Investigación sobre la vivienda en Africa.

1. Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110
DOI 10.1007/s10669-006-7480-2
Dynamics of household energy consumption in a
traditional African city, Ibadan
Ibidun O. Adelekan · Afeikhena T. Jerome
C Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2006
Abstract In the last three decades the Nigerian environment
has experienced rapid degradation. A major contributory fac-
tor of this phenomenon is the pattern of socioeconomic de-
velopment in the country that gives little or no consideration
to environmental outcomes. An aspect of this development
is the economic policy of removal of subsidies on petroleum
products initiated in 1986 as a result of the worsening eco-
nomicsituationinthecountrywhichbegunintheearly1980s.
The result of this is that prices of commercial fuels inclu-
sive of kerosene and LPG (cooking gas) have continued to
rise beyond the reach of majority of the Nigerian popula-
tion. The paper examines the effect of increasing prices of
petroleum-derived energy sources on the pattern of energy
use for cooking in low and middle-income households and
the environmental implication in Ibadan, the largest truly in-
digenous urban centre in sub-Saharan Africa. Results show
that prior to the further subsidy removal of 1993, majority of
households sampled used kerosene for cooking. Thereafter,
a complete or partial switch in the pattern of domestic energy
consumption ensued with more households using fuel wood
and other more polluting and less efficient energy sources
for cooking. The paper recommends a transition towards
more environmental friendly energy sources for household
use.
Keywords Economic policies · Domestic energy
use · Urban households · Environment · Ibadan-Nigeria
I. O. Adelekan ( )
Department of Geography, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
e-mail: ibiadelekan@yahoo.com
A. T. Jerome
Department of Economics, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
1. Introduction
Urbanization has been a characteristic feature of most
African countries in the last few decades. In 1950, only 11
per cent of the African population was classified urban but by
2000 the urban population had increased to 37.9 per cent. It
is estimated that by the year 2015, 46.15 per cent of Africans
would be living in urban areas. This high rate of urbaniza-
tion has farreaching socio-economic and environmental im-
plications for urban centres especially in the face of current
economic crisis being experienced by African nations. Ur-
banization brings with it new behavioural patterns, which
have environmental implications in terms of the ways re-
sources are collected, distributed and used. Urbanization has
therefore become a major ecological driving force involving
vast transformations in the use of land, water, air and energy.
These are key environmental variables on which the sustain-
ability of the urban systems directly depends as they affect
the welfare and productivity of individuals, households and
communities. Shortages of these natural resources therefore
result in crisis situations.
Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, is a clas-
sic example of a country with a high rate of urban growth.
While the country’s annual population growth rate for the
period 1970–1995 was 2.9 percent, the urban population an-
nual growth rate for the same period was 5.7 percent. In
1975, urban population constituted 23.4 percent of the total
population but by 2000, 43.3 percent of the total population
was classified as urban. By the year 2025, it is estimated
that 61.6 percent of the total population would be in urban
centres (UNCHS, 1996). This rapid rate of urbanization has
been accompanied by complex urban problems in the form
of stiff competition for land, long journeys to work, traf-
fic congestion, and inadequate supply of urban infrastruc-
tures including housing, potable water and energy which are
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2. 100 Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110
inequitably distributed. Furthermore, increased environmen-
tal degradation as a result of various human activities, such
as fossil fuel consumption, deforestation, increased use of in-
dustrial chemicals, engaged in by the increasing population
has become a critical issue.
National economic decline has also affected all sectors
of the urban economy including the household sector. Dur-
ing the early 1970s Nigeria witnessed a period of economic
growth as a result of the oil boom. The rapid rise of the price
of crude petroleum from 1973 to 1978 brought boom condi-
tions to Nigeria and consequent rapid urbanization notwith-
standing the severe balance of payments pressures elsewhere.
However, when foreign exchange earnings declined sharply
in the 1980s due to a marked drop in the price of crude oil,
economic crisis set in. Between 1982 and 1985 the economic
situation had reached disturbing levels, which prompted the
Nigerian government to embark on measures to correct the
disequilibria in the economy. In April 1982, the civilian
federal government promulgated the Economic Stabiliza-
tion Act designed to arrest the deterioration of the economy.
More stringent exchange control measures and import re-
strictions supported by appropriate monetary and fiscal poli-
cies were put in place. In January 1986, 80 percent of the
petroleum subsidy was removed leading to an increase in the
prices of petroleum derived energy sources (Ojo, 1989). In
July 1986, Nigerian adopted a Structural Adjustment Pol-
icy (SAP), which was in response to the World Banks’ de-
mand for renegotiating its debt repayment schedule. Nige-
ria’s adoption of SAP had detrimental effects. There was
negative growth in consumption both at government and pri-
vate levels and high inflation rates reaching up to 26 per cent
during the period 1987-92. The Human Development Index
(HDI) for the country also declined from 0.31 recorded in the
period 1980-85 to 0.20 for the period 1987-92 (Federal Of-
fice of Statistics, 1992: Basic Indicators for Nigeria). Among
the specific reforms prescribed by the World Bank in rene-
gotiating its debt repayment schedule was the removal of
subsidies on petroleum and other products. This led to the
gradual removal of subsidies that resulted in the pricing of
commercial fuels such as kerosene and Liquefied Petroleum
gas (LPG) beyond the reach of majority of the population
considering the fact that income was not increased. Aweto
(1995) noted that the devaluation of major currencies in West
Africa had further increased the price of commercial fuels,
making increased consumption of commercial fuels by the
low-income people, in the rural and urban areas, a remote
possibility.
Anoutcomeofthiseconomicsituationisthechangeinpat-
tern of domestic energy consumption in households, which
has had far reaching socio-economic and environmental im-
plications. This is because energy plays a critical role in the
interrelationship among environment, development and pop-
ulation. National case studies although essential in examin-
ing the impact of policies on patterns of energy use are not
readily available. This paper attempts to fill this gap by ex-
amining the dynamics of household energy use for cooking
in relation to prices of commercial fuels in the largest truly
indigenous city in sub-Saharan Africa.
Specifically, the paper examines the changes that have
occurred over time in the pattern of domestic energy use for
cooking in low and middle-income households in relation
to changes in petroleum products pricing in the recent past.
Also, environmental impacts, in terms of indoor air pollution
and deforestation of forests and wooded land within the city,
resulting from the greater use of firewood are assessed. The
study makes some distinct contribution to the literature, as it
is the first attempt to appraise the impact of energy subsidy
removal on urban households in Nigeria.
2. Urbanization and energy use
Urbanization is an important determinant of both the quantity
and type of fuel used in developing countries. Studies have
shown that at the household level, urban domestic energy
consumption generally follows the “energy ladder” whereby
residents move from consuming less costly and less conven-
tional fuels (wood, biomass) to energy of intermediate price
and quality (charcoal, kerosene) to more expensive, highly
convenient types of energy (LPG, electricity) as their income
rise and/or habits change over time (Sathaye and Meyers,
1990; UNCHS, 1991; Smith et al, 1994; Nathan and Kelkar,
1997). Sathaye and Meyers, 1990 noted that there is a rise
in the use of kerosene with income within the lower income
groups. The key factors affecting demand of particular fuel
types include the following:
(a) the relative price of the energy form and the appliance
that it will fuel.
(b) the availability of the fuel and related appliance(s) in the
market.
(c) the disposable income of the household
(d) cultural preferences,
The combination of these factors in any human settlement
gives rise to the observed pattern of energy consumption.
Studies show that disparities in household energy use ex-
ist between rural and urban populations, between high and
low income groups within a country and among countries.
The major factors contributing to these differences are levels
of urbanization, economic development and living standards
(Dzioubinski and Chipman, 1999). Urbanization in develop-
ing countries creates more demand for energy in its cheapest
and most accessible form, fuel wood, because many rural-
urban migrants retain rural habits in relation to energy use.
The energy alternatives for many urban populations are fur-
ther restricted due to cost and inadequate infrastructure. For
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3. Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110 101
instance, Macauley et al. (1989) showed that in India fuel
wood accounted for about 33 per cent of total energy con-
sumption and that fuel wood is negatively related to level
of income while the regression equation has a positive co-
efficient on LPG use. However, with the removal of subsidy
on LPG more higher income earners were returning to the
use of traditional fuels. Basically, firewood is the poor man’s
fuel in the rural and urban areas of India and the demand for
this source of energy is very high (Parisot, 1986). The rela-
tionship between income and fuel use is also highlighted in
the work of Leach and Gowen (1987) in which they showed
that as purchasing power increased in urban areas of India,
Pakistan and Brazil, the use of biofuels declined. Similarly,
Abakah(1990) investigated the link between real incomes,
inflation and fuel wood consumption in Ghana. Results of
the regression analysis for the study indicates that the quan-
tity of fuel wood consumed is negatively correlated to real
incomes and positively related to inflation levels.
Studies have also been conducted on patterns of energy
use in low-income households of African cities. Mascarenhas
(1999) showed that the single most important energy source
for cooking in Dar-es-salaam is charcoal with 79 per cent
of households using this energy source. Also, in Monrovia,
more than 80 per cent of surveyed low-income families used
charcoalforallofpartoftheircooking(IBRD,1981).Inasur-
vey of 5 principal cities of Senegal, charcoal was also found
to be the dominant fuel for cooking in households (World
Bank/UNDP, 1989). This pattern of consumption is largely
influenced by the lack of wood resources near most urban ar-
eas. In some other African cities, fuel wood is a common fuel
for the urban poor especially where forests are not very far
from cities. Surveys of energy use in Kenya found that fuel
wood accounted for 60 per cent of total energy consumption
among the lowest income group of urban households while
kerosene made up only 8 per cent of total consumption (Bei-
jer Institute, 1984). In Nigeria surveys of energy use have
been undertaken in selected parts of the country (Onibokun
et al., 1986; FOS, 1992; Alabe, 1996; Mendie and Sanni,
1991). A significant shortcoming of these surveys is that a
differentiation of households in terms of income groups was
not made.
3. Study area
The study was conducted in Ibadan (Lat. 7◦
32 N Long.
3◦
54 E) the largest truly indigenous urban centre in Africa
south of the Sahara. The city is located near the forest grass-
land boundary of southwestern Nigeria and represents the
pinnacle of pre-European urbanization in the country (Mabo-
gunje, 1968). Ibadan is approximately 150 kilometres north
east of Lagos, the commercial capital of Nigeria and has an
estimated total land area of about 130.50 sq. km (Areola,
Table 1 Population size and annual growth rate (%) of Ibadan city
Year Population Growth Rate (%)
1975 847,000
1985 1.1 million 2.8
1995 1.5 million 2.81
2005 2.1 million 3.34
2015 3 million 3.64
Source: UNCHS (HABITAT), 1996
1982). The location of the city contributed to its early im-
portance as a marketing centre for traders and goods from
every part of western Nigeria. By 1860, Ibadan had become
the largest urban centre of Nigeria with a population density
of 17,427 per sq. km. The rapid expansion of the city in the
last three decades has been primarily due to a spate of de-
velopment projects sited in the city between the early 1970s
and early 1980s. Apart from being the largest urban centre,
Ibadan is also the most cosmopolitan city in Yoruba land.
The pattern of land use in the city shows that the largest
use of land is for residential purpose, which occupies about
61.39percentofthetotallandinthemetropolitanarea(Ayeni,
1982). Residential land uses in the city comprise the high-
densityarea,themediumdensitydistrictsandthelow-density
residential districts. The indigenous Ibadan population and
early non Ibadan Yoruba migrants inhabit the high-density
core area. This zone is the oldest part of the city and com-
prises the older low quality residential districts. There are
hardly any spaces between the buildings, a situation causing
grave ventilation and accessibility problems among others.
Many of the buildings do not face the roads or streets since
they are at the back of other buildings. Access within the area
is, therefore, in most cases by means of narrow footpaths.
Most residents in this zone belong to the low-income class.
The newer low to medium quality, medium density residen-
tial districts comprise the newer eastern and western suburbs
as well as the post 1952 suburbs while the high quality, low
density residential districts comprise Bodija housing estate
and other government and private layouts. These three resi-
dential districts are quite distinct from one another but there
is an element of homogeneity within each district in terms
of population density, housing density, housing quality, and
the general neighbourhood conditions.
4. Research methodology
The study was carried out in two residential areas of Ibadan
city: the low-income, high density and middle-income,
medium density areas. The choice of these two income ar-
eas was based on the fact that households in these areas are
most affected by economic conditions. Studies show that
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4. 102 Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110
macro-economic shocks affect the poor more than the rich
who are presumably in a better position to protect their living
standards (Easterly and Fischer, 1999; Ferreira et al., 2001).
Leach (1987) also noted that there is a disparity between poor
and rich in developing countries in the sensitivity to fuel price
increases.
A household energy survey was conducted to elicit in-
formation on the pattern of domestic energy consumption
for cooking during the periods before 1993, 1993–97 and
1999 when the study was undertaken. The household ques-
tionnaire comprised two main sections. Section A consisted
of questions addressing the socio-economic characteristics
of the respondents and households sampled while section B
consisted of questions which addressed the pattern of energy
use for cooking during the three periods identified and activ-
ities associated with energy use for cooking in households
during these periods. Qualitive data related to energy use
in households was also obtained from the conduct of focus
group discussions.
Three low-income residential districts in the core area of
the city (Bere, Oje and Oja’ba) and three middle-income
residential districts (Molete, Oke-Ado and Oke-Bola) were
sampled. Man made features such as roads were used to de-
lineate the boundaries of each residential district. Seventy
questionnaire forms were administered in each district mak-
ing a total of 210 questionnaires per income group. A total
of 420 questionnaires were administered to women respon-
sible for cooking in the households sampled. Men were not
interviewed because in the Nigerian society, especially in the
southwestern part of the country, culturally it is not a man’s
responsibility to cook. The random sampling technique was
employed to choose the dwelling units where the question-
naires were administered. Only one household was sampled
in any housing unit, as there is usually more than one house-
hold in a building.
Quantitative data collected in the field were collated and
tables showing frequencies observations were compiled us-
ing the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) com-
puter program.
5. Results and discussion
5.1. Trends in prices of petroleum products
The effect of the economic policies embarked upon by the
Nigerian government is that within the past one and a half
decade, a litre of petrol increased in price first from N−−−−0.60
in 1991 to N−−−−11.00 in 1994 and N−−−−20.00 in 1998 (an increase
of nearly 3000 percent in less than ten years!). Concomi-
tantly, kerosene also increased in price from N−−−−0.27 per litre
in 1993 to N−−−−6.00 in 1994 and N−−−−17.00 in 1998. While a
12.5kg cylinder gas rose in price initially from N−−−−200 in
1993 to N−−−−450 in 1998 and later to N−−−−1000 by the year 2000
(Table 2).
Tomori et al. (2005) in an assessment of the effect of some
selected macro-economic shocks on poverty showed that the
increase in prices of petroleum products impacted badly on
majority (72.9%) of poor households in Nigeria. The eco-
nomic impact on households therefore led to either a switch
in the choice of energy preferred for domestic use or a sit-
uation of energy combination by different income groups.
With regard to household consumption of energy for cooking
purposes the proportion of consumers of firewood has con-
tinued to be on the increase. This is because consumers of
kerosene especially those belonging to the low-income class,
Table 2 Price of petroleum products in Nigeria (1973–2004)
Petrol Kerosene LPG (Cooking gas)
Year Naira/litre % Change Naira/litre % Change Naira/12.5kg % Change
1973–78 0.10 — 0.08 — 31.2 —
1979–85 0.15 61.1 0.11 30.0 32.3 3.5
1986–89 0.40 158.0 0.11 0.0 40.0 24.0
1990 0.51 29.0 0.15 42.9 40.0 0.0
1991–92 0.60 17.6 0.40 166.7 80.0 100.0
1993 3.25 442.0 2.75 587.5 200.0 150.0
1994–97 11.00 238.5 6.00 118.2 200.0 0.0
1998–99 20.00 81.8 17.00 183.3 450.0 125.0
2000–01 22.00 10.0 17.00 0.0 1000.0 122.2
2002 26.00 18.2 24.00 41.2 1200.0 20.0
2003 40.00 53.0 38.00 58.3 1500.0 25.0
2004 43.00 7.5 51.00 34.2 1700.0 13.3
Source: 1. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Lagos.
2. Central Bank of Nigeria: Annual Reports and Statements of Accounts, various issues.
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5. Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110 103
Table 3 Number of households using fuel type as first order fuel for cooking
Before 1993 1993–97 1999
Low Middle Low Middle Low Middle
Income (%) Income (%) Income (%) Income (%) Income (%) Income (%)
Firewood 13(6.2) 7 (3.3) 79 (37.6) 43 (20.5) 13 (6.2) 21 (10.0)
Charcoal 3 (1.4) 4 (1.9) 12 (5.7) 33 (15.7) — 2 (0.9)
Kerosene 189 (90.0) 142 (67.6) 93 (44.3) 72 (34.3) 182 (86.7) 41 (67.1)
Gas (LPG) 3 (1.4) 53 (25.3) — 10 (4.8) — 23 (11.0)
Electricity 2 (1.0) 1 (0.5) 13 (6.2) 8 (3.8) 3 (1.1) 5 (2.4)
Others — — 4 (1.9) 41 (19.5) — 14 (6.7)
No Response — 3 (1.4) 9 (4.3) 3 (1.4) 12 (5.7) 4 (1.9)
Total 210 (100.) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0)
Source: Field Data, 1999
are constrained to switch over to firewood or other fuels as
an alternative energy source. Consequently, an increased par-
ticipation of both men and women in the fuelwood business
was witnessed in the city with a concomitant increase in cost
of firewood. A bundle of fuelwood that cost N−−−−25 in 1992
was sold for N−−−−50 in 1994 and N−−−−40 in 1999. This quantity
of firewood is just about enough for the cooking needs of an
average household in a day.
5.2. Household energy consumption pattern
The effect of price increase in kerosene and cooking gas
is examined by considering the dynamics of household en-
ergy consumption before 1993, between 1993 and 1997 and
when the survey was conducted in 1999. Table 3 shows the
pattern of consumption of firewood, charcoal, kerosene, gas,
electricity and other fuel sources such as sawdust, and palm
kernel residue during the three different periods.
5.2.1. Pre-1993 energy use
Before 1993, kerosene was the major fuel used by house-
holds in both the low-income and middle-income groups. In
1991, a litre of kerosene was sold for 0.40 Naira. Kerosene
was readily available at petrol stations for anyone to pur-
chase. The household survey showed that during this period
kerosene was the primary energy for cooking in both low and
middle income households of the city. Ninety per cent of low-
income households surveyed used kerosene while 67.6 per
cent of middle-income households used kerosene for cook-
ing.Thereasonsgivenforthewidespreaduseofkerosenewas
that kerosene stove did not need tending and that kerosene
was affordable and readily available. Also, the housing struc-
ture in the low-income area of the city contributed to the
widespread use of kerosene stoves for cooking. The prefer-
ence for kerosene over firewood for domestic cooking was
explained as follows:
Houses built nowadays have no kitchens. All the landlords ensure
is that the rooms are completed. And we that live in such houses
have envisaged problems with the use of firewood. There will be
too much smoke.
In middle-income areas, gas was the second important
cooking fuel with 25.3 per cent of households making use of
it as a first order fuel. Very few households used firewood,
charcoal and electricity for cooking in this area (Table 3).
In the low-income areas, firewood was the second important
cooking fuel with 6.2 per cent of households using it as a first
order fuel. The use of charcoal, gas and electricity for cook-
ing was not of significance in the low-income areas during
the pre–1993 period. During this period, 83.8 per cent and
76.2 per cent of households surveyed in the low and middle-
income areas respectively did not use other energy types for
cooking apart from the first order fuels described above. In
the middle-income area 15.2 per cent of sampled households
mentioned kerosene as a second-order fuel. These middle-
income households in most cases used gas as their primary
energy source for cooking.
5.2.2. 1993–97 energy use
In 1993, the prices of petroleum derived energy sources were
increased due to further removal of subsidies on petroleum
products. There was a 587.5 per cent increase in the pump
price of kerosene from the 1991 price. There was also marked
increase in kerosene trade by middlemen who purchased
kerosene in large quantities at petrol stations for resale at in-
creased prices to consumers. This practice resulted in scarcity
of kerosene at petrol stations and many consumers were de-
prived the opportunity of purchasing kerosene at the pump
price. The selling price of a litre of kerosene at the hands of
these middlemen ranged between N−−−−40– N−−−−50 by 1994 com-
pared with the official pump price of N−−−−6 per litre. Also,
the official price of cooking gas relative to the 1991 cost in-
creased by 150 per cent. This high cost of petroleum derived
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6. 104 Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110
Fig. 1 Trend in petroleum products pricing in Nigeria (1973–2004).
energy for cooking coupled with scarcity of these products
led to many households changing their energy sources for
cooking.
In both low and middle-income areas, although kerosene
wasstillthemainenergysource,theproportionofhouseholds
using kerosene as the primary source of energy for cooking
during this period reduced from the pre-1993 value (Figs. 2
& 3). The use of firewood assumed an increased significance
relative to its use before 1993 for both income groups. In the
low-income areas, 37.6 per cent of sampled households used
firewood as their primary energy source while in the middle
income area the proportion was 20.5 per cent.
Sawdust use (19.5%) was next to the use of kerosene and
firewood in the middle-income areas followed by the use of
charcoal (15.7%). The use of wood shavings and sawdust
for cooking was a major development in many households
in the middle-income districts during this period. This was
largely due to the availability of sawdust from sawmills that
were mainly located in middle density areas within the city.
Households that never used sawdust for cooking in the past
were introduced to its use. The very low cost of the stove
that was easy to fabricate at home using large-sized tins of
‘Bournvita’ or paint as well as the fact that many households
located near sawmills were able to get the woodshavings and
sawdust free contributed to its use. However, at the peak of
the scarcity of kerosene, sawdust was sold at some sawmills
but then the price was very still affordable. The introduction
to the use of sawdust for cooking was vividly presented when
a focus group discussion participant described the following:
I was attending a course in 1994/95. During this period kerosene
was very costly and I used to think of lack of kerosene at home.
I did not understand what we were being taught as my mind was
not in the classroom. One day, I asked my course mates to help
me out of this predicament. I told them “I don’t understand what
we are being taught because I don’t know what my children are
going to eat tonight. I have food but no kerosene”. They asked if I
did not know how to use sawdust. “Which is sawdust?” I asked. I
was given the knowledge including how to make the stove myself
using a large sized tin of Bournvita or paint. When I used it for
the first and then second time, I saw no use in seeking kerosene
that cost N−−−−30 a bottle. (Participant, Women’s group discussion,
Oke-Bola).
During this period, the use of gas as a primary fuel for cook-
ing changed from its former order of importance as second
position to the fourth. The use of electricity for cooking
gained some importance during this period with 3.8 per cent
of middle-income households using small electric stoves for
cooking. The use of electric water heaters was also adopted
for boiling yams, rice and beans up to a convenient point
before finishing it up on kerosene stoves.
In the low-income area, there was also a marked change
in pattern of energy use during the period. The use of fire-
wood greatly increased with 37.6 per cent of sampled house-
holds making use of firewood as a primary energy source
for cooking. Cooking gas was not used at all due to high
cost. The use of charcoal (5.7%) and electricity (6.2%) how-
ever increased. A very small proportion (1.9%) of house-
holds in this group used fuel sources such as sawdust and
palm kernel shells as the primary fuel type for cooking. Oth-
ers also used cardboards, plastics, and motor tires as fuel
sources.
The increased use of electricity by households during this
period was largely due to the perceived lower cost of elec-
tricity for cooking in relation to kerosene and gas. At this
time the energy charge for residential users was 60kobo per
kilowatt-hour. Households that used electricity were ready
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7. Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110 105
Fig. 2 Proportion of
households using different fuel
types as first order for
cooking.(Low income group).
Fig. 3 Proportion of
households using different fuel
types as first order for cooking
(Middle Income Group).
to incur the expense of procuring portable single plate elec-
tric cookers and water heaters whose power demands are
1.8Kwh and 1.2Kwh(50 litres of water) respectively. In prac-
tical terms, the use of single plate electric cookers is not con-
venient for large households because of the quantity of food
tobepreparedandalsoduetotheculturalpracticesassociated
with meal preparation. Furthermore, the problem of irregular
power supply that is a common feature in the country is also
a deterrent to the adoption of electricity for cooking by many
households. However, the adoption of electricity for cooking
still presented a cheaper option for cooking during this period
since the use of electricity did not require the pre-payment
of charges.
With regard to the use of secondary fuels for cooking, a
larger proportion of households relative to the pre-1993 pe-
riod used a mix of fuels. In the middle-income areas, 52.9 per
cent of households combined the use of the first order fuels
with other fuels. Of this proportion 17.1 per cent made use of
firewood as a second order fuel. Kerosene was next (13.8%),
followed by charcoal (7.6%) and sawdust (7.1%). The use
of electricity and gas as second order fuels was not signifi-
cant. In the low-income areas, 32.6 per cent of households
sampled made use of other fuels in addition to the primary
energy used for cooking. Of these, 18.0 per cent made use
of kerosene, 6.7 per cent used firewood, 5.6 per cent used
charcoal, electricity (1.1%) and other fuels (1.1%).
5.2.3. 1999 energy use
By 1999 when the household survey was conducted, the mar-
ket prices of kerosene and gas had further increased although
the products were more readily available relative to the period
between 1993 and 1997. The pattern of energy consumption
for cooking in households surveyed again changed to nearly
what obtained during the earlier periods. This was because
users had come to terms with the increase in prices and did
not find the use of alternative fuels convenient. Many house-
holds therefore reverted to the use of kerosene but with the
adoption of some coping mechanisms to reduce overall con-
sumption. For instance, before 1993, 69.8 per cent of sampled
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8. 106 Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110
households cooked thrice a day. This proportion reduced to
41.2 per cent and 42.9 per cent in 1993–1997 and 1999 re-
spectively.
The proportion of households making use of kerosene as
first order fuel in both low and middle income areas increased
with records of 86.7 per cent and 67.1 per cent respectively.
The use of firewood for both groups also decreased consider-
ably but did not return to the former level that obtained during
the pre-1993 period. This situation was particularly evident
among middle-income households. In the low-income areas,
the use of charcoal and gas had become virtually non-existent
while electricity use for cooking reduced from the patronage
of6.2percentofhouseholdsduring1993–97to1.1%in1999.
In the middle-income areas, the proportion of households us-
ing gas for cooking again increased (11.0%) relative to the
proportion recorded for the previous period. Although the use
of sawdust had reduced at this time, its patronage neverthe-
less continued in a small proportion (6.7%) of households.
5.3. Household expenditure on energy for cooking
The increase in prices of kerosene and cooking gas reflected
on household expenditure on energy for cooking in both in-
come groups surveyed. Results show that during the pre-1993
period a little above 70 per cent of low and middle-income
households spent between N−−−−100 and N−−−−500 monthly on en-
ergy for cooking with no household expending above N−−−−1000
on cooking fuel. With the upward review of petroleum-
product prices, about 40 per cent of low and middle-income
households spent between N−−−−501 and N−−−−1000 in the 1993–
1997periodcomparedtojustabout2%before1993.Minority
(3%) spent over N−−−−1000 on energy for cooking during the
1993–97 period (Table 4).
However, in spite of the fact that prices did not reduce in
subsequent years, it was observed that household expenditure
on energy for cooking reduced. In 1999, about 70% of house-
holds had reverted to spending between N−−−−100 and N−−−−500 on
cooking fuel monthly while the proportion of households in
both groups (9%) that spent above N−−−−501 reduced markedly.
The observed pattern of spending on energy indicates that
more households either consumed less energy for cooking in
terms of kerosene use or settled for cheaper fuels like fuel-
wood and sawdust in order to reduce cost expended. This as-
sertion is substantiated by the fact that during the period 1993
to 1997, the proportion of households that cooked thrice a day
decreased from the pre-1993 record of 69.8 per cent to 41.2
per cent. By 1999 there was no significant change despite the
fact that more households had reverted to the use of kerosene
since only 42.9 per cent of households cooked three times
daily.Also47percentofhouseholdscookedtwicedailycom-
pared to the pre-1993 proportion of 20 per cent. Either way,
the management strategies adopted by households to reduce
expenditure on energy for cooking have implications for the
environment and health status of households in the city.
6. Environmental implications
The significance of the energy sector within the broader
poverty-energy-environment-nexus is well established. Re-
liance on traditional biomass energy is particularly high in
sub-Saharan Africa, accounting in some countries for 70 to
90 per cent of primary energy supply and up to 95 per cent
of the total consumption. Even oil rich sub- Saharan African
countries continue to rely on biomass energy to meet the bulk
of their household energy requirements. In Nigeria, it is es-
timated that about 91per cent of the household energy needs
are met by biomass (Karekezi, 1999).
Production and consumption of almost any type of energy
inevitably have environmental impacts. Harvesting of fuel-
wood, in particular, contributes to deforestation, soil erosion,
and desertification. An estimated 96 million people in Nige-
ria, about three quarters of the population use fuelwood as
cooking fuel. The pressure on the country’s forests is im-
mense as 450,000 hectares of woodland are lost every year
and if current trend continues, the country’s forest resources
could be completely depleted by 2020 (Oladosu and Ade-
julugbe, 1994). Use of fuelwood as an energy source can
also contribute to the accumulation of CO2, the main green-
house gas, both because burning fuelwood produces CO2,
Table 4 Monthly expenditure on energy for cooking in households (%)
Low income Middle income
Amount
N−−−− Pre–1993 1993–97 1997 Pre–1993 1993–97 1999
< 100 25.4 14.1 20.3 24.1 12.9 19.3
100–500 73.1 48.8 69.6 74.1 42.4 70.6
501–1000 1.5 42.3 8.9 1.8 41.2 8.6
> 1000 0 2.8 1.2 0 3.5 1.5
100 100 100 100 100 100
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9. Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110 107
and because deforestation destroys an important CO2 sink.
In addition, use of biomass in traditional stoves exposes the
users, mainly women and children, to high levels of indoor air
pollution. Indeed, the World Health Organization estimates
that indoor air pollution tagged ‘the Killer in the kitchen’ re-
sults in 1.6 million deaths worldwide per year due to indoor
air pollution, 24% occurring in Africa alone (Warwick and
Doig, 2004). The need to effect change in household energy
consumption patterns is thus of the utmost importance given
the adverse impact current energy demand and use patterns
have on health, society, the economy and the environment.
In Ibadan, the environmental effect of the energy use pat-
tern among the urban poor, especially during the 1993–97
period is indicated in the increase in indoor air pollution and
degradation of forests within the city and outskirts of the city.
6.1. Indoor air pollution
A major problem associated with housing in low-income,
high-density areas in Ibadan includes poor indoor ventila-
tion resulting from small size of windows and inadequate
spacing between houses, which also reduces ventilation. In
the middle-income area, the housing structures are largely of
medium quality and are better spaced than those in the high-
density areas. Cooking is done largely in built-in kitchens
within the house (72.9%) in the middle-income area. Other
middle-income households (18.1%) cook in kitchens de-
tached from the main house or in open air while 9 per
cent cook on corridors within dwelling units. In the low-
income area, there are as many households cooking in built-
in kitchens (37.1%) as those cooking on corridors within
the dwelling units (37.1%). Few households (4.3%) do their
cooking outside in open space while minority (1.0%) cook in
bedrooms (Table 5). About 75% of low-income households
therefore cook indoors.
Cooking in rooms or corridors within dwelling units has
health implications for such households as occupants are
Table 5 Cooking facilities in households
Income class
Cooking space Low (%) Middle (%)
Built-in kitchen 78 (37.1) 153 (72.9)
Kitchen detached from
main house 43 (20.5) 29 (13.8)
Corridor of rooming
apartment 78 (37.1) 19 (9.0)
Inside room 2 (1.0) —
Outside in open air 9 (4.3) 9 (4.3)
Total 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0)
Source: Field Data, 1999
exposed directly to high levels of pollution as pollutants are
retained indoors. The inadequate ventilation in most build-
ings also aggravates the situation. Pollutants typically found
in biomass smoke are suspended particulate matter (SPM),
carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, formaldehyde and com-
pounds such as polyaromatic hydrocarbons. Burning fuel
wood therefore fills houses with smoke swirling with toxic
substances.
Responses from women interviewed during the household
survey indicated that only 109 (26%) claimed to be aware
of any environmental implication of fuel wood use. Of this
number 84 (77.1%) mentioned the effect of smoke on hu-
man health and 19.3% indicated that it blackens the walls
of buildings. During focus group discussions, however, over
90 per cent of men and women interviewed described indoor
air pollution as a major problem associated with fuel wood
use. Effects associated with fuel wood use listed include the
following:
r Smoke affects eyes causing redness, burning, irritation and
weeping.
r The use of firewood in cooking causes exhaustion, tired-
ness and headaches.
r Headaches are especially experienced when the firewood
is not well dried.
r Discomfort due to heat trapped in the house.
r Fainting especially in children.
r Clothes smell of smoke
Although all members of the household experience these
effects, women and children are especially vulnerable. Most
womennotedthatwhentheeffectsofthesmokebecamemore
than they could bear they usually stopped cooking even when
the food was not yet done. Sometimes, because of the ordeal
of cooking under a covering of smoke they became exhausted
and even lost their appetite. Both men and women noted that
the use of fuel wood in their households was by compul-
sion and not by choice because of the problems outlined
above:
We were seriously in pains and suffered much when we were
using firewood. After cooking with firewood in the evening, we
were not able to sleep well at night because the whole house was
filled with smoke.
We breathed in smoke. Even when the smoke cleared, the house
was still heated until the next day. The walls of the house were
hot. So many of the children fainted at night.
(Men’s discussion group, Foko).
The situation is aggravated by the use of wet wood, which
produces more smoke than dry wood. This smoke in inad-
equately ventilated kitchens is very harmful to health. In
2002, the magnitude of the health effects, mainly eye and
respiratory illness, of indoor air pollution from cooking with
biomass fuel was ranked the fourth largest problem in devel-
oping countries by the World Health Organization. A study of
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10. 108 Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110
the association of household pollutants with the outcomes of
acute lower respiratory infections (ALRI) in pre-school chil-
dren in Ibadan (Johnson and Aderele, 1992) indicated that
five out of eight deaths were from wood burning homes. The
increase in households making use of fuelwood for cooking
is set to increase the incidence of ALRI and other smoke
related infections, particularly amongst pre-school children
and women, in the city.
6.1.1. Deforestation
Deforestation of forests, forest reserves and wooded areas
within and outside the city limits has been a major outcome
of pattern of energy use in low and middle income house-
holds in Ibadan. A high proportion of the fuelwood used
within the city is obtained from surrounding farming vil-
lages such as Ijaye, Alabata and Ipoki, which are located at a
distance of about 20 kilometers or more from Ibadan city. Fu-
elwood from these villages are transported to selling points in
the city where consumers purchase them. Findings from the
household survey showed that a large proportion (82.8%)
of households that consume firewood buy from these sell-
ing points while 10.3 per cent collect firewood from natural
forests and government forest reserves. Others (6.9%) buy
and also collect firewood for use in their households. Focus
group discussions conducted at the low-income district of
Adeoyo revealed that at the peak of the kerosene scarcity
much of the fuelwood used in households in Adeoyo and the
surrounding high-density areas was collected from the Oke-
Aremo forest reserve (also known as Agala forest). This is
a government-reserved forest located near Adeoyo. Quali-
tative data obtained from focus group discussions revealed
that between 1993 and 1997 the rate of deforestation of urban
forests in the city was very high:
The trees in the Agala forest were cut down to their roots.
We even used it fresh for cooking. No one minded the
consequences—we damned the government. But the govern-
ment did not arrest us until we cut down all the trees.
(Women’s group discussion, Adeoyo).
The Oke-Aremo forest reserve was ’invaded’ by women and
children during this period. Between 1991 and 2002 the area
under forest cover in the Oke-Aremo forest reserve reduced
significantly from 49.3 hectares to 13.95 hectares (Depart-
ment of Forestry, Oyo State Ministry of Agriculture and Ru-
ral Development). Beside some infrastructure extension, the
onlyotherproximatecauseresultinginthemassivedeforesta-
tion of the forest reserve is wood harvesting for fuelwood and
charcoal production for domestic use. Other forest reserves
within the city that were deforested at this time are Alalu-
bosa and Eleyele forest reserves. The increased participation
of men and women in the fuel wood business also contributed
to deforestation of forests in the surrounding rural areas from
where fuelwood is imported into the city.
7. Policy relevance
The findings of this study have important policy implica-
tions since the upward review of petroleum product pricing
has become a recurring phenomenon to date in Nigeria. A
major goal of Nigeria’s National Policy on the Environment
(1989) with regard to energy is to reduce the negative impact
of energy use on the environment by encouraging the use of
energy forms that are environmentally safe and sustainable.
The prevailing trend of economic development with respect
to pricing of petroleum-products does not facilitate the actu-
alization of this goal. Petroleum-products pricing should be
considered as an important entry point to addressing environ-
mental degradation in the country as current prices does not
encourage the disuse of fuelwood in urban areas. It is recom-
mended that environmental related costs should be built-into
the pricing of energy sources so that kerosene becomes af-
fordable to even the low-income group. Also, the supply,
distribution and marketing systems for kerosene in low and
middle-income districts of the city and other Nigerian ur-
ban centers need to be improved. Instability is another major
feature of the pricing of these energy sources that should be
addressed. There is need for government to ensure that prices
do not keep changing, as has been the norm in recent years.
Forestry laws restricting indiscriminate cutting of trees in for-
est reserves within and around cities also have to be enforced
by proper monitoring and surveillance by forest guards.
Furthermore, Nigeria is well endowed with natural gas,
of which only a relatively small proportion is utilized while
76% is flared. There is need for the government to make
concerted efforts at developing her liquefied natural gas
projects and achieving her zero-flare goal by the year 2008.
This will greatly enhance the use of gas as a major energy
source for cooking by the middle-income group. As part of
the transition towards more efficient energy use in Nigeria,
the government in conjunction with the private sector
may consider promoting the dissemination of and markets
for clean, energy-efficient liquefied petroleum gas (LPG)
stoves to replace traditional biofuel cook stoves, expand and
improve distribution networks for other modern fuels and
energy sources through market liberalization. Perhaps, some
lessons could be gleaned from Kenya where energy sector
liberalization has led to the introduction of smaller, more
affordable LPG containers—3kg and 6kg, in addition to the
standard 13kg—and wider distribution, making LPG more
accessible to poor people.
Finally, considering the central role of housing and house-
hold energy in determining exposure to indoor pollution,
there is need for enforcement of building standards that
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11. Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110 109
ensure adequate ventilation within dwelling units. Pro-
vision of well-ventilated kitchen facilities in residential
building plans should be made mandatory in order to
deter the practice of cooking in rooms and apartment
corridors.
8. Conclusion
A major objective of this study was to appraise the pattern of
domestic energy use in low and middle-income households
in Ibadan as a result of removal of subsidy on petroleum
products. The results indicate that the pattern of energy con-
sumption for cooking in low and middle-income households
in Ibadan has changed in response to increase in commer-
cial fuel prices over time. The study showed that there is a
relationship between the price of petroleum derived energy
sources and the choice of domestic energy used for cook-
ing in households. Also, different income groups respond
differently to increase in price of petroleum derived energy
sources.
Before 1993, kerosene was the major fuel used for cooking
in middle and low-income households. It was mainly com-
mercial food vendors and occasions that required preparation
oflargequantityoffoodsuchascelebrationsthatnecessitated
the use of fuel wood in households. However, with increase
in prices of kerosene and cooking gas in 1993, majority of
low and middle-income households switched to the use of
fuel wood and other alternative sources such as sawdust. In
1999 when the field survey for this study was conducted, ma-
jority of households had switched back to the use of kerosene
but with the incorporation of management strategies includ-
ing reduction in frequency of cooking, substitution with less
nourishing but quicker cooking foods and eating of cold left-
over or reheating previously cooked food. These strategies
helped to cushion the effect of increased prices of energy used
for cooking on household budget by reducing consumption
of energy for cooking. The proportion of households making
use of fuel wood had nevertheless increased relative to the
pre-1993 period while the consumption of cooking gas had
reduced in the middle-income areas. In low-income areas, the
use of other non-conventional fuel sources such as sawdust
for cooking gained ground.
All in all, fuelwood substitution and fuel switching seem
to be closely linked with household incomes and accessibility
more than anything else. Cost is the major reason that forces
households to stay with fuelwood as the primary base fuel. It
is also noticed that generally households go down the energy
ladder when a higher-grade fuel is not available on the market
or when they have experienced a decline in their incomes. It
appears that the present landscape of energy use will remain
unless there is a significant improvement in the income base
of urban households.
Acknowledgements This work was carried out under the Gender, Ur-
banization and Environment Programme of Mazingira Institute, Nairobi
with the aid of a grant from Sida/SAREC. An initial version of this pa-
per was presented at the 2001 Open Meeting of the Human Dimensions
Research Community in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. We are grateful to Pro-
fessor A.O. Aweto who read the draft of the paper and two anonymous
reviewers from the journal for insightful comments.
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