LYU 1 SHI LYU Kelly Morimoto & Paige .docx

LYU
1
SHI LYU
Kelly Morimoto & Paige Andersen
SELF AND SOCIETY 2
4 MARCH, 2020
The Sixth Sense
The topic that I chose for this essay is one of my favorite
movies, The Sixth Sense. I am
further pairing it with Virginia Woolf as an author to write a
critique about this movie. The Sixth
Sense is an American film which was released in 1999. It is a
psychological thriller film that
covers a story about a boy who is able to see and speak to dead
people who is being helped by a
child psychologist. I chose this movie because it fits well with
the writing style of Woolf. This is
because Woolf had mastered the writing style which was called
the Stream of Consciousness.

The film is made up of flashbacks of memories, time montages
and free association of images
that show the past, present and future of the boy’s story that
intermingle to form the
consciousness of the boy. The feelings and thoughts of the boy
are shown uninterruptedly
forming a stream of consciousness just how Woolf does in her
literary work. Therefore, I
believed as Woolf’s writing style was mainly focused on
caching the technique of stream of
consciousness, it would be better to critique The Sixth Sense by
using Woolf’s writing style.
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The Sixth Sense is a psychological thriller film that is a
genuinely thrilling masterpiece. The
movie is about a boy named Cole who can see dead people as he
narrates to his psychologist
that, “I can see dead people. They want me to do things for
them.” (Shyamalan 01:33:24) This
film covers an important aspect that only innocent children can
see dead people, things that

cannot be seen by adults. The film describes the thoughts and
feelings of Cole throughout. He
fears darkness because he is afraid to see dead people there just
like how every individual fears
darkness. It is as if the world has gone into a black hole and his
heartbeat can be heard even from
miles away. Cole feelings are transferred into the audience like
a river being poured inside. In
my point of view, this film brings out the reality of life before
the audience and while evoking
feelings of Cole, thus the audience feels thrilled and
understands how the dead soul do not find
peace until justice has been done in this world to their culprits.
The film uses a classic narration
of only Cole as the main character while the entire film revolves
around him. The main focus is
placed on the boy who is assumed by doctors to be suffering
from a disease where he
hallucinates images. Whereas, in reality he actually sees another
dimension of this life where
dead people live and communicate with Cole to complete their
unfinished tasks in this world.
This is kind of like how the book “a room of one’s own”. She
wants to learn more things, but

during that time no one understands her like this movie no one
understands Cole.
The film probes into the mind of the characters and shows their
imagination. It is about the
internalities of life rather than externals of personality of the
character. In one of the scenes, Cole
is sitting in his classroom when he starts getting flashbacks of
how his school once used to be a
courtroom where people were hanged. He sees crying families
that are being departed from their
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loved ones. He conveys it to his teacher saying, “they used to
hang people here.” (Shyamalan
00:35:36-39). Cole can see the injustice that has been done to
people in the old days. The
perceptions of Cole create a feeling of fear in the viewers’ mind
as they can relate to the mental
consciousness of Cole. For him, a normal day is not like us,
rather he sees dead people walking
while their cries echo in the buildings, rooms or roads. The film
is an art of magical realism
where the characters are put at the best of their constructions to

bring the realistic images out.
Another interesting thing to be noticed in the movie is the
magic sleight that the
psychologist performs on Cole. The psychologist uses a penny
to perform a magic of hand
routine on Cole whereas he says “That’s stupid.” (Shyamalan
00:41:45-47). However, the magic
trick works well for the plot of The Sixth Sense where the
audience is tricked to watch the entire
film through one long sleight of the magic trick. At the end, the
audience realizes the doctor, who
had come to help Cole, was himself a dead person that Cole had
been seeing all this time.
The review of the film, The Sixth Sense, has been written in the
writing style of Virginia
Woolf. Firstly, the main style of Woolf that is her famous
writing style is the Stream of
Consciousness where Woolf uses the continuous flow of mental
thoughts, feelings and
perceptions of the character. She comprises long passages of
introspection of the minds and
thoughts of her character in a narrative method. . Similarly, in
my critical review of the film, I

have written showing the stream of consciousness of Cole where
it was described that “Cole is
sitting in his classroom when he starts getting flashbacks of
how his school once used to be a
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courtroom where people were hanged. This shows the stream of
consciousness of Cole that is
coherent with the writing style of Woolf. Woolf used symbolism
as an important tool to
present her work in a distinctive manner. “I must ask you to
imagine a room, like many
thousands, with a window looking across people's hats and vans
and motor-cars to other
windows and on the table inside the room a blank sheet of paper
on which was written in large
letters WOMEN AND FICTION”, ( A ROOM OF ONE’S OWN.
part 2) Similarly, in the
review above a symbolism has been used to show the magic
trick as sleight for the audience
because they only see the movie through one lens where
psychologist is actually an alive man
who is helping Cole. Thus, the magic trick is a symbolism for
the psychological trick that is

being played on the audience throughout the film.
I chose this film because it is important for people to consider
the issues of children
seriously rather than ignoring them. In our society, most of the
things that children say are
ignored or unnoticed because we do not value their views or
stories. However, it is important to
give consideration towards their feelings, thoughts and
perceptions because they may be
suffering. Therefore, it is important to be considerate towards
children and give them the time
they need for their stories to be heard. This movie and this book
are all related to our class topic:
self and society. This movie shows how children impact this
society. The book kind shows that
woman and that society, woman cannot have their own room,
woman cannot study. The movie
and the book all show their society.
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Works Cited

The Sixth Sense. Dir. Shyamalan. Perf. Haley Osment. 1999.
Woolf, V. A room of one’s Own. New York: Harcourt, Brace
and Company, 1929.
MOOD DISORDER
2
Literature in psychotherapy differs from other areas of clinical
practice. Generally, there are no clinical trials in psychotherapy
because it is often neither appropriate nor ethical to have
controls in psychotherapy research. This sometimes makes it
more difficult to translate research findings into practice.
Evaluate the application of current literature to clinical practice
Psychoanalytic applications in a diverse society.
Tummala-Narra, P (2013) Psychoanalytic applications in a
diverse society. Psychoanalytic Psychology,
Source: Psychoanalytic Psychology. Vol. 30. (3), Jul, 2013 pp.
471-487)
Accession Number: 2013-03648-001
Digital Object Identifier: 10.1037/a0031375
In a 5- to 10-slide PowerPoint presentation, address the
following:
· Provide an overview of the article you selected.
· What population is under consideration?
· What was the specific intervention that was used? Is this a

new intervention or one that was already used?
· What were the author’s claims?
· Explain the findings/outcomes of the study in the article.
Include whether this will translate into practice with your own
clients. If so, how? If not, why?
· Explain whether the limitations of the study might impact your
ability to use the findings/outcomes presented in the article.
Support your position with evidence-based literature.
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage
Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from
Working
Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal
Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in
Women's
Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from
the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women,
Wellesley MA 02181
The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This
excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of
Independent
School.
White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack
Peggy McIntosh
"I was taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness,
not in invisible systems conferring
dominance on my group"
Through work to bring materials from women's studies into the
rest of the curriculum, I have often
noticed men's unwillingness to grant that they are

overprivileged, even though they may grant that
women are disadvantaged. They may say they will work to
women's statues, in the society, the
university, or the curriculum, but they can't or won't support the
idea of lessening men's. Denials that
amount to taboos surround the subject of advantages that men
gain from women's disadvantages. These
denials protect male privilege from being fully acknowledged,
lessened, or ended.
Thinking through unacknowledged male privilege as a
phenomenon, I realized that, since hierarchies in
our society are interlocking, there are most likely a
phenomenon, I realized that, since hierarchies in our
society are interlocking, there was most likely a phenomenon of
while privilege that was similarly
denied and protected. As a white person, I realized I had been
taught about racism as something that puts
others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of
its corollary aspects, white privilege,
which puts me at an advantage.
I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white
privilege, as males are taught not to recognize
male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what
it is like to have white privilege. I have
come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned
assets that I can count on cashing in
each day, but about which I was "meant" to remain oblivious.
White privilege is like an invisible
weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports,
codebooks, visas, clothes, tools , and blank
checks.
Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we
in women's studies work to reveal male

privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one
who writes about having white privilege
must ask, "having described it, what will I do to lessen or end
it?"
After I realized the extent to which men work from a base of
unacknowledged privilege, I understood
that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious. Then I
remembered the frequent charges from
women of color that white women whom they encounter are
oppressive. I began to understand why we
are just seen as oppressive, even when we don't see ourselves
that way. I began to count the ways in
which I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been
conditioned into oblivion about its existence.
My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an
oppressor, as an unfairly advantaged person, or
as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself
as an individual whose moral state
depended on her individual moral will. My schooling followed
the pattern my colleague Elizabeth
Minnich has pointed out: whites are taught to think of their
lives as morally neutral, normative, and
average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others,
this is seen as work that will allow
"them" to be more like "us."
Working
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Daily effects of white privilege
I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some
of the daily effects of white privilege in
my life. I have chosen those conditions that I think in my case
attach somewhat more to skin-color
privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographic
location, though of course all these other
factors are intricately intertwined. As far as I can tell, my
African American coworkers, friends, and
acquaintances with whom I come into daily or frequent contact
in this particular time, place and time of
work cannot count on most of these conditions.
1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my
race most of the time.
2. I can avoid spending time with people whom I was trained to
mistrust and who have learned to
mistrust my kind or me.
3. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or
purchasing housing in an area which I can
afford and in which I would want to live.
4. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will
be neutral or pleasant to me.

5. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured
that I will not be followed or harassed.
6. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the
paper and see people of my race widely
represented.
7. When I am told about our national heritage or about
"civilization," I am shown that people of my
color made it what it is.
8. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular
materials that testify to the existence of their
race.
9. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for
this piece on white privilege.
10. I can be pretty sure of having my voice heard in a group in
which I am the only member of my race.
11. I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another
person's voice in a group in which s/he is the
only member of his/her race.
12. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of
my race represented, into a supermarket
and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions,
into a hairdresser's shop and find
someone who can cut my hair.
13. Whether I use checks, credit cards or cash, I can count on
my skin color not to work against the
appearance of financial reliability.

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14. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from
people who might not like them.
15. I do not have to educate my children to be aware of
systemic racism for their own daily physical
protection.
16. I can be pretty sure that my children's teachers and
employers will tolerate them if they fit school and
workplace norms; my chief worries about them do not concern
others' attitudes toward their race.
17. I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this
down to my color.
18. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer
letters, without having people attribute
these choices to the bad morals, the poverty or the illiteracy of
my race.
19. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without

putting my race on trial.
20. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called
a credit to my race.
21. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial
group.
22. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of
persons of color who constitute the world's
majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such
oblivion.
23. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I
fear its policies and behavior without
being seen as a cultural outsider.
24. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to the "person in
charge", I will be facing a person of my race.
25. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax
return, I can be sure I haven't been singled
out because of my race.
26. I can easily buy posters, post-cards, picture books, greeting
cards, dolls, toys and children's
magazines featuring people of my race.
27. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong
to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than
isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance
or feared.
28. I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of
another race is more likely to jeopardize
her/his chances for advancement than to jeopardize mine.

29. I can be pretty sure that if I argue for the promotion of a
person of another race, or a program
centering on race, this is not likely to cost me heavily within
my present setting, even if my colleagues
disagree with me.
30. If I declare there is a racial issue at hand, or there isn't a
racial issue at hand, my race will lend me
more credibility for either position than a person of color will
have.
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31. I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and
minority activist programs, or disparage
them, or learn from them, but in any case, I can find ways to be
more or less protected from negative
consequences of any of these choices.
32. My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the
perspectives and powers of people of other races.

33. I am not made acutely aware that my shape, bearing or body
odor will be taken as a reflection on my
race.
34. I can worry about racism without being seen as self-
interested or self-seeking.
35. I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without
having my co-workers on the job
suspect that I got it because of my race.
36. If my day, week or year is going badly, I need not ask of
each negative episode or situation whether
it had racial overtones.
37. I can be pretty sure of finding people who would be willing
to talk with me and advise me about my
next steps, professionally.
38. I can think over many options, social, political, imaginative
or professional, without asking whether
a person of my race would be accepted or allowed to do what I
want to do.
39. I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect
on my race.
40. I can choose public accommodation without fearing that
people of my race cannot get in or will be
mistreated in the places I have chosen.
41. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race
will not work against me.
42. I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to

experience feelings of rejection owing to my
race.
43. If I have low credibility as a leader I can be sure that my
race is not the problem.
44. I can easily find academic courses and institutions which
give attention only to people of my race.
45. I can expect figurative language and imagery in all of the
arts to testify to experiences of my race.
46. I can chose blemish cover or bandages in "flesh" color and
have them more or less match my skin.
47. I can travel alone or with my spouse without expecting
embarrassment or hostility in those who deal
with us.
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48. I have no difficulty finding neighborhoods where people

approve of our household.
49. My children are given texts and classes which implicitly
support our kind of family unit and do not
turn them against my choice of domestic partnership.
50. I will feel welcomed and "normal" in the usual walks of
public life, institutional and social.
Elusive and fugitive
I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I
wrote it down. For me white privilege has
turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to
avoid it is great, for in facing it I must
give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is
not such a free country; one's life is not
what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through
no virtues of their own.
In unpacking this invisible knapsack of white privilege, I have
listed conditions of daily experience that
I once took for granted. Nor did I think of any of these
perquisites as bad for the holder. I now think that
we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of privilege, for
some of these varieties are only what
one would want for everyone in a just society, and others give
license to be ignorant, oblivious, arrogant,
and destructive.
I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a
patter of assumptions that were passed on
to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural
turf; it was my own turn, and I was among
those who could control the turf. My skin color was an asset for
any move I was educated to want to

make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways and of
making social systems work for me. I
could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything
outside of the dominant cultural forms.
Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely.
In proportion as my racial group was being made confident,
comfortable, and oblivious, other groups
were likely being made unconfident, uncomfortable, and
alienated. Whiteness protected me from many
kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was being
subtly trained to visit, in turn, upon people
of color.
For this reason, the word "privilege" now seems to me
misleading. We usually think of privilege as
being a favored state, whether earned or conferred by birth or
luck. Yet some of the conditions I have
described here work systematically to over empower certain
groups. Such privilege simply confers
dominance because of one's race or sex.
Earned strength, unearned power
I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and
unearned power conferred privilege can look
like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to
dominate. But not all of the privileges on my
list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the expectation that
neighbors will be decent to you, or that your
race will not count against you in court, should be the norm in a
just society. Others, like the privilege to
ignore less powerful people, distort the humanity of the holders
as well as the ignored groups.

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We might at least start by distinguishing between positive
advantages, which we can work to spread, and
negative types of advantage, which unless rejected will always
reinforce our present hierarchies. For
example, the feeling that one belongs within the human circle,
as Native Americans say, should not be
seen as privilege for a few. Ideally it is an unearned
entitlement. At present, since only a few have it, it is
an unearned advantage for them. This paper results from a
process of coming to see that some of the
power that I originally say as attendant on being a human being
in the United States consisted in
unearned advantage and conferred dominance.
I have met very few men who truly distressed about systemic,
unearned male advantage and conferred
dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is
whether we will be like them, or whether
we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned race
advantage and conferred dominance,
and, if so, what we will do to lessen them. In any case, we need

to do more work in identifying how they
actually affect our daily lives. Many, perhaps most, of our white
students in the United States think that
racism doesn't affect them because they are not people of color;
they do not see "whiteness" as a racial
identity. In addition, since race and sex are not the only
advantaging systems at work, we need similarly
to examine the daily experience of having age advantage, or
ethnic advantage, or physical ability, or
advantage related to nationality, religion, or sexual orientation.
Difficulties and angers surrounding the task of finding parallels
are many. Since racism, sexism, and
heterosexism are not the same, the advantages associated with
them should not be seen as the same. In
addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned advantage
that rest more on social class, economic
class, race, religion, sex, and ethnic identity that on other
factors. Still, all of the oppressions are
interlocking, as the members of the Combahee River Collective
pointed out in their "Black Feminist
Statement" of 1977.
One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions.
They take both active forms, which we
can see, and embedded forms, which as a member of the
dominant groups one is taught not to see. In my
class and place, I did not see myself as a racist because I was
taught to recognize racism only in
individual acts of meanness by members of my group, never in
invisible systems conferring unsought
racial dominance on my group from birth.
Disapproving of the system won't be enough to change them. I
was taught to think that racism could end
if white individuals changed their attitude. But a "white" skin in

the United States opens many doors for
whites whether or not we approve of the way dominance has
been conferred on us. Individual acts can
palliate but cannot end, these problems.
To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their
colossal unseen dimensions. The silences
and denials surrounding privilege are the key political
surrounding privilege are the key political tool
here. They keep the thinking about equality or equity
incomplete, protecting unearned advantage and
conferred dominance by making these subject taboo. Most talk
by whites about equal opportunity seems
to me now to be about equal opportunity to try to get into a
position of dominance while denying that
systems of dominance exist.
It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like
obliviousness about male advantage, is
kept strongly inculturated in the United States so as to maintain
the myth of meritocracy, the myth that
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School.
democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most
people unaware that freedom of confident
action is there for just a small number of people props up those
in power and serves to keep power in the
hands of the same groups that have most of it already.
Although systemic change takes many decades, there are
pressing questions for me and, I imagine, for
some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the
perquisites of being light-skinned. What
will we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching
men, it is an open question whether we
will choose to use unearned advantage, and whether we will use
any of our arbitrarily awarded power to
try to reconstruct power systems on a broader base.
Center for Research on Women. This
essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege
and Male Privilege: A Personal Account
of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's
Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh;
available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for
Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181
excerpted essay is reprinted from the
Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
[Last Name] 1
[Last Name] 4
[Your Name]
[Instructor Name]
[Course Number]

[Date]
Quote Analysis from ‘Proletarians and Communists’ by Karl
Marx
Introduction
Karl Marx explains the industrial revolution and the resulting
impact of the industrialization as 'fedual system of industry' due
to its exploitative features. Marx explains the Boergeoise of
modern industrail world as more powerful and controlling in
comparison to previous dominating classes. The labor class,
proletriate, is meeting the ends and unable to escape poverty.
The Marxist critique of modren industrialized society has
transformed the capitalist world in a positive way as it managed
to provide recommendations of improvement. The term ‘bare
existence as a laborer’ is referred to by Marx as the permanent
status of the labourer throughout there lives due to lack of
capital and lack of capacity to accumulate capital.
Analysis
Marx state, ‘The average price of wage-labour is the minimum
wage, i.e., that quantum of the means of subsistence which is
absolutely requisite to keep the labourer in bare existence as a
labourer’ (23). In other words, Marx explains tht the labor class
is paid the minimum wage as the average price as wages for
their labor. The moral argument surrounding the statement is a
strong critic of the industrialization which employs labor on
mimimum wage which they need to meet there basic needs.
There are two major flaws in such a policy towards, that is, lack
of surplus income to raise capital, and lack of surplus income to
invest in gaining technology, skills, and educaiton. No doubt
the income class is broadly divided into two groups, though it is
equally contradictory with the fact that the future decades of
industrialization revealed that there are more than two classes,
that is, lower-income, middle-income, and upper-income. The
income classes are further divided into lower, middle, and
upper. The creation of multiple income groups worldwide has
been a strong argument nagating the fact that the
industrialization has trapped lower-income groups into

permanent poverty. Many immigrants across the world from
developing or under-developed world has migrated to developed
and industrialized world for higher wages and has turned up
well. East Asians in United States have gained there reputation
for intelligence and achieved higher income within a single
change of generation. The generation which migrated in post
World War II has received incomes lower then the average
income of White people, though the next generation to follow
has accomplished the required skills and educaiton to compete
with majority.
Marx points out by stating, ‘What, therefore, the wage-labourer
appropriates by means of his labour, merely suffices to prolong
and reproduce a bare existence’ (23). This significantly
contirbutes to the fact that the first generation of labor without
proper government regulations will not be able to meet the
needs of their generation, and probably will remian in the same
income for next couple of generations. The marxist critique
have ended up well for the majority because the government
policies and generation intelligence level of labor unions have
used these arguments to raise the general welfare of labor class.
Marx also used the term ‘appropriation’ to signify the
importance of average set as the mimumum wage to be offerred
to the labor. Marx states, ‘All that we want to do away with is
the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the
labourer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live
only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it’
(Marx 23). In other words, the interest of the ruling class is not
in raising the standard of living of lower income group, stated
as proletariate; instead, the purpose of appropriating a price
which barely meets the basic needs for suriviving is to retain
the labor for suprlus income.
The ruling elite, or boergeoise, aims at extracting surplus
capital out of the existing resources and one of the inputs
required for output is the labor. As per Adam Smith, there exists
four basic factors of production, that is, land, labor, capital, and
orgnaization. Land and capital are acquired by the organization

(ruling class, boergeoise) in a way that the labor is used and
reatined. Providing a minimum wage to the labor will deprive
the labor of the opporutnity to accumulate wealth and remain
laborer for the boergeoise. The last two centuries have revealed
that the minimum wage has depried labor class of the
opporunity to enhance and raise there standard of living. In
order to increase the standard of living of lower-income class,
government introduces programs to uplift the general state of
their living, though not all the people across the world has the
same level of government policies and regulations. Though,
history reveals that the Marxist critique of industrialization and
class based society has provided voice to the lower income class
who are mainly laborer living a life to meet the basic ends of
their lives. Despite the fact that the industrial revolution has
entirely changed the way we organize our lives today, it has
deprived many of the opporutnity to live a healthy life provided
by the nature to man.
Conclusion
The element of appropriation explained by Karl Marx in
Communist Manifesto is considered as voice of the proletriate
and it has resulted in multiple interpretation. One of the
dominant interpretation has resulted in a bi-polar world during
cold-war era whereby USSR has set a system of governance that
so-callled aimed at creating class-less society. Marxist ciritique
of mimimum wage and creating an exploitative system has
benefited the capitalist in a way that it has tranformed it system.
Today, there are multiple opporutnities available to people to
escape poverty and raise their respective standard of living.
Last, but not the least, economists like Joseph E. Stiglitz argues
that the income gape between rich and poor is widening with
each passing year (14). As per one estimate, more than ninety
percent of the world capital is accumulated by less then ten
percent of the world poulation. The Marxist critique is as
relevant today as it was in nineteenth century, though much
have improved during the two centuries and capitalist system is
improving itself. In other worlds, Marx was not absolutely true

about the future of the industrialization and developed world,
but it has managed to provide the other side of the story which
benefited the society.
References
Marx, Karl. Manifesto of the Communist Party. Hyweb
Technology Co. Ltd., 2011. Retrieved 20 January 2020, from
https://ttu.ee/public/m/mart-
murdvee/EconPsy/1/Karl_Marx_Frederick_Engels_1848_Manife
sto_of_the_Communist_Party.pdf
Stiglitz, Joseph E. The price of inequality: How today's divided
society endangers our future. WW Norton & Company, 2012.
To my parents

I
INTRODUCTION
n the second millennium B.C., while the Elam nation was
developing a
civilization alongside Babylon, Indo-European invaders gave
their name to
the immense Iranian plateau where they settled. The word "Iran"
was derived
from "Ayryana Vaejo," which means "the origin of the Aryans."
These people
were semi-nomads whose descendants were the Medes and the
Persians. The
Medes founded the first Iranian nation in the seventh century
B.C.; it was later
destroyed by Cyrus the Great. He established what became one
of the largest
empires of the ancient world, the Persian Empire, in the sixth
century B.C. Iran
was referred to as Persia — its Greek name — until 1935 when
Reza Shah, the
father of the last Shah of Iran, asked everyone to call the
country Iran.
Iran was rich. Because of its wealth and its geographic location,
it invited
attacks: From Alexander the Great, from its Arab neighbors to
the west, from
Turkish and Mongolian conquerors, Iran was often subject to
foreign
domination. Yet the Persian language and culture withstood
these invasions.
The invaders assimilated into this strong culture, and in some
ways they

became Iranians themselves.
In the twentieth century, Iran entered a new phase. Reza Shah
decided to
modernize and westernize the country, but meanwhile a fresh
source of wealth
was discovered: oil. And with the oil came another invasion.
The West,
particularly Great Britain, wielded a strong influence on the
Iranian economy.
During the Second World War, the British, Soviets, and
Americans asked Reza
Shah to ally himself with them against Germany. But Reza
Shah, who
sympathized with the Germans, declared Iran a neutral zone. So
the Allies
invaded and occupied Iran. Reza Shah was sent into exile and
was succeeded by
his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who was known simply as
the Shah.
In 1951, Mohammed Mossadeq, then prime minister of Iran,
nationalized the
oil industry. In retaliation, Great Britain organized an embargo
on all exports
of oil from Iran. In 1953, the CIA, with the help of British
intelligence,
organized a coup against him. Mossadeq was overthrown and
the Shah, who
had earlier escaped from the country, returned to power. The
Shah stayed on
the throne until 1979, when he fled Iran to escape the Islamic
revolution.
Since then, this old and great civilization has been discussed
mostly in

connection with fundamentalism, fanaticism, and terrorism. As
an Iranian who
has lived more than half of my life in Iran, I know that this
image is far from
the truth. This is why writing Persepolis was so important to
me. I believe that
an entire nation should not be judged by the wrongdoings of a
few extremists. I
also don't want those Iranians who lost their lives in prisons
defending
freedom, who died in the war against Iraq, who suffered under
various
repressive regimes, or who were forced to leave their families
and flee their
homeland to be forgotten.
One can forgive but one should never forget.
Marjane Satrapi
Paris, September 2002

CREDITS
Translation of first part of Persepolis: Mattias Ripa
Translation of second part of Persepolis: Blake Ferris
Supervision of translation: Marjane Satrapi and Carol Bernstein
Lettering: Celine Merrien and Eve Deluze
THANKS TO
Anjali Singh
L'Association
David B.
Jean-Christophe Menu

Emile Bravo
Christophe Blain
Guillaume Dumora
Fanny Dalle-Rive
Nicolas Leroy
Matthieu Wahiche
Charlotte Miquel
Amber Hoover
Persepolis, translation copyright © 2003 by L'Association,
Paris, France
Persepolis 2, translation copyright © 2004 by Anjali Singh
All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Pantheon
Books, a division of
Random House, Inc., New York, and in Canada by Random
House of Canada, Limited,
Toronto.
The Complete Persepolis was originally published in the United
States in two separate
volumes:
Pantheon Books and colophon are registered trademarks of
Random House, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Satrapi, Marjane, [date]
[Persepolis, English]
The complete Persepolis / Marjane Satrapi.
p. cm.
Contains the author's Persepolis (2003) and Persepolis 2 (2004)
eISBN: 978-0-307-51802-6
1. Satrapi, Marjane, [date]—Comic books, strips, etc. I. Satrapi,
Marjane, [date]
Persepolis 2. English. II. Title.
PN6747.S245P4713 2007
955.05′42092—dc22
[B] 2007060106
www.pantheonbooks.com
v3.0
http://www.pantheonbooks.comCoverDedicationTitle
PageIntroductionChapter 1Chapter 2Chapter 3Chapter 4Chapter
5Chapter 6Chapter 7Chapter 8Chapter 9Chapter 10Chapter
11Chapter 12Chapter 13Chapter 14Chapter 15Chapter
36Chapter 37Chapter 38Chapter 39CreditsCopyright
Final Core Paper
A reflective essay with Anzaldúa or Satrapi & other Core
friends

Due on Canvas on Monday, March 16th by 11:59pm
Assignment
Your assignment is to reflect on your second quarter of Core as
it relates to your life and your world. Use close analysis of
Core texts (at least one of them will be Anzaldúa or Satrapi) to
help you understand and document what you’ve learned about
yourself, your history, your communities, and the roles you
play. Include memories and dialogue to help with specificity.
This is not a thesis-driven paper, so while analytic engagement
with the text is key, you don’t need to support an overall
argument. We are expecting 4-5 pages of writing (please do not
do any weird spacing).
*Please include a works cited page in MLA at the end of your
paper!
*Please leave some instructor comments in the notes section of
your submission (we will be leaving your overall comments as
well)!
Mention meaningfully at least:
· At least 4 primary texts (Marx, Thoreau, Plato, King, Sor
Juana, Woolf, Malcolm X, Anzaldúa, Satrapi, or Frankl)
· At least 1 auxiliary source (lectures from Kehler, or Camblin;
the film 13th; “The Hamlet Fire,” Harris-Perry, McIntosh, any
other articles in the Reader)
· 2 items from your annotations or homework assignments (item
= an excerpt of ideas) or ideas expressed in your previous
papers
· 1 memorable or interesting moment in class (from the large
and small group discussions, fishbowl discussions, Malcolm X
Identity activity, Little Women lesson, debate on the knoll,
group presentations, videos, or other activities and
conversations)
· 1 conversation or experience outside of class

Audience
Yourself: to know yourself better in the present, and to provide
a reference point for yourself in the future. Us, as your
instructors. Anyone with whom you’d like to share this work
(friend, parent, partner).
Options
1. My Borderlands. In what way or ways do you live in your
own “borderlands/la frontera”? This could be culturally,
economically, linguistically, politically, religiously, sexually,
gender-wise, or otherwise. Using Anzaldúa’s approach,
incorporate research, myth, imagery, poetry, and memoir to
articulate and explore the productive and valuable place of
“both and somewhere in between.” What are the gifts of the
borderlands? What insights have you developed about life in the
borderlands? How do you move forward, knowing what you
know?
0. Creating My Identity. How are you shaping your identity, and
how has it been previously shaped by society? Explore the
development of your identity in connection with your political
awareness and social alignments (e.g. your behavior,
appearance, style of dress, or name; identifying with particular
groups). Tell your story, borrowing from Satrapi’s mix of
childhood and adolescent memoir, pathos, humor, minimalism,
and/or the incorporation of a visual art element. What insights
have you developed through your Core experience about who
you are and what matters to you? How do you move forward,
knowing what you know?
0. The Myths of My Tribe. Anzaldúa proclaims that she no
longer believes all the myths of the tribe into which she was
born. What changes in perspective about the “myths of your
tribe” have arisen in you over the course of the quarter? Any
subtle (or shattering!) realizations about your history,

community, or nation? How are you seeing yourself as a citizen
or resident? How do you move forward, knowing what you
know?
Rubric
Instructor’s Evaluation
Eval
Piece is loaded with textual reference (several relevant quotes
from all required sources) and makes sophisticated
philosophical use of it. Ideas are true and accurate to the
authors represented. Has an original and specific point of view
that is well supported and clearly conveyed. Shows clarity of
thinking and depth of engagement. Overall, the piece is
engaging and polished. Includes works cited page.
Excellent
Piece has minimum textual reference (uses all required sources)
and makes interesting, relevant use of it. Ideas are true and
accurate to the authors represented. Has a point of view.
Overall, the piece is engaging and somewhat polished.
Includes works cited page.
Good
Piece has some textual references that are mostly relevant and
fruitful. Has some sense of point of view. Ideas are mostly
accurate to the authors represented. Piece may be engaging, but
may need further clarity and depth to be more successful. Might
be somewhat short.
Satisfactory
Piece may need more relevant textual reference and may need a

stronger sense of point of view. There may be inaccuracies.
May need much more depth, clarity, and cohesion. Might be
much shorter than expected.
NP
Instructor’s Overall Comments to Student
With more than 4 million copies in print in the English language
alone, Man's Search for Meaning, the chilling yet inspirational
story of Viktor Frankl's struggle to hold on to hope during his
three years as a prisoner in Nazi concentration camps, is a true
classic. Beacon Press is now pleased to present a special gift
edition of a work that was hailed in 1959 by Carl Rogers as"one
of the outstanding contributions to psychological thought in the
last fifty years." Frankl's training as a psychiatrist informed
every waking moment of his ordeal and allowed him a
remarkable perspective on the psychology of survival. His
assertion that "the will to meaning" is the basic motivation for
human life has forever changed the way we understand our
humanity in the face of suffering.
Man's
Search for Meaning
AN INTRODUCTION TO LOGOTHERAPY
Fourth Edition
Viktor E. Frankl
PART ONE TRANSLATED BY ILSE LASCH
PREFACE BY GORDON W. ALLPORT

BEACON PRESS
TO THE MEMORY OF MY MOTHER,
Beacon Press 25
Beacon Street
Boston, Massachusetts 02108-2892
www.beacon.org
Beacon Press books
are published under the auspices of
the Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations.
© 1959, 1962, 1984, 1992 by Viktor E. Frankl
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America First
published in German in 1946 under the title
Ein Psycholog erlebt das Konzentrationslager. Original
English title was From Death-Camp to Existentialism.
05 04 03 02 01
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Frankl, Viktor Emil.
[Ein Psycholog erlebt das Konzentrationslager. English]
Man's search for meaning: an introduction to logotherapy /
Viktor E. Frankl; part one translated by Use Lasch; preface

by
Gordon W. Allport. — 4th ed.
p. cm. Includes
bibliographical references (p. ).
ISBN 0-8070-1426-5 (cloth) 1. Frankl, Viktor
Emil. 2. Holocaust, Jewish (1939—1945)—
Personal narratives. 3. Holocaust, Jewish (1939-1945)—
Psychological aspects. 4. Psychologists—Austria—Biography.
5. Logotherapy. I. Title.
D810J4F72713 1992
i5o.ig'5—dc2o 92-21055
Contents
Preface by Gordon W. Allport 7
Preface to the 1992 Edition II
PART ONE
Experiences in a Concentration Camp 15
PART TWO
Logotherapy in a Nutshell 101
POSTSCRIPT 1984
The Case for a Tragic Optimism 137
Selected English Language Bibliography
of Logotherapy 155
About the Author
8 7 6 5 4 3 2

Preface
Dr. Frankl, author-psychiatrist, sometimes asks his pa-
tients who suffer from a multitude of torments great and
small, "Why do you not commit suicide?" From their an-
swers he can often find the guide-line for his psycho-
therapy: in one life there is love for one's children to tie to;
in another life, a talent to be used; in a third, perhaps only
lingering memories worth preserving. To weave these
slender threads of a broken life into a firm pattern of mean-
ing and responsibility is the object and challenge of logo-
therapy, which is Dr. Frankl's own version of modern exis-
tential analysis.
In this book, Dr. Frankl explains the experience which
led to his discovery of logotherapy. As a longtime prisoner
in bestial concentration camps he found himself stripped to
naked existence. His father, mother, brother, and his wife
died in camps or were sent to the gas ovens, so that, except-
ing for his sister, his entire family perished in these camps.
How could he—every possession lost, every value destroyed,
suffering from hunger, cold and brutality, hourly expecting
extermination—how could he find life worth preserving? A
psychiatrist who personally has faced such extremity is a
psychiatrist worth listening to. He, if anyone, should be
8 Preface Preface 9
able to view our human condition
wisely and with compassion. Dr.
Frankl's words have a profoundly

honest ring, for they rest on
experiences too deep for
deception. What he has to say
gains in prestige because of his
present position on the Medical
Faculty of the University of
Vienna and because of the renown
of the logotherapy clinics that
today are springing up in many
lands, patterned on his own
famous Neurological Policlinic in
Vienna.
One cannot help but compare
Viktor Frankl's approach to
theory and therapy with the work
of his predecessor, Sigmund
Freud. Both physicians concern
themselves primarily with the
nature and cure of neuroses.
Freud finds the root of these
distressing disorders in the anxiety
caused by conflicting and
unconscious motives. Frankl
distinguishes several forms of
neurosis, and traces some of them
(the noogenic neuroses) to the
failure of the sufferer to find
meaning and a sense of
responsibility in his existence.
Freud stresses frustration in the
sexual life; Frankl, frustration in
the "will-to-meaning." In Europe
today there is a marked turning
away from Freud and a
widespread embracing of

existential analysis, which takes
several related forms—the school
of logotherapy being one. It is
characteristic of Frankl's tolerant
outlook that he does not repudiate
Freud, but builds gladly on his
contributions; nor does he quarrel
with other forms of existential
therapy, but welcomes kinship
with them.
The present narrative, brief
though it is, is artfully constructed
and gripping. On two occasions I
have read it through at a single
sitting, unable to break away from
its spell. Somewhere beyond the
midpoint of the story Dr. Frankl
introduces his own philosophy of
logotherapy. He introduces it so
gently into the continuing
narrative that only after finishing
the book does the reader realize
that here is an essay of profound
depth, and not just one more brutal
tale of concentration camps.
From this autobiographical
fragment the reader learns much.
He learns what a human being
does when he suddenly realizes
he has "nothing to lose except his
so ridiculously naked life."

Frankl's description of the mixed
flow of emotion and apathy is
arresting. First to the rescue
comes a cold detached curiosity
concerning one's fate. Swiftly,
too, come strategies to preserve
the remnants of one's life,
though the chances of surviving
are slight. Hunger, humiliation,
fear and deep anger at injustice
are rendered tolerable by closely
guarded images of beloved
persons, by religion, by a grim
sense of humor, and even by
glimpses of the healing beauties of
nature—a tree or a sunset.
But these moments of comfort
do not establish the will to l i ve
unless they help the prisoner
make larger sense out of his
apparently senseless suffering. It
is here that we encounter the
central theme of existentialism:
to live is to suffer, to survive is to
find meaning in the suffering. If
there is a purpose in life at all,
there must be a purpose in suffer-
ing and in dying. But no man can
tell another what this purpose is.
Each must find out for himself,
and must accept t h e responsibility
that his answer prescribes. If he
succeeds he will continue to grow
in spite of all indignities. Frankl is

fond of quoting Nietzsche, "He
who has a why to live can bear
with almost any how."
In the concentration camp
every circumstance conspires to
make the prisoner lose his hold.
All the familiar goals in l if e are
snatched away. What alone
remains is "the last of human
freedoms"—the ability to
"choose one's attitude in a given
set of circumstances." This
ultimate freedom, recognized by
the ancient Stoics as well as by
modern existentialists, takes on
vivid significance in Frankl's
story. The prisoners were only
average men, but some, at least,
by choosing to be "worthy of their
suffering" proved man's capacity
to rise above his outward fate.
As a psychotherapist, the
author, of course, wants to
10 Preface
know how men can be helped to achieve this distinctively
human capacity. How can one awaken in a patient the
feeling that he is responsible to life for something, however
grim his circumstances may be? Frankl gives us a moving
account of one collective therapeutic session he held with
his fellow prisoners.

At the publisher's request Dr. Frankl has added a state-
ment of the basic tenets of logotherapy as well as a bibliog-
raphy. Up to now most of the publications of this "Third
Viennese School of Psychotherapy" (the predecessors being
the Freudian and Adlerian Schools) have been chiefly in
German. The reader will therefore welcome Dr. Frankl's
supplement to his personal narrative.
Unlike many European existentialists, Frankl is neither
pessimistic nor antireligious. On the contrary, for a writer
who faces fully the ubiquity of suffering and the forces of
evil, he takes a surprisingly hopeful view of man's capacity
to transcend his predicament and discover an adequate
guiding truth.
I recommend this little book heartily, for it is a gem of
dramatic narrative, focused upon the deepest of human
problems. It has literary and philosophical merit and pro-
vides a compelling introduction to the most significant
psychological movement of our day.
GORDON W. ALLPORT
Gordon W. Allport, formerly a professor of psychology at
Harvard
University, was one of the foremost writers and teachers in the
field in
this hemisphere. He was author of a large number of original
works on
psychology and was the editor of the Journal of Abnormal
and Social
Psychology. It is chiefly through the pioneering work of
Professor All-
port that Dr. Frankl's momentous theory was introduced to
this

country; moreover, it is to his credit that the interest
shown here in
logotherapy is growing by leaps and bounds.
Preface to the 1992
Edition
This book has now lived to see nearly one hundred print-
ings in English—in addition to having been published in
twenty-one other languages. And the English editions alone
have sold more than three million copies.
These are the dry facts, and they may well be the reason
why reporters of American newspapers and particularly of
American TV stations more often than not start their in-
terviews, after listing these facts, by exclaiming: "Dr. Frankl,
your book has become a true bestseller—how do you feel
about such a success?" Whereupon I react by reporting that
in the first place I do not at all see in the bestseller status
of my book an achievement and accomplishment on my part
but rather an expression of the misery of our time: if hun-
dreds of thousands of people reach out for a book whose very
title promises to deal with the question of a meaning to life,
it must be a question that burns under their fingernails.
To be sure, something else may have contributed to the
impact of the book: its second, theoretical part ("Logother-
apy in a Nutshell") boils down, as it were, to the lesson one
may distill from the first part, the autobiographical account
("Experiences in a Concentration Camp"), whereas Part One
11
12 Preface to the 1992 Edition Preface to the 1992 Edition

13
serves as the existential validation of my
theories. Thus, both parts mutually support
their credibility.
I had none of this in mind when I wrote the
book in 1945. And I did so within nine
successive days and with the firm
determination that the book should be
published anonymously. In fact, the first
printing of the original German version does
not show my name on the cover, though at
the last moment, just before the book's initial
publication, I did finally give in to my friends
who had urged me to let it be published with
my name at least on the title page. At first,
however, it had been written with the
absolute conviction that, as an anonymous
opus, it could never earn its author literary
fame. I had wanted simply to convey to the
reader by way of a concrete example that life
holds a potential meaning under any
conditions, even the most miserable ones. And
I thought that if the point were demonstrated
in a situation as extreme as that in a
concentration camp, my book might gain a
hearing. I therefore felt responsible for
writing down what I had gone through, for I
thought it might be helpful to people who
are prone to despair.
And so it is both strange and remarkable
to me that— among some dozens of books I
have authored—precisely this one, which I
had intended to be published anonymously

so that it could never build up any
reputation on the part of the author, did
become a success. Again and again I therefore
admonish my students both in Europe and
in America: "Don't aim at success—the
more you aim at it and make it a target, the
more you are going to miss it. For success, like
happiness, cannot be pursued; it must ensue,
and it only does so as the unintended side-effect
of one's dedication to a cause greater than
oneself or as the by-product of one's surrender
to a person other than oneself. Happiness
must happen, and the same holds for success:
you have to let it happen by not caring about it.
I want you to listen to what your conscience
commands you to do and go on to carry it out
to the best of
your knowledge. Then you will live to see
that in the long run—in the long run, I say!
—success will follow you precisely because
you had forgotten to think of it."
The reader may ask me why I did not try to
escape what was in store for me after Hitler
had occupied Austria. Let me answer by
recalling the following story. Shortly before
the United States entered World War II, I
received an invitation to come to the
American Consulate in Vienna to pick up my
immigration visa. My old parents were
overjoyed because they expected that I
would soon be allowed to leave Austria. I

suddenly hesitated, however. The question
beset me: could I really afford to leave my
parents alone to face their fate, to be sent,
sooner or later, to a concentration camp, or
even to a so-called extermination camp?
Where did my responsibility lie? Should I
foster my brain child, logotherapy, by
emigrating to fertile soil where I could write
my books? Or should I concentrate on my
duties as a real child, the child of my
parents who had to do whatever he could to
protect them? I pondered the problem this
way and that but could not arrive at a
solution; this was the type of dilemma that
made one wish for "a hint from Heaven," as
the phrase goes.
It was then that I noticed a piece of marble
lying on a table at home. When I asked my
father about it, he explained that he had
found it on the site where the National
Socialists had burned down the largest
Viennese synagogue. He had taken the piece
home because it was a part of the tablets on
which the Ten Commandments were
inscribed. One gilded Hebrew letter was
engraved on the piece; my father explained
that this letter stood for one of the
Commandments. Eagerly I asked, "Which
one is it?" He answered, "Honor thy father
and thy mother that thy days may be long
upon the land." At that moment I decided to
stay with my father and my mother upon the
land, and to let the American visa lapse.

VIKT
OR E.
FRAN
KL
Vien
na,
1992
PART ONE
Experiences in a
Concentration
Camp
THIS BOOK DOES NOT CLAIM TO BE an account of facts
and events
but of personal experiences, experiences which millions of
prisoners have suffered time and again. It is the inside
story of a concentration camp, told by one of its survivors.
This tale is not concerned with the great horrors, which
have already been described often enough (though less
often believed), but with the multitude of small torments.
In other words, it will try to answer this question: How
was everyday life in a concentration camp reflected in the
mind of the average prisoner?
Most of the events described here did not take place in
the large and famous camps, but in the small ones where
most of the real extermination took place. This story is not
about the suffering and death of great heroes and martyrs,
nor is it about the prominent Capos—prisoners who acted
as trustees, having special privileges—or well-known pris-

oners. Thus it is not so much concerned with the sufferings
of the mighty, but with the sacrifices, the crucifixion and
the deaths of the great army of unknown and unrecorded
victims. It was these common prisoners, who bore no dis-
tinguishing marks on their sleeves, whom the Capos really
despised. While these ordinary prisoners had little or noth-
18 Man's Search for Meaning
ing to eat, the Capos were never hungry; in fact many of
the Capos fared better in the camp than they had in their
entire lives. Often they were harder on the prisoners than
were the guards, and beat them more cruelly than the SS
men did. These Capos, of course, were chosen only from
those prisoners whose characters promised to make them
suitable for such procedures, and if they did not comply
with what was expected of them, they were immediately
demoted. They soon became much like the SS men and the
camp wardens and may be judged on a similar psychologi-
cal basis.
It is easy for the outsider to get the wrong conception of
camp life, a conception mingled with sentiment and pity.
Little does he know of the hard fight for existence which
raged among the prisoners. This was an unrelenting strug-
gle for daily bread and for life itself, for one's own sake or
for that of a good friend.
Let us take the case of a transport which was officially
announced to transfer a certain number of prisoners to an-
other camp; but it was a fairly safe guess that its final
destination would be the gas chambers. A selection of sick
or feeble prisoners incapable of work would be sent to one
of the big central camps which were fitted with gas

chambers and crematoriums. The selection process was the
signal for a free fight among all the prisoners, or of group
against group. All that mattered was that one's own name
and that of one's friend were crossed off the list of victims,
though everyone knew that for each man saved another
victim had to be found.
A definite number of prisoners had to go with each
transport. It did not really matter which, since each of them
was nothing but a number. On their admission to the camp
(at least this was the method in Auschwitz) all their docu-
ments had been taken from them, together with their other
possessions. Each prisoner, therefore, had had an oppor-
tunity to claim a fictitious name or profession; and for vari-
ous reasons many did this. The authorities were interested
only in the captives' numbers. These numbers were often
tattooed on their skin, and also had to be sewn to a certain
spot on the trousers, jacket, or coat. Any guard who wanted
to make a charge against a prisoner just glanced at his
number (and how we dreaded such glances!); he never
asked for his name.
To return to the convoy about to depart. There was nei-
ther time nor desire to consider moral or ethical issues.
Every man was controlled by one thought only: to keep
himself alive for the family waiting for him at home, and to
save his friends. With no hesitation, therefore, he would
arrange for another prisoner, another "number," to take his
place in the transport.
As I have already mentioned, the process of selecting
Capos was a negative one; only the most brutal of the pris-
oners were chosen for this job (although there were some

happy exceptions). But apart from the selection of Capos
which was undertaken by the SS, there was a sort of self-
selecting process going on the whole time among all of the
prisoners. On the average, only those prisoners could keep
alive who, after years of trekking from camp to camp, had
lost all scruples in their fight for existence; they were pre-
pared to use every means, honest and otherwise, even brutal
force, theft, and betrayal of their friends, in order to save
themselves. We who have come back, by the aid of many
lucky chances or miracles—whatever one may choose to call
them—we know: the best of us did not return.
Many factual accounts about concentration camps are al-
ready on record. Here, facts will be significant only as far
as
they are part of a man's experiences. It is the exact nature
of these experiences that the following essay will attempt
to describe. For those who have been inmates in a camp, it
will attempt to explain their experiences in the light of
present-day knowledge. And for those who have never been
inside, it may help them to comprehend, and above all to
understand, the experiences of that only too small per-
centage of prisoners who survived and who now find life
very difficult. These former prisoners often say, "We dislike
talking about our experiences. No explanations are needed
for those who have been inside, and the others will under-
stand neither how we felt then nor how we feel now."
To attempt a methodical presentation of the subject is
very difficult, as psychology requires a certain scientific de-
tachment. But does a man who makes his observations

while he himself is a prisoner possess the necessary detach-
ment? Such detachment is granted to the outsider, but he is
too far removed to make any statements of real value. Only
the man inside knows. His judgments may not be objective;
his evaluations may be out of proportion. This is inevita-
ble. An attempt must be made to avoid any personal bias,
and that is the real difficulty of a book of this kind. At times
it will be necessary to have the courage to tell of very in-
timate experiences. I had intended to write this book
anonymously, using my prison number only. But when the
manuscript was completed, I saw that as an anonymous
publication it would lose half its value, and that I must
have the courage to state my convictions openly. I therefore
refrained from deleting any of the passages, in spite of an
intense dislike of exhibitionism.
I shall leave it to others to distill the contents of this
book into dry theories. These might become a contribution
to the psychology of prison life, which was investigated after
the First World War, and which acquainted us with the
syndrome of "barbed wire sickness." We are indebted to the
Second World War for enriching our knowledge of the
"psychopathology of the masses," (if I may quote a varia-
tion of the well-known phrase and title of a book by
LeBon), for the war gave us the war of nerves and it gave us
the concentration camp.
As this story is about my experiences as an ordinary pris-
oner, it is important that I mention, not without pride, that
I was not employed as a psychiatrist in camp, or even as a
doctor, except for the last few weeks. A few of my colleagues
were lucky enough to be employed in poorly heated first-aid
posts applying bandages made of scraps of waste paper. But

I was Number 119,104, and most of the time I was digging
and laying tracks for railway lines. At one time, my job
was to dig a tunnel, without help, for a water main under a
road. This feat did not go unrewarded; just before Christ-
mas 1944, I was presented with a gift of so-called "premium
coupons." These were issued by the construction firm to
which we were practically sold as slaves: the firm paid the
camp authorities a fixed price per day, per prisoner. The
coupons cost the firm fifty pfennigs each and could be ex-
changed for six cigarettes, often weeks later, although they
sometimes lost their validity. I became the proud owner of a
token worth twelve cigarettes. But more important, the cig-
arettes could be exchanged for twelve soups, and twelve
soups were often a very real respite from starvation.
The privilege of actually smoking cigarettes was reserved
for the Capo, who had his assured quota of weekly coupons;
or possibly for a prisoner who worked as a foreman in a
warehouse or workshop and received a few cigarettes in
exchange for doing dangerous jobs. The only exceptions to
this were those who had lost the will to live and wanted to
"enjoy" their last days. Thus, when we saw a comrade
smoking his own cigarettes, we knew he had given up faith
in his strength to carry on, and, once lost, the will to live
seldom returned.
When one examines the vast amount of material which
has been amassed as the result of many prisoners' observa-
tions and experiences, three phases of the inmate's mental
reactions to camp life become apparent: the period follow-
ing his admission; the period when he is well entrenched in

camp routine; and the period following his release and
liberation.
The symptom that characterizes the first phase is shock.
Under certain conditions shock may even precede the pris-
oner's formal admission to the camp. I shall give as an ex-
ample the circumstances of my own admission.
Fifteen hundred persons had been traveling by train for
several days and nights: there were eighty people in each
coach. All had to lie on top of their luggage, the few rem-
nants of their personal possessions. The carriages were so
full that only the top parts of the windows were free to let
in the grey of dawn. Everyone expected the train to head
for some munitions factory, in which we would be em-
ployed as forced labor. We did not know whether we were
still in Silesia or already in Poland. The engine's whistle
had an uncanny sound, like a cry for help sent out in com-
miseration for the unhappy load which it was destined to
lead into perdition. Then the train shunted, obviously
nearing a main station. Suddenly a cry broke from the
ranks of the anxious passengers, "There is a sign,
Auschwitz!" Everyone's heart missed a beat at that moment.
Auschwitz—the very name stood for all that was horrible:
gas chambers, crematoriums, massacres. Slowly, almost hesi-
tatingly, the train moved on as if it wanted to spare its
passengers the dreadful realization as long as possible:
Auschwitz!
With the progressive dawn, the outlines of an immense
camp became visible: long stretches of several rows of
barbed wire fences; watch towers; search lights; and long
columns of ragged human figures, grey in the greyness of
dawn, trekking along the straight desolate roads, to what

destination we did not know. There were isolated shouts
and whistles of command. We did not know their meaning.
My imagination led me to see gallows with people dangling
on them. I was horrified, but this was just as well, because
step by step we had to become accustomed to a terrible and
immense horror.
Eventually we moved into the station. The initial silence
was interrupted by shouted commands. We were to hear
those rough, shrill tones from then on, over and over again
in all the camps. Their sound was almost like the last cry of
a victim, and yet there was a difference. It had a rasping
hoarseness, as if it came from the throat of a man who had
to keep shouting like that, a man who was being murdered
again and again. The carriage doors were flung open and a
small detachment of prisoners stormed inside. They wore
striped uniforms, their heads were shaved, but they looked
well fed. They spoke in every possible European tongue,
and all with a certain amount of humor, which sounded
grotesque under the circumstances. Like a drowning man
clutching a straw, my inborn optimism (which has often
controlled my feelings even in the most desperate situa-
tions) clung to this thought: These prisoners look quite
well, they seem to be in good spirits and even laugh. Who
knows? I might manage to share their favorable position.
In psychiatry there is a certain condition known as "delu-
sion of reprieve." The condemned man, immediately before
his execution, gets the illusion that he might be reprieved
at the very last minute. We, too, clung to shreds of hope
and believed to the last …
Manifesto of the Communist Party

by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels
February 1848
Written: Late 1847;
First Published: February 1848;
Source: Marx/Engels Selected Works, Vol. One, Progress
Publishers, Moscow, 1969, pp. 98-137;
Translated: Samuel Moore in cooperation with Frederick
Engels, 1888;
Transcribed: by Zodiac and Brian Baggins;
Proofed: and corrected against 1888 English Edition by Andy
Blunden 2004;
Copyleft: Marxists Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1987, 2000,
2010. Permission is granted to
distribute this document under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution-Share-Alike License.
Table of Contents
Editorial Introduction
...............................................................................................
....................... 2
Preface to The 1872 German Edition
..............................................................................................
4
Preface to The 1882 Russian Edition
............................................................................................. .
5
..............................................................................................
6
Preface to The 1888 English
Edition................................................................................... .
........... 7
............................................................................................

10
Preface to The 1892 Polish Edition
...............................................................................................
12
Preface to The 1893 Italian
Edition....................................................................................
........... 13
Manifesto of the Communist
Party.......................................................................................
......... 14
I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
...............................................................................................
......... 14
II. Proletarians and Communists
...............................................................................................
.... 22
III. Socialist and Communist Literature
........................................................................................ 28
1. Reactionary Socialism
...............................................................................................
........ 28
A. Feudal Socialism
...............................................................................................
....... 28
B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism
....................................................................................... 29
C. German or “True” Socialism
.................................................................................... 29
2. Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism
............................................................................... 31
3. Critical-Utopian Socialism and
Communism.................................................................... 32
IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various

Existing Opposition Parties ............. 34
Letter from Engels to Marx, 24 November 1847
.......................................................................... 35
Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith
................................................................................... 36
The Principles of Communism
...............................................................................................
....... 41
Demands of the Communist Party in
Germany............................................................................. 55
The Paris Commune. Address to the International
Workingmen’s Association, May 1871......... 58
Endnotes
...............................................................................................
......................................... 67
2 Introduction
Editorial Introduction
The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx
and Engels as the Communist
League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress
(London, November 29-December 8,
1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new
proletarian line during the discussion of the
programme questions.
When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels
arrived at the conclusion that the final
programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto
(see Engels’ letter to Marx of
November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the
secret societies of the time and retained in
the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles

of Communism,” was not suitable for
a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world
outlook, for a comprehensive
formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See
also “Demands of the Communist
Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the
Manifesto, which addressed the
immediate demands of the movement.
Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto
while they were still in London
immediately after the congress, and continued until about
December 13 when Marx returned to
Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December
17) when Engels arrived there. After
Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his
return on January 31, Marx worked
on the Manifesto alone.
Hurried by the Central Authority of the Communist League
which provided him with certain
documents (e.g., addresses of the People’s Chamber (Halle) of
the League of the Just of November
1846 and February 1847, and, apparently, documents of the
First Congress of the Communist League
pertaining to the discussion of the Party programme), Marx
worked intensively on the Manifesto
through almost the whole of January 1848. At the end of
January the manuscript was sent on to
London to be printed in the German Workers’ Educational
Society’s print shop owned by a German
emigrant J. E. Burghard, a member of the Communist League.
The manuscript of the Manifesto has not survived. The only
extant materials written in Marx’s hand
are a draft plan for Section III, showing his efforts to improve
the structure of the Manifesto, and a
page of a rough copy.
The Manifesto came off the press at the end of February 1848.

On February 29, the Educational
Society decided to cover all the printing expenses.
The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a
dark green cover. In April-May 1848
another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some
misprints of the first edition were
corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text
was used by Marx and Engels as a
basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July
1848 the Manifesto was printed in the
Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the
German emigrants. Already that same
year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in
other European languages. A Danish, a
Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The
Voice of Communism. Declaration of the
Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations
into French, Italian and Spanish made
at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then
in Barmen, was translating the
Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of
it, and the first English translation,
made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years
later, between June and November 1850,
in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian
Harney, named the authors for the first
time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many
subsequent editions of the Manifesto
were anonymous.
The growing emancipation struggle of the proletariat in the ’60s
and ’70s of the 19th century led to
new editions of the Manifesto. The year 1872 saw a new
German edition with minor corrections and a
preface by Marx and Engels where they drew some conclusions
from the experience of the Paris

3 Introduction
Commune of 1871. This and subsequent German editions (1883
and 1890) were entitled the
Communist Manifesto. In 1872 the Manifesto was first
published in America in Woodhull & Claflin’s
Weekly.
The first Russian edition of the Manifesto, translated by
Mikhail Bakunin with some distortions,
appeared in Geneva in 1869. The faults of this edition were
removed in the 1882 edition (translation
by Georgi Plekhanov), for which Marx and Engels, who
attributed great significance to the
dissemination of Marxism in Russia, had written a special
preface.
After Marx’s death, the Manifesto ran into several editions.
Engels read through them all, wrote
prefaces for the 1883 German edition and for the 1888 English
edition in Samuel Moore’s translation,
which he also edited and supplied with notes. This edition
served as a basis for many subsequent
editions of the Manifesto in English – in Britain, the United
States and the USSR. In 1890, Engels
prepared a further German edition, wrote a new preface to it,
and added a number of notes. In 1885,
the newspaper Le Socialiste published the French translation of
the Manifesto made by Marx’s
daughter Laura Lafargue and read by Engels. He also wrote
prefaces to the 1892 Polish and 1893
Italian editions.
This edition includes the two earlier versions of the Manifesto,
namely the draft “Communist
Confession of Faith” and “The Principles of Communism,” both
authored by Engels, as well as the

letter from Engels to Marx which poses the idea of publishing a
“manifesto,” rather than a catechism.
The Manifesto addressed itself to a mass movement with
historical significance, not a political sect.
On the other hand, the “Demands of the Communist Party in
Germany” is included to place the
publication of the Manifesto in the context of the mass
movement in Germany at the time, whose
immediate demands are reflected by Marx in this pamphlet.
Clearly the aims of the Manifesto were
more far-reaching the movement in Germany at the time, and
unlike the “Demands,” was intended to
outlive the immediate conditions.
The “Third Address to the International Workingmen’s
Association” is included because in this
speech Marx examines the movement of the working class
manifested in the Paris Commune, and his
observations here mark the only revisions to his social and
historical vision made during his lifetime
as a result of the development of the working class movement
itself, clarifying some points and
making others more concrete.
The Communist League, an international association of workers,
which could of course be only a
secret one, under conditions obtaining at the time,
commissioned us, the undersigned, at the
Congress held in London in November 1847, to write for
publication a detailed theoretical and
practical programme for the Party. Such was the origin of the

following Manifesto, the
manuscript of which travelled to London to be printed a few
weeks before the February [French]
Revolution [in 1848]. First published in German, it has been
republished in that language in at
least twelve different editions in Germany, England, and
America. It was published in English for
the first time in 1850 in the Red Republican, London, translated
by Miss Helen Macfarlane, and
in 1871 in at least three different translations in America. The
French version first appeared in
Paris shortly before the June insurrection of 1848, and recently
in Le Socialiste of New York. A
new translation is in the course of preparation. A Polish version
appeared in London shortly after
it was first published in Germany. A Russian translation was
published in Geneva in the sixties1.
Into Danish, too, it was translated shortly after its appearance.
However much that state of things may have altered during the
last twenty-five years, the general
principles laid down in the Manifesto are, on the whole, as
correct today as ever. Here and there,
some detail might be improved. The practical application of the
principles will depend, as the
Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all times, on the
historical conditions for the time being
existing, and, for that reason, no special stress is laid on the
revolutionary measures proposed at
the end of Section II. That passage would, in many respects, be
very differently worded today. In
view of the gigantic strides of Modern Industry since 1848, and
of the accompanying improved
and extended organization of the working class, in view of the
practical experience gained, first in
the February Revolution, and then, still more, in the Paris
Commune, where the proletariat for the

first time held political power for two whole months, this
programme has in some details been
antiquated. One thing especially was proved by the Commune,
viz., that “the working class
cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and
wield it for its own purposes.”
(See The Civil War in France: Address of the General Council
of the International Working
Men’s Association, 1871, where this point is further developed.)
Further, it is self-evident that the
criticism of socialist literature is deficient in relation to the
present time, because it comes down
only to 1847; also that the remarks on the relation of the
Communists to the various opposition
parties (Section IV), although, in principle still correct, yet in
practice are antiquated, because the
political situation has been entirely changed, and the progress
of history has swept from off the
earth the greater portion of the political parties there
enumerated.
But then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which
we have no longer any right to
alter. A subsequent edition may perhaps appear with an
introduction bridging the gap from 1847
to the present day; but this reprint was too unexpected to leave
us time for that.
Karl Marx & Frederick Engels
June 24, 1872, London
Preface to The 1882 Russian Edition
The first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist

Party, translated by Bakunin, was
published early in the ‘sixties by the printing office of the
Kolokol [a reference to the Free
Russian Printing House]. Then the West could see in it (the
Russian edition of the Manifesto)
only a literary curiosity. Such a view would be impossible
today.
What a limited field the proletarian movement occupied at that
time (December 1847) is most
clearly shown by the last section: the position of the
Communists in relation to the various
opposition parties in various countries. Precisely Russia and the
United States are missing here. It
was the time when Russia constituted the last great reserve of
all European reaction, when the
United States absorbed the surplus proletarian forces of Europe
through immigration. Both
countries provided Europe with raw materials and were at the
same time markets for the sale of
its industrial products. Both were, therefore, in one way of
another, pillars of the existing
European system.
How very different today. Precisely European immigration
fitted North American for a gigantic
agricultural production, whose competition is shaking the very
foundations of European landed
property – large and small. At the same time, it enabled the
United States to exploit its
tremendous industrial resources with an energy and on a scale
that must shortly break the
industrial monopoly of Western Europe, and especially of
England, existing up to now. Both
circumstances react in a revolutionary manner upon America
itself. Step by step, the small and
middle land ownership of the farmers, the basis of the whole
political constitution, is succumbing

to the competition of giant farms; at the same time, a mass
industrial proletariat and a fabulous
concentration of capital funds are developing for the first time
in the industrial regions.
And now Russia! During the Revolution of 1848-9, not only the
European princes, but the
European bourgeois as well, found their only salvation from the
proletariat just beginning to
awaken in Russian intervention. The Tsar was proclaimed the
chief of European reaction. Today,
he is a prisoner of war of the revolution in Gatchina 2 , and
Russia forms the vanguard of
revolutionary action in Europe.
The Communist Manifesto had, as its object, the proclamation
of the inevitable impending
dissolution of modern bourgeois property. But in Russia we
find, face-to-face with the rapidly
flowering capitalist swindle and bourgeois property, just
beginning to develop, more than half the
land owned in common by the peasants. Now the question is:
can the Russian obshchina, though
greatly undermined, yet a form of primeval common ownership
of land, pass directly to the
higher form of Communist common ownership? Or, on the
contrary, must it first pass through the
same process of dissolution such as constitutes the historical
evolution of the West?
The only answer to that possible today is this: If the Russian
Revolution becomes the signal for a
proletarian revolution in the West, so that both complement
each other, the present Russian
common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a
communist development.
Karl Marx & Frederick Engels
January 21, 1882, London

The preface to the present edition I must, alas, sign alone.
Marx, the man to whom the whole
working class of Europe and America owes more than to any
one else – rests at Highgate
Cemetery and over his grave the first grass is already growing.
Since his death [March 14, 1883],
there can be even less thought of revising or supplementing the
Manifesto. But I consider it all the
more necessary again to state the following expressly:
The basic thought running through the Manifesto – that
economic production, and the structure of
society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom,
constitute the foundation for the
political and intellectual history of that epoch; that
consequently (ever since the dissolution of the
primaeval communal ownership of land) all history has been a
history of class struggles, of
struggles between exploited and exploiting, between dominated
and dominating classes at various
stages of social evolution; that this struggle, however, has now
reached a stage where the
exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer
emancipate itself from the class
which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without at the
same time forever freeing the
whole of society from exploitation, oppression, class struggles –
this basic thought belongs solely
and exclusively to Marx.*
I have already stated this many times; but precisely now is it
necessary that it also stand in front

of the Manifesto itself.
Frederick Engels
June 28, 1883, London
* “This proposition,” I wrote in the preface to the English
translation, “which, in my opinion, is destined to do for
history what Darwin’ s theory has done for biology, we both of
us, had been gradually approaching for some years
before 1845. How far I had independently progressed towards it
is best shown by my Conditions of the Working Class
in England. But when I again met Marx at Brussels, in spring
1845, he had it already worked out and put it before me
in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it here.”
[Note by Engels to the German edition of 1890]
Preface to The 1888 English Edition
The Manifesto was published as the platform of the Communist
League, a working men’ s
association, first exclusively German, later on international, and
under the political conditions of
the Continent before 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a
Congress of the League, held in
November 1847, Marx and Engels were commissioned to
prepare a complete theoretical and
practical party programme. Drawn up in German, in January
1848, the manuscript was sent to the
printer in London a few weeks before the French Revolution of
February 24. A French translation
was brought out in Paris shortly before the insurrection of June
1848. The first English

translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in George
Julian Harney’ s Red Republican,
London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish edition had also been
published.
The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June 1848 – the first
great battle between proletariat and
bourgeoisie – drove again into the background, for a time, the
social and political aspirations of
the European working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for
supremacy was, again, as it had been
before the Revolution of February, solely between different
sections of the propertied class; the
working class was reduced to a fight for political elbow-room,
and to the position of extreme
wing of the middle-class Radicals. Wherever independent
proletarian movements continued to
show signs of life, they were ruthlessly hunted down. Thus the
Prussian police hunted out the
Central Board of the Communist League, then located in
Cologne. The members were arrested
and, after eighteen months’ imprisonment, they were tried in
October 1852. This celebrated
“Cologne Communist Trial” lasted from October 4 till
November 12; seven of the prisoners were
sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from
three to six years. Immediately
after the sentence, the League was formally dissolved by the
remaining members. As to the
Manifesto, it seemed henceforth doomed to oblivion.
When the European workers had recovered sufficient strength
for another attack on the ruling
classes, the International Working Men’ s Association sprang
up. But this association, formed
with the express aim of welding into one body the whole
militant proletariat of Europe and
America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in

the Manifesto. The International
was bound to have a programme broad enough to be acceptable
to the English trade unions, to the
followers of Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy, and Spain, and
to the Lassalleans in Germany.*
Marx, who drew up this programme to the satisfaction of all
parties, entirely trusted to the
intellectual development of the working class, which was sure
to result from combined action and
mutual discussion. The very events and vicissitudes in the
struggle against capital, the defeats
even more than the victories, could not help bringing home to
men’ s minds the insufficiency of
their various favorite nostrums, and preparing the way for a
more complete insight into the true
conditions for working-class emancipation. And Marx was right.
The International, on its
breaking in 1874, left the workers quite different men from
what it found them in 1864.
Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in Germany, were dying
out, and even the conservative
English trade unions, though most of them had long since
severed their connection with the
International, were gradually advancing towards that point at
which, last year at Swansea, their
president [W. Bevan] could say in their name: “Continental
socialism has lost its terror for us.” In
fact, the principles of the Manifesto had made considerable
headway among the working men of
all countries.
* Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be
a disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood on the ground of
the Manifesto. But in his first public agitation, 1862-1864, he
did not go beyond demanding co-operative workshops

supported by state credit.
8 Preface to the 1888 English Edition
The Manifesto itself came thus to the front again. Since 1850,
the German text had been reprinted
several times in Switzerland, England, and America. In 1872, it
was translated into English in
New York, where the translation was published in Woorhull and
Claflin’s Weekly. From this
English version, a French one was made in Le Socialiste of New
York. Since then, at least two
more English translations, more or less mutilated, have been
brought out in America, and one of
them has been reprinted in England. The first Russian
translation, made by Bakunin, was
published at Herzen’ s Kolokol office in Geneva, about 1863; a
second one, by the heroic Vera
Zasulich, also in Geneva, in 1882. A new Danish edition is to be
found in Socialdemokratisk
Bibliothek, Copenhagen, 1885; a fresh French translation in Le
Socialiste, Paris, 1886. From this
latter, a Spanish version was prepared and published in Madrid,
1886. The German reprints are
not to be counted; there have been twelve altogether at the least.
An Armenian translation, which
was to be published in Constantinople some months ago, did not
see the light, I am told, because
the publisher was afraid of bringing out a book with the name of
Marx on it, while the translator
declined to call it his own production. Of further translations
into other languages I have heard
but had not seen. Thus the history of the Manifesto reflects the
history of the modern working-

LYU 1 SHI LYU Kelly Morimoto & Paige .docx

LYU 1 SHI LYU Kelly Morimoto & Paige .docx

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LYU 1 SHI LYU Kelly Morimoto & Paige .docx