpretation prob-
lems, it also focuses on one of the most (if not the
most) significant elements in magazine advertising—

images.
Courtney and Lockeretz (1971) conducted one
of the earliest studies of the portrayal of women
in American advertising based on advertisements in
general interest magazines published in 1970. Men
in those advertisements were portrayed as treating
women as sex objects, whereas women were depicted
as extremely dependent on men for decision making
and protection. Further, the role of women appeared
to be limited to homemaking.
A variety of other studies have been conducted
since then. Goffman (1979) published one of the
classic studies of advertising and gender role por-
trayals. He concentrated on images (e.g., position-
ing of hands, knees, eyes) rather than on words. Ac-
cording to Sirakaya and Sonmez (2000), Goffman’s
framework “is the only reliable source to date that
systematically investigates nonverbal gender displays
in advertising” (p. 354). Goffman classified the de-
piction of women into six categories: (1) Relative
Size—Women are shown as smaller or lower than
men; (2) Feminine Touch—Women are shown ca-
ressing objects or touching themselves; (3) Func-
tion Ranking—Women are shown in occupational
positions subordinate to men; (4) Family Scenes—
Women are portrayed as mothers and caretak-
ers; (5) Ritualization of Subordination—Women are
shown in flirtatious or childish poses; (6) Licensed
Withdrawal—Women are shown as distracted or not
involved in their surroundings. Goffman concluded
that advertisements usually depict women as moth-
ers, or as childlike, or as sex objects.

Goffman’s study was based on a controversial
nonrandom sample. However, his approach has been
used widely with different sampling methods to com-
pare portrayals of men and women and to compare
media images of White women and Women of Color
in North America and elsewhere. The studies dis-
cussed later are presented in reverse chronological
order based on when the advertisements or promo-
tional materials that made up the data were dissem-
inated. The first group of studies used Goffman’s
framework. The second set did not, but their re-
sults offer insight into cross-cultural gender role
comparisons.
Lindner (2004) used Goffman’s framework to
examine advertisements published between 1955 and
2002 in Time and Vogue. Specifically, the author
studied advertisements in Time published in the first
4 weeks of January and June during 1955, 1965, 1975,
1985, 1995, and 2002. Advertisements in comparable
issues of Vogue published in the same years were also
studied. To increase the number of data points re-
quired for a two-way analysis of variance, advertise-
ments were divided into two groups based on pub-
lication year (1955–1975 and 1985–2002). Lindner
concluded that advertisements in Vogue depicted
women more stereotypically than did those in Time.
Over the period studied, Lindner observed only a
“slight decrease” in the stereotypic depictions of
women.
Goffman’s scheme was used by Sirakaya and
Sonmez (2000) to study photographs of men
and women in 53 advertisements for vacation

Gender Role Portrayals in American and Korean Advertisements
889
information packages from across the United States,
including the Virgin Islands and Puerto Rico. (The
publication dates of the travel literature was not dis-
closed.) Although the authors found depictions of
men that fit most of Goffman’s categories, they con-
cluded, overall, that women are still portrayed unre-
alistically in printed tourism advertisements and are
disproportionately shown in stereotypical poses.
Family Scenes was found to be the most com-
mon category in McLaughlin and Goulet’s (1999)
sample of depictions of women in October 1996
advertisements in magazines targeted to European
Americans and African-Americans. After Family
Scenes, the most commonly observed categories
within advertisements in Ebony and Essence were
Ritualization of Subordination, Relative Size, and
Function Ranking (tied for third place), Licensed
Withdrawal, and Feminine Touch (which was missing
altogether). In Cosmopolitan, Us, and People, Ritual-
ization of Subordination was the most commonly ob-
served category, followed by Licensed Withdrawal,
Family Scenes, Feminine Touch, Relative Size, and
Function Ranking. The authors also stated that al-
most one half of the elements found in the sample
advertisements failed to fit into one of Goffman’s cat-
egories. In particular, they noticed a trend toward the
use of full-facial images, where the model looks di-
rectly at the viewer. However, this element was clas-
sified with various elements under the category of
“other,” which made it impossible to assess its spe-
cific frequency.

Kang (1997) replicated Goffman’s study using
both 1979 and 1991 advertisements selected ran-
domly from popular women’s magazines, and she
found little improvement in the portrayals of women.
Based on her comparison of portrayals of women in
1979 and 1991 advertisements, she concluded, over-
all, that sexism stayed “approximately” the same.
Kang added two categories to Goffman’s
scheme: Body Display (when models are dressed
provocatively or appear nude) and Independence
/Self-assurance (when the overall impression the
model gives is one of independence). She deleted the
Family Scenes category for undisclosed reasons. No
significant differences were found for five categories:
Relative Size, Feminine Touch, Function Ranking
(which was rarely used), Ritualization of Subordina-
tion, and Independence/Self-assurance. Examples of
Licensed Withdrawal and Body Display significantly
increased between 1979 and 1991.
Lazier-Smith (1988) used Goffman’s framework
to study depictions of women in magazine advertise-
ments published in 1986 and 1987 and found mixed
results. She found examples of Relative Size, Func-
tion Ranking, and Family Scenes so rarely that she
considered the categories no longer applicable. The
largest category coded (Ritualization of Subordina-
tion) she considered the most demeaning of women.
Belknap and Leonard (1991) used Goffman’s
approach to compare men and women in more
than 1000 advertisements in 1985 editions of tradi-
tional (Good Housekeeping, Sports Illustrated, Time)

and modern magazines (Ms., Gentleman’s Quarterly,
Rolling Stone). Across all the magazines studied,
Feminine Touch was the most commonly observed
category (69%), followed by Ritualization of Subor-
dination (66%), Licensed Withdrawal (26%), Family
Scenes (12%), Function Ranking (5%), and Rela-
tive Size (2%). However, with the exception of ad-
vertisements that depicted Licensed Withdrawal in
Good Housekeeping, the percentages of advertise-
ments classified by Goffman’s scheme were larger in
the modern magazines. The authors concluded, over-
all, that portrayals of women in the mid-1980s were
stereotypical and traditional.
Also worthy of note are cross-cultural studies
of gender depictions in advertisements that were not
based on Goffman’s framework. These are similarly
presented in reverse chronological order based on
the age of the data used in the studies. Maynard and
Taylor (1999) compared matched samples of adver-
tisements from the June 1995, July 1996, and January
and June 1997 Japanese and North American edi-
tions of Seventeen magazine. The authors concluded
that the American magazine advertisements sent a
mixed message through both girlish and adult de-
pictions of young women. However, most of the
American images were not girlish. The Japanese ad-
vertisements showed both more girlish images and a
stronger degree of girlishness than did American ad-
vertisements. Their results, according to the authors,
“correspond to each country’s central concepts of self
and society” (p. 46).
Cho et al. (1999) analyzed themes and messages
employed in 1995 television commercials for national
brands in Korea and the United States. The authors

concluded that the East Asian media appear to be
moving toward the content and practices of the West.
Their results indicated a departure from traditional,
Korean culture toward Western, consumer cultures
in that the Korean advertisements did not exhibit
collectivist appeals more frequently.
Sengupta (1995) analyzed Japanese and
American television commercials aired between
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December 1992 and April 1993. In commercials from

both countries, men were significantly more likely
than women to appear in working roles, whereas
women were much more likely than men to appear
in non-working roles—especially in a “decorative”
capacity. Sengupta concluded that “the portrayal
of women in advertisements has not changed suf-
ficiently over the years” and that “portrayals of
women in advertising are a general reflection of the
cultural orientation regarding appropriate roles for
women” (pp. 316, 330).
Based on a content analysis of 1800 U.S. fash-
ion magazine advertisements targeted to White
women, Black women, and White men and published
between 1985 and 1994, Plous and Neptune (1997)
found evidence of the persistence of both gender and
racial biases. Moreover, the authors found evidence
of an increasing frequency of body exposure of White
women.
Comparison of Women in Korean
and American Societies
In many ways, American and Korean women
live in very different circumstances. Although
American women do not enjoy complete equity
with men in terms of salary or job opportuni-
ties, women in the United States have made great
strides toward achieving more equitable opportuni-
ties. Chafetz, Lorence, and LaRosa (1993) concluded
that the number of American women in the formal
labor force is unprecedented. And despite contin-
ued concentration in a small number of traditionally
feminine occupations, women have dramatically in-
creased their numbers in a variety of professional
and managerial roles. In addition, the evolution of

women’s rights in the United States has been actively
ongoing since the Industrial Revolution.
Korea, in contrast, has been transforming from a
traditional to a modern economic society, but the tra-
ditional cultural norms have not changed sufficiently
to support the modern transition in economic devel-
opment. Consequently, Korean women have faced
a conflict rooted in disparities between traditional
motherhood and family roles and the social oppor-
tunities of a modern society (Choi, 1994).
Traditionally, Korean women’s lives have been
dominated by neo-Confucian philosophy, which
stresses a rigid hierarchical order of human relation-
ships based on age, sex, and inherited social status.
They were required to learn from a young age the
Confucian virtues of subordination and endurance
in order to prepare for their future roles as wives
and mothers. Their main role was limited to man-
agement of the extended family and continuation of
the family line by producing male children. Partici-
pation in other social activities, such as working out-
side the home, traveling, and going out during the
daytime, was prohibited. Also, education was limited
to domestic matters (Won, 1994). Within the Con-
fucian heritage, the ideal Korean woman is passive,
quiet, and chaste, and she is expected to be an obe-
dient daughter-in-law, devoted wife, and dedicated
mother. A husband in Korea still refers to his wife
as chip sarahm, which means “house person.” This
image of the ideal woman is still deeply entrenched
in Korean values along with a strong preference for
male children to continue the family name (Clark,
2000).

Since the introduction of science and modern
civilization from the Western world in the early
1900s, Korean society has experienced rapid so-
cial changes, and the status of Korean women has
changed as well. In particular, the expansion of ed-
ucational opportunities for women has been a ma-
jor force in changing women’s status in Korea. In
1965, only 19.6% of Korean women had completed
high school. By 1994 this figure had increased to
90% (Won, 1994). In 2000, 18% of Korean women
aged 25 years and older had obtained their bache-
lor’s degrees (Population and Housing Census Re-
port, 2001b). The higher education of women has in-
creased their participation in the workforce; 48.5%
of Korean women 16 years and over were employed
in 2000 (Annual Report on the Economically Active
Population Survey, 2001a).
Today, however, many Korean women face
problems that stem from an incongruity in the ex-
pectations of the ideal, traditional life and the reality
of life in a rapidly changing society. Even though the
roles of women have dramatically changed in modern
society, traditional values from the Confucian her-
itage are still alive in Korean families today. Work-
ing women are expected to fulfill their traditional re-
sponsibilities as wives, mothers, and daughters-in-law
without a corresponding recognition of the new roles
of women in society (Choi, 1994). According to the
Social Statistics Survey from the National Statistical
Office, Korea (2000), Korean working women aged
15 years and older reported that the most serious
barriers to women in employment are the burdens
of raising children and doing housework. It was re-
ported that 44% of Korean working women are mar-

ried, and 43% of working women have children.
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Economic and social activities in Korea are lim-
ited to a small number of women. The status of
women in their occupations is lower than that of
American women in comparable occupations. For in-
stance, whereas most women over age 16 years are
employed in the United States (95.7%), just about
one half (48.5%) of Korean women work. Further-
more, whereas more than one half of American
mothers have a job (55.2%), only 43% of Korean
mothers with children under age 6 work. In terms
of occupational status, 32.0% of American women
have managerial and professional jobs, whereas only
12.9% of Korea women have similar jobs.
Many Korean women have experienced conflicts
between the Westernized ideal images of women and
the expected traditional roles for women. Western
values such as competition, freedom, professional-
ism, and individualism are challenging the traditional
values of harmony, obedience, and collectivism. In-
terviews conducted among recently married Korean
women in Seoul led researchers to conclude that
respondents who perceived incompatibility between
Korean women’s roles of motherhood and career re-
sulted in significantly higher levels of depression than
respondents who did not see the roles as incompati-

ble (Lee, Um, & Kim, 2004).
Advertising has played a major role in devel-
oping new Korean lifestyles and consumption pat-
terns based on Westernized values. Chung (1990)
concluded that the appearance of Western consumer
ideology greatly increased after the 1960s based on
an analysis of all the advertisements published be-
tween 1965 and 1989 in Ju-Bu-Saeng-Whal, a Korean
women’s magazine. For instance, the number of
working women in advertisements dramatically in-
creased, and the advertisements seemed to depict
Korean women as having freedom from traditional
roles in the family structure and as enjoying their own
social activities.
The emphasis on Western values increased with
the use of foreign elements in Korean advertise-
ments. The use of foreign models in advertisements
has been popular since the Korean government lifted
restrictions on the use of foreign models in 1989.
Taylor and Miracle (1996) measured the uses of for-
eign elements, including foreign models in Korean
and U.S. television advertising. They found that al-
though some foreign elements are present in U.S. ad-
vertising, the inclusion of foreign elements in Korean
advertising appears to be associated with Korean cul-
ture, history, and economic development. Cho et al.
(1999) found evidence that implies a shift toward the
use of Western consumer ideology at the expense of
traditional cultural values in Korean television com-
mercials.
Despite the homogeneous nature of Korea’s
racial and ethnic makeup, Korean magazine adver-

tisements could be expected to represent Western
images of women more frequently than traditional
images of Korean women. The use of non-Asian
models could be especially pronounced in the ad-
vertisements that target younger women because
younger Koreans are likely to have been less in-
fluenced by traditional standards than their older
counterparts.
At the same time, a different set of circum-
stances is likely to influence the appearance of for-
eign models in American advertisements. Although
the United States is racially heterogeneous, it is
less so among older members of the population
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000). Consequently,
the diversity of models in advertisements is likely to
be greater in American advertisements directed at
younger readers.
The Present Study
Collectively, the results of studies of depictions
of women in U.S. media based on Goffman’s frame-
work have been mixed. In Belknap and Leonard’s
1991 study, a sizable portion of 1985 advertise-
ments showed women in Family Scenes (12% across
both traditional and modern magazines), whereas
in Lazier-Smith’s 1988 study of advertisements from
1986 to 1987, that category was almost nonexis-
tent. Moreover, in 1996 magazines directed toward
African-Americans Family Scenes was the most
prevalent category (McLaughlin & Goulet, 1999).
There seems to be some consensus that advertise-
ments have not changed significantly in their portray-
als of women since Goffman’s (1979) original study,
but the results of previous studies are difficult to

compare.
At the same time, relatively little has been
written about gender portrayals in Korean advertise-
ments. Given the economic and social revolution tak-
ing place in Korea, an assessment of role depictions
in Korean advertisements could provide a valuable
benchmark against which future U.S. and Korean ad-
vertisements could be compared.
The nature of the present study is largely de-
scriptive. Our use of Goffman’s analytical frame-
work provides (1) a comparison between a sample
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of depictions of women in American magazine ad-
vertisements from 2000 and samples from 1979 and
1991 (Kang, 1997), and (2) a comparison of depic-
tions of women in Korean magazine advertisements
from 2000 with the images in comparable American
magazine advertisements during the same year.
In the present study, we sought to address re-
search questions related to the three factors of time,
cross-cultural differences, and age of audience. In ad-
dition, we explored the issue of sexism, defined as
a belief in the superiority of men and the discrimi-
natory behavior directed toward women that results
from that belief (Smith, 2000).

RQ1: How have depictions of women changed rel-
ative to earlier studies based on Goffman’s
framework within American magazine adver-
tisements?
RQ2: How are Korean women depicted in Korean
magazines in comparison to how American
women are depicted in U.S. magazines?
RQ3: How are the depictions of women different be-
tween the magazines directed toward young
women and the magazines directed toward
older women?
These research questions led to the following
hypotheses.
Hypothesis 1: Within the American magazine adver-
tisements, a significant decrease in the number of
sexist depictions of women among the years 1979,
1991, and 2000 was expected.
Hypothesis 2: There would be no significant differ-
ences in the number of sexist depictions of women
between the American and Korean samples.
Hypothesis 3: It was expected that images depicted in
the American magazine advertisements directed
toward a younger audience (Glamour) would in-
clude a significantly more racially diverse range
of people than would those depicted in magazine
advertisements directed toward an older audience
(Good Housekeeping).
Hypothesis 4: It was expected that images depicted
in the Korean magazine advertisements directed

toward a younger audience (Ceci) would include
a significantly more racially diverse range of
people than would those depicted in magazine
advertisements directed toward an older audience
(Women’s Donga).
METHOD
Sample
Two of the largest circulation Korean women’s
magazines were selected: Women’s Donga (for
middle-aged women) and Ceci (for young women).
The January, April, July, and November 2000 is-
sues of Women’s Donga and the July, August,
November, and December 2000 issues of Ceci were
obtained. Issues of the highest circulation for Amer-
ican women’s magazines were chosen: Good House-
keeping (for middle-aged women) and Glamour (for
young women) (Marketer’s Guide to Media, 2000).
The issues of the American magazines were cho-
sen to match those of the Korean magazines with
one exception. The December 2000 issue of Glam-
our was not available from the publisher and was
not obtained elsewhere because of the differences in
advertising found in regional editions of magazines.
Publishers often vary the promotional content of
their publications so advertisers have the opportu-
nity to target their messages geographically. Conse-
quently, a magazine obtained from the publisher will
not contain the same advertising as the same maga-
zine purchased in any given region. The January 2001
edition was the closest issue available and was there-
fore used instead.
A random sample of 20 advertisements from

each magazine was drawn. Consequently, 160 adver-
tisements from the U.S. magazines and 160 from of
the Korean magazines were used for a total sam-
ple size of 320 advertisements. No advertisement was
coded more than once. All advertisements were a
full page or larger. To be included in the sample, an
advertisement must have shown relatively complete,
non-cartoon images of humans. (In effect, advertise-
ments that showed isolated body parts, such as hands
or feet, were not used.)
Procedure
The gender, race, and general age (child or
adult) of all persons shown in an advertisement were
coded along with the product category of the prod-
uct being promoted. Classification of products was
based on a slightly modified version of Sengupta’s
(1995) categories. The coding sheet included all
six of Goffman’s original categories plus the two
additional categories used by Kang (1997) (Body
Display, Independence/Self-assurance). Another
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Table I. Summary of Coding Categories Based on Goffman’s
Scale
Category Description
Relative size Person is larger, taller, darker, elevated above
another person; person is heavier or in the foreground
Feminine touch Person’s hands or fingers are used to caress,
touch, or trace the outline of an object. Person’s face is used
instead of hand or fingers to touch objects or other people.
Person touches her/himself
Function ranking Person is instructor or is being served by
person of other sex or is in superior occupational role
compared to person of other sex
Family scenes Parent and child of same sex are similar in
appearance or appear to share special bond, parent seen as
protector through distancing from family

Ritualization of
subordination
Person shown in positions of deference—bowing, lowering
oneself. Person shown on floor or on bed.
Person of other sex elevated above person. Person in bashful
knee bend or leaning on someone.
Person in canting posture where head or body is tipped lower.
Person is smiling in response to others.
Person is dressed like a child or posed like a child. Person is
prey in mock assault or teased or being
held possessively (around shoulder or hand held)
Licensed withdrawal Person covers mouth or face with hands,
turns gaze from other(s), with middle distance looks, dreamily
talking on phone, emotional displays, snuggling or nuzzling
others, being supported by others as in
grief embrace
Body displaya Person wears revealing, short, or tight clothes or
is shown nude
Individual/Self-assurance Overall, the person appears dependent
or not self-assured
Other Elements that cannot be classified in above categories
aGuidelines for coding for “Body Display”: tight-fitting clothes;
low-cut necklines or shirts unbuttoned to reveal cleavage or
chest; skirts
shorter than or with slits that expose mid-thigh; shorts that
expose buttocks; ripped or torn clothing that reveals skin of
torso; backless
clothes or clothes that expose the midriff; see-through clothing;
sheets, blankets, coats, etc. to conceal nudity; explicit or
implicit nudity.

category was also added for full facial promi-
nence, based on the findings of McLaughlin and
Goulet (1999). (See Table I for a description of the
categories.)
A U.S. citizen coded advertisements from the
U.S. magazines, and a Korean citizen who was study-
ing in the United States coded the Korean adver-
tisements. Although Goffman’s framework is not
language dependent, someone not fluent in Korean
would have difficulty even distinguishing between
editorial matter and advertising in the Korean mag-
azines. Ten percent of the advertisements (16 from
the American magazines and 16 from the Korean
magazines) were randomly selected to evaluate inter-
coder reliability. Overall, the inter-coder reliability
was 95.2%. However, certain items were more dif-
ficult than others to code consistently. In partic-
ular, Independence/Self-assurance proved to be so
ambiguous to the coders as to be virtually mean-
ingless. Results for this item are presented later,
but because the reliability was suspect, they are not
discussed.
RESULTS
Some general observations about the sample ad-
vertisements will be offered before we address the
specific research questions and hypotheses. As shown
in Table II, there are similarities and differences
in product categories between the two countries’
magazine advertisements. Personal & Beauty Care
constituted more than one quarter of all of the
advertisements, and Food, Snack, Soda advertise-
ments comprised about 10% of each country’s

advertisements. Korean magazines showed Clothing
advertisements the most often, whereas Personal &
Beauty Care was the top product category in the
U.S. magazines. There was also a big difference in
the number of Drug & Medicine advertisements be-
tween the countries (1.9% in Korean advertisements,
18.1% in U.S. advertisements).
Table II. Sample Profile Statistics of Product Categories
Product category Korea (%) United States (%)
Food, snack, soda 11.3 9.4
Personal & Beauty care 25.6 32.5
Cars and accessories 0.0 0.6
Restaurants and retail 0.6 3.1
Drugs & Medicines 1.9 18.1
Household appliances 4.4 6.3
Institutional/PSA 1.9 3.1
Alcoholic beverage 0.6 0.6
Pet food products 0.0 0.0
Household cleaners 1.9 8.1
Clothing 26.3 5.6
Finance, real estate 0.6 0.0
Self-improvementa 15.6 3.1
Others 9.4 9.4
Sum 100.0 100.0
Note. The values are in percent.
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Table III. Comparison of Percentages of the Predominant
Race of Models for Korea and the United States
Race category Korea (%) United States (%)
Asian 57.5 1.9
Black 0.6 8.8
White 30.0 71.3
It is not surprising that racially predominant
models were preferred in each country. However,
30% of Korean advertisements also employed White
female models, whereas only 1.9% of U.S. advertise-
ments showed Asian female models (see Table III).
Changes Over Time: Comparisons with Gender
Portrayals in 1991 (Kang, 1997)
It was hypothesized that a significant decrease in
the number of sexist portrayals of women would be
observed among the 1979, 1991, and 2000 samples.
All seven categories showed significant differences
between 1991 and 2000 data. Mean scores of the
seven categories—global scores that were calculated
by adding all subcategory scores and dividing by the
number subcategory items (which ranged from 0 to
1)—showed that recent advertisements from both
countries were less stereotypical in their portrayals
of women than were U.S. magazine advertisements
in 1991 (see Table IV).
The same trend appears in the results of sub-
category items used in Kang’s (1997) study of adver-
tisements from 1979 and 1991 and the data from the

present study. The trend from 1979 to 1991 to 2000
is toward less stereotypic depictions of women (see
Table V). The frequency of 13 of 16 of the items
went down from 1991 to 2000. One item stayed ex-
actly the same (Body or Head Cant), and the inci-
dence of two others increased. Lying or Sitting on
a Bed or Floor appeared slightly more frequently
in 2000 (13.8% of the advertisements) than it did
in 1991 (12%). The percent of advertisements that
showed women with Expansive Smiles rose by over
10% (from 28.5 in 1991 to 40.6 in 2000). Frequency
of five items went down steadily since 1979. Height
Relationship, Using Fingers or Hands to Cradle or
Caress, Instructing Role, Serving Another, and Low-
ering Oneself Physically all were less common in
1991 and even less common in 2000. With exceptions
in certain subcategory items, Hypothesis 1 is thus
supported.
Cross-Cultural Differences: Gender Portrayals
Between the Countries
Each country’s advertisements employed differ-
ent methods of portraying women in inferior ways.
Whereas Ritualization of Subordination and Femi-
nine Touch were more common in the U.S. adver-
tisements, aspects of Licensed Withdrawal and Body
Display were more popular in Korean portrayals of
women.
Many subcategory items showed significant dif-
ferences (see Table VI). Of the seven categories
overall, the use of Ritualization of Subordination ap-
peared to be more prevalent in U.S. advertisements
(67.5%) than in Korean advertisements (42.5%),

Table IV. Mean and Standard Deviations in Comparison with
Kang’s Study (1997)
Mean for Kang (SD) Mean for current study (SD) χ2 (SD)
1979 U.S 1991 U.S. 2000 U.S. 2000 Korea Kang to U.Sa Kang
to Koreab
Relative size .51 (.50) .47 (.50) .05 (.16) 03 (.13) 12.38∗ ∗
13.28∗ ∗
Feminine touch .40 (.37) .41 (.37) .17 (.19) .12 (.17) 8.66∗ ∗
10.78∗ ∗
Function ranking .29 (.37) .20 (.28) .01 (.05) .01 (.04) 10.51∗ ∗
10.60∗ ∗
Family scene .02 (.09) .02 (.07)
Ritualization of subordination .25 (.24) .23 (.23) .19 (.17) .08
(.10) 2.02∗ 9.09∗ ∗
Licensed withdrawal .14 (.21) .20 (.24) .13 (.12) .11 (.11)∗
3.92∗ ∗ 5.16∗
Body display .27 (.43) .32 (.46) .13 (.22) .19 (.24) 5.62∗ ∗
3.75∗ ∗
Independence/self-assurance .41 (.49) .35 (.47) .16 (.37) .17
(.38) 4.57∗ ∗ 4.27∗ ∗
Others .02 (.09) .03 (.09)
Note. Mean of the scores of advertisements with value = 1
(stereotyped depiction of women). In order not to give more
weight to concepts
with more operationalizations, the sum of the mean scores of
the nine categories is divided by the number of variables in each
category
(Kang, 1997). Family Scene and Others were not included in
Kang’s study (df = 1; Kang, n = 252; current study, n = 160).
aComparison between Kang’s 1991 U.S. and 2000 U.S. (from
the current study).

bComparison between Kang’s 1991 U.S. and 2000 Korea (from
the current study).
∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01.
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Table V. Percent of Advertisements with Specific Subcategory
Items for the Portrayals of Women in Comparison with Kang
1979 1991 2000 2000
Subcategory U.S. U.S U.S. Korea
Height relationship 51.5 46.5 10.6 1.9
Using fingers or hands 41.8 41.4 20.6 11.3
Self-touching 38.2 40.2 30.6 25.6
Instructing role 19.1 4.8 1.3 0.0
Serving another 32.4 19.0 0.6 1.9
Superior role 35.3 38.1 0.6 1.3
Lowering oneself
physically
22.2 19.3 7.5 3.1
Bashful knee bend 31.7 37.5 5.6 4.4

Body or head cant 31.7 37.5 37.5 8.1
Lying or sitting on floor
or bed
14.7 12.0 13.8 13.8
Expansive smile 32.9 28.5 40.6 13.8
Hand covering mouth
or Face
6.3 8.7 8.1 0.0
Head or gaze aversion 25.1 40.5 22.5 6.3
maintaining phone
conversation
0.8 0.4 1.3 0.6
Withdrawal from scene 22.7 33.2 10.6 16.3
Body display 24.6 31.9 27.5 37.5
χ2 = 20.20, df = 1, p < .01. Of the five subcat-
egory items under this heading, Body or Head
Cant and Expansive Smile were the ones that con-
tributed to the significance of the difference. In
fact, these items were more frequent in U.S. ad-
vertisements than in Korean advertisements. Fem-
inine Touch was also more prevalent in U.S. ad-
vertisements than in Korean advertisements (46.9
and 35.6%, respectively), χ2 = 4.18, df = 1, p <
.05. Specifically, U.S. advertisements showed female
models Using Fingers or Hands to Cradle or Caress
Objects almost twice as frequently as female models
in Korean advertisements (20.6 and 11.3%, respec-
tively). U.S.advertisements employed a Height Rela-
tionship more frequently than did Korean advertise-

ments (10.6 and 1.9%, respectively), whereas other
types of Relative Size portrayals appeared more of-
ten in Korean advertisements (5.0% compared to 0).
Of the Licensed Withdrawal subcategory items, U.S.
advertisements employed Hand Covering Mouth or
Face and Head or Gaze Aversion more frequently
than Korean advertisements, whereas Withdrawal
from Scene and other types were shown more fre-
quently in Korean advertisements.
The results do not provide support for Hypothe-
sis 2. In most instances, there were more sexist depic-
tions of women in the American sample than in the
Korean sample (Table VII).
Table VI. Percentages and χ2 Analysis of Portrayals of Women
Detailed by Country
Category and subcategory Korea(%) U.S(%) χ2
Relative Size 6.9 10.6 1.4
Height relationship 1.9 10.6 10.5∗ ∗
Other 5.0 0.0 8.2∗
Feminine touch 35.6 46.9 4.2∗
Using fingers to cradle objects 11.3 20.6 5.4∗
Self-touching 25.6 30.6 1.0
Function ranking 3.1 1.9 0.5
Instructing role 0.0 1.3 2.0
Serving another 1.9 0.6 1.0
Person in superior role 1.3 0.6 0.3
Family scene 4.4 6.3 0.6
Parent/child gender bond 1.3 5.0 3.7

Person shown as protector 1.3 1.3 0.0
Other 2.5 0.6 1.8
Ritualization of subordination 42.5 67.5 20.2∗ ∗
Lowering oneself physically 3.1 7.5 3.0
Bashful knee bend 4.4 5.6 0.3
Body or head cant 8.1 37.5 39.2 ∗ ∗
Lying or sitting on bed or floor 13.8 13.8 0.0
Expansive smile 13.8 40.6 29.2∗ ∗
Other 5.0 11.3 4.2
Licensed withdrawal 49.4 46.3 0.3
Hand covering mouth or face 0.0 8.1 13.6∗ ∗
Head or Gaze Aversion 6.3 22.5 17.2∗ ∗
Maintaining phone conversation 0.6 1.3 0.3
Withdrawal from scene 16.3 10.6 2.2
Other 29.4 9.4 20.5∗ ∗
Body Display 37.5 27.5 3.6
Revealing clothes or nudity 36.9 25.6 4.7
Other 0.6 1.3 0.3
Independence/self-assurance 16.9 17.0 .02
Others 8.8 6.3 0.7
Cross-gender dressing 0.6 0.6 0.0
Full facial prominence 8.1 5.0 1.3
Other 0.0 0.6 1.0
Note. df = 1, n = 160.
∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01.
Age Differences: Gender Portrayals
Based on Age of Magazine Audiences
As shown in Table VIII, the appearance of

White models was significantly less common in the
American magazine advertisements targeted toward
younger women than in the magazine advertisements
targeted toward middle-aged women. Good House-
keeping showed more White female adults than did
Glamour (82.5 and 60.0%, respectively), and White
female children were shown more frequently in
Glamour than in Good Housekeeping (25 and 3.8%,
respectively). It is interesting that White male chil-
dren appeared more frequently in Good Housekeep-
ing than in Glamour (18.8 and 2.5%, respectively).
The racial distribution expected within the American
Table VII. Comparison of Portrayals Between Young and
Middle-aged Women in
Korean Magazines
Category and subcategory Young (%) Middle-aged (%) χ2
Relative size 12.5 1.3 7.9∗ ∗
Height relationship 3.8 0.0 3.1
Other 8.8 1.3 4.7∗
Feminine touch 33.8 37.5 0.3
Using fingers to cradle objects 13.8 8.8 1.0
Self-touching 21.3 30.0 1.6
Function ranking 2.5 3.8 0.2
Serving another 1.3 2.5 0.3
Person in superior role 1.3 1.3 0.0

Family scene 0.0 8.8 7.3∗ ∗
Parent/child gender bond 0.0 2.5 2.0
Person shown as protector 0.0 5.0 2.0
Other 0.0 5.0 4.1∗
Ritualization of subordination 37.5 47.5 1.64
Lowering oneself physically 6.3 0.0 5.2∗
Bashful knee bend 2.5 13.8 6.8∗
Body or head cant 10.0 17.5 1.9∗
Lying or sitting on bed or floor 12.5 15.0 0.2
Expansive smile 6.3 3.8 0.2
Other 0.0 0.0 0.5
Licensed withdrawal 53.8 45.0 1.2
Hand covering mouth or face 10.0 2.5 3.8∗
Head or gaze aversion 0.0 1.3 1.0
Maintaining phone conversation 21.3 11.3 3.0
Withdrawal from scene 23.8 35.0 2.4
Body display 35.0 40.0 0.4
Revealing clothes or nudity 33.8 40.0 0.7
Other 1.3 0.0 1.0
Independence/self-assurance 13.8 20.0 1.1
Others 10.0 7.5 0.3
Cross-gender dressing 1.3 0.0 1.0
Full facial prominence 8.8 7.5 0.1
Note. df = 1, n = 80.
∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01.
sample was not observed. In contrast to our hypothe-
ses (3 and 3a), the racial diversity of models was sig-

nificantly greater in the advertisements directed to-
ward the older American audience.
In the Korean magazines, Asian models were
the most commonly depicted racial group. Women’s
Donga (the magazine targeted toward middle-aged
women) contained more Asian female adults than
did Ceci (the magazine targeted toward younger
women). American advertisements rarely showed
Asian models (2.5% or less in all—see Table VIII),
whereas a large portion of Korean magazine adver-
tisements contained White models (more than 20%
were White female adults).
Overall, then, support was found for the ex-
pected pattern of greater racial diversity in the
sample of Korean advertisements directed toward
younger readers (Hypothesis 4b). The appearance of
Asian models was significantly more common in the
advertisements for older readers. However, very few
Black models were found in advertisements in either
Korean publication, regardless of the age of the in-
tended audience.
DISCUSSION
These results strongly suggest that stereotypic
depictions of women in American magazine adver-
tisements are becoming less prevalent. Obviously,
this conclusion can only be made with respect to the
magazines studied. It is possible, in other words, that
a different selection of magazines could produce a
different conclusion.
Despite the profound differences in the Amer-

ican and Korean cultures, the contrast in depic-
tions of women in American and Korean advertise-
ments was not pronounced. With certain exceptions
(e.g., Function Ranking, Body Display) the Korean
897
Table VIII. Comparison Between Young and Middle-aged
Magazines in Their Racial Diversity
United States Korean
Young Middle-aged Young Middle-aged
(n = 80)(%) (n = 80)(%) χ2 (n = 80)(%) (n = 80)(%) χ2
Asian
Women
Adult 2.5 1.3 0.34 47.5 67.5 6.55∗
Child 0.0 1.3 1.01 1.3 6.3 2.77
Men
Adult 1.3 1.3 0.00 16.3 17.5 0.05
Child 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.3 9.54∗ ∗
Black
Women
Adult 8.8 8.8 0.00 1.3 0.0 1.01
Child 1.3 3.8 1.03 1.3 0.0 1.01
Men
Adult 0.0 2.5 2.03 1.3 0.0 1.01

Child 0.0 1.3 1.01 0.0 0.0
White
Women
Adult 82.5 60.0 9.89∗ ∗ 36.0 23.8 2.98
Child 3.8 25.0 14.68∗ ∗ 0.0 0.0
Men
Adult 21.3 18.8 0.16 16.3 8.8 11.27∗ ∗
Child 2.5 18.8 11.12∗ ∗ 0.0 1.3 1.01
Note. The values for young and middle-aged women are in
percent. df = 1, n = 80.
∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01.
advertisements offered fewer stereotypic images of
women. Compared to Korean women, American
women have achieved a greater degree of economic
and social power as a result of many more years of
striving for change. However, sexist images still ap-
pear more frequently in this sample of American
magazine advertisements than in the Korean mag-
azine advertisements studied here. Given the simi-
larities in the American and Korean depictions of
women, the Westernization of Korean advertising
seems to be firmly at work.
The limited range of races depicted in the Amer-
ican magazine advertisements is disturbing. On one
hand, these magazines are targeted toward a pre-
dominantly White audience and, consequently, they
might not be expected to depict people outside the
targeted readership. On the other hand, the exclu-
sion of models of color, for whatever reason, is eth-
nocentric. The more relatively common use of White

models in Korean advertisements seems to confirm
the trend among Asian countries to adopt Western
images in their advertising. The number of Black
models used in Korean advertisements was, as in
the U.S. advertisements, abysmally small. Although
this may be indicative of the racial homogeneity
of Korea, it could also reflect the adoption of the
Western emphasis on a White or European beauty
standard.
In future studies of gender role depictions,
the race of models should be monitored along
with all of Goffman’s categories. The elimination
of Family Scenes, however, seems premature given
our findings and those of McLaughlin and Goulet
(1999) among magazines directed toward African-
Americans. These results suggest that the appear-
ance of Family Scenes is related to the age of
the magazine’s readers. In both the American and
Korean samples, Family Scenes appeared eight times
more frequently in the advertisements directed to-
ward middle-aged readers.
At the same time, newer categorizations should
be tested. Unlike the results of McLaughlin and
Goulet, much of what was observed in these ad-
vertisements was covered by Goffman’s categories.
But as advertising strategies and tactics continue
to evolve, new categories may become necessary.
Kang’s (1997) inclusion of Body Display, for ex-
ample, was a particularly valuable addition to
Goffman’s original list of categories. Likewise, the
Full Facial Prominence item incorporated into the
McLaughlin and Goulet study appears commonplace
enough to warrant permanent inclusion.

One criticism of Goffman’s framework is its
emphasis on negative, sexist imagery. One way to
broaden the scheme is also to monitor the number
and nature of products promoted to women. Be-
cause benchmark data were not available for use in
this study, a comparison of products advertised to
women (and men), over time was not possible. In
future research, however, the frequency with which
traditionally gendered products are advertised to one
sex or another could be tracked. For example, White
and Kinnick (2000) found women to be just as likely
to appear in 1998 television commercials for com-
puters, but they were significantly more frequently
shown as clerical workers than as business profes-
sionals. Many advertisers have begun to promote
their products more broadly (for example, promot-
ing power tools to women and cosmetics to men), and
this might add a more positive component to future
applications of Goffman’s and other sexism coding
schemes. One might expect the variety of products
to be greater within advertisements directed toward
younger women. On the other hand, older readers
may have more money to purchase a wider range
of more expensive products and, consequently, they
may be targeted by a wider range of advertisers.
Further studies and the perfection of a broader
coding instrument might allow for an ongoing mon-
itoring of depictions of both genders in American
and Korean advertising as well as in other cultures.
Other patterns in gender depictions, audiences, and

advertisers may be discerned as well. As the mar-
ketplace becomes increasingly diverse as it becomes
more global, this kind of research will become even
more important.
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