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ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Health Care Value Transparency
Movement and Its Implications for
Radiology
Daniel J. Durand, MDa, Anand K. Narayan, MD, PhDb, Frank J.
Rybicki, MD, PhDc, Judy Burleson, MHSAd,
Paul Nagy, PhDb, Geraldine McGinty, MD, MBAe, Richard
Duszak Jr, MD f
Abstract
The US health care system is in the midst of disruptive changes
intended to expand access, improve outcomes, and lower costs.
As part of
this movement, a growing number of stakeholders have
advocated dramatically increasing consumer transparency into
the quality and
price of health care services. The authors review the general
movement toward American health care value transparency
within the
public, private, and nonprofit sectors, with an emphasis on
those initiatives most relevant to radiology. They conclude that
radiology,
along with other “ancillary services,” has been a major focus of
early efforts to enhance consumer price transparency. By
contrast,
radiology as a field remains in the “middle of the pack” with
regard to quality transparency. There is thus the danger that
radiology value
transparency in its current form will stimulate primarily price-
based competition, erode provider profit margins, and
disincentivize
quality. The authors conclude with suggested actions
radiologists can take to ensure that a more optimal balance is
struck between
quality transparency and price transparency, one that will
enable true value-based competition among radiologists rather
than
commoditization.
Key Words: Quality, value, transparency, pay for performance,
value-based contracting
J Am Coll Radiol 2015;12:51-58. Copyright � 2015 American
College of Radiology
Although there are many reasons the UShealth care systemfails
to deliver value on par with those of peer nations, few would
argue that “market failure”—the inefficient allocation of goods
and services by the free market—plays a significant role.
Beginning in March 2013 with Steven Brill’s [1] landmark
Time cover story, “Bitter Pill: Why Medical Bills Are Killing
Us,” and culminating later that spring with the first ever release
by CMS of Medicare pricing data on all US hospitals [2], this
view has been empirically validated by reports of price
variation
aEvolent Health, Arlington, Virginia.
bThe Russell H. Morgan Department of Radiology and
Radiological Sci-
ence, Johns Hopkins School of Medicine, Baltimore, Maryland.
cApplied Imaging Science Laboratory, Department of
Radiology, Brigham
and Women’s Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts.
dDepartment of Quality and Safety, American College of
Radiology,
Reston, Virginia.
eWeill Cornell Medical College, Cornell University, New York,
New York.
fDepartment of Radiology and Imaging Sciences, Emory
University School
of Medicine, Atlanta, Georgia.
Corresponding author and reprints: Daniel J. Durand, MD,
Evolent
Health, 800 N Glebe Road, Arlington, VA 22203; e-mail:
[email protected]
gmail.com.
ª 2015 American College of Radiology
1546-1440/14/$36.00 n
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jacr.2014.08.015
among hospitals at the local and national levels that appear
unrelated to any substantive difference in the quality of care
delivered. Within the market for medical imaging services, for
example, 500% variations in price in the same metropolitan
area have been cited as “commonplace” [3].
Given the broader societal movement toward information
transparency in health care, this recent wave of controversy
over price variation marks only the beginning of what is likely
to be a prolonged national dialogue. We review recent trends
toward health care transparency on both quality and price,
both from a general perspective and with an eye toward
radiology in particular. Our purpose is to acquaint the reader
with the major transparency initiatives currently active in the
United States throughout the public, private, and nonprofit
sectors and to review their potential impact on radiology.
THE PREVAILING THEORY: BRINGING
PERFECT VALUE TRANSPARENCY TO HEALTH
CARE CAN SAVE A FAILING MARKETPLACE
Before considering the nature of market failure in the
complex ecosystem of US health care, first consider how
price and quality are supposed to interact in an “ideal”
51
mailto:[email protected]
mailto:[email protected]
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jacr.2014.08.015
marketplace in which value is maximized. In this world,
value is defined in the simplest terms: some quantity of
“quality” per unit price. Rational buyers who desire goods
and services and who have access to perfect information on
price and quality collectively form a market. Most readers
are familiar with the classic price-setting relationship be-
tween supply and demand. In most industries, price is also
related to quality in that, generally speaking, higher quality
goods command higher prices at any time point [4]. When
quality is measured in the proper units, this relationship may
be positively and perhaps even linearly correlated with price.
Some authors have even referred to a “quality elasticity
function” that describes the degree to which value-conscious
consumers will pay more for progressively higher quality
goods (ie, the slope of a regression line that relates price to
quality) [5]. For example, a good with a price elasticity of
zero is a “perfect” commodity; quality is meaningless, and
price is purely a function of quantity supplied and quantity
demanded.
Such relationships among supply, demand, price, and
quality are not necessarily desirable when allocating essential
services such as health care. The predictable result would be
wide disparities in access and health outcomes based on
income levels. This concern over access to high-quality care
is the reason many governments, including that of the
United States, have taken a heavy hand in regulating health
care relative to other sectors of the economy. These regu-
lations complicate the price-quality relationship consider-
ably. For example, in many states, certificate-of-need
programs limit the supply of imaging providers, partly as a
means of reducing overall health care expenditure, which
increases the bargaining power of providers in general and
would be expected to increase unit prices across the board
for both high- and low-quality imaging services. At the same
time, econometric studies of Medicare populations have
generally found that quality per unit price (ie, increased
price elasticity of quality) is increased in more competitive
markets, which has been interpreted as meaning that when
providers cannot compete on price, they will compete more
aggressively on quality [6]. The preceding two examples are
not meant to be exhaustive but merely to illustrate the
myriad ways in which both state and federal regulatory
bodies can complicate the economic framework described
above.
Furthermore, empirical research has repeatedly demon-
strated that even in relatively unregulated and transparent
markets, price-quality relationships are not necessarily linear
and often do not conform well to trend lines [7]. Never-
theless, the scenarios depicted in Figure 1 are intended to
illustrate, at a high level, the theoretical implications of
different types of potential consumer behavior in reaction to
value transparency and their resultant implications for
52
market dynamics. For inasmuch as consumers (or their
proxies, such as a primary care practitioners or insurance
benefit managers) are increasingly motivated decision
makers who understand and have access to information on
both price and quality, this basic framework should apply.
A growing chorus of economists, entrepreneurs, and
policymakers believe that part of the answer to improving
value in US health care is to drastically increase transparency
on both price and quality [8]. This, in combination with
higher deductibles and other mechanisms of increasing pa-
tient cost consciousness, should gradually correct irrational
variations in price known to plague the system. This is also
the approach currently embraced by a large number of
health insurers and radiology benefits management organi-
zations with regard to imaging utilization management and
unit price reduction. By using claims-based analytic algo-
rithms, pricing firms can now compare prices with local
benchmarks to direct patients to specific sites of care using
either carrots (eg, incentivizing patients to choose higher
value providers) or sticks (eg, keeping high-priced and/or
low-value providers out of the network or using tools such as
varied copayments) [9].
Assuming that both measures of price and quality are
given ample weight by decision makers, one can immedi-
ately see the benefits of such a strategy (Figs. 1A and 1B).
The winners include high-quality providers, who can now
more reliably charge higher prices. Low-quality providers,
who now fetch lower prices for their work, are the losers.
Patients as a population receive more consistent value. But
the aggregate cost of the services obtained and the average
unit price will depend on the dynamics of the market, which
are impossible to predict in advance.
PRICE AND QUALITY DATA MAY INFLUENCE
PATIENT BEHAVIOR IN A DIFFERENTIAL
MANNER, LEADING TO SEVERAL POTENTIAL
MARKET OUTCOMES
One potentially important predictor of market behavior is
the relative importance consumers assign to price data versus
quality data, which itself depends on the nature of the data
provided. Before discussing this in depth, it is important to
note that the issue of relative importance or “weighting” is
not solely a function of the sheer volume of data available to
consumers. Rather, consumers’ decision making will likely
be influenced by several factors, including their levels of
access to transparency data, ability to understand it, trust in
its accuracy, and belief that the data are relevant to their own
choices of health care providers. For example, if quality data
are readily available but poorly understood or not trusted,
they will likely not be valued by consumers. Conversely,
relatively few data points on quality could be quite powerful
Journal of the American College of Radiology
Volume 12 n Number 1 n January 2015
Fig 1. Hypothetical graphs showing the relationships between
price and quality that could result from different types of
consumer
behavior. (A) The baseline scenario assumes an essentially
random association between quality and price that effectively
depicts
a dysfunctional market. (B) In this scenario, patients make
relatively balanced use of price and quality data, yielding a
positive
linear relationship between quality and price. (C) In this
scenario, patients assign more weight to price than quality,
resulting in a
relatively “flat” line with overall lower mean prices as unit
price reductions become the principal means of competition. (D)
In this
scenario, radiology services emerge as a “Veblen good,” leading
to a general increase in prices.
if they are readily accessible, well understood, and relevant,
and if they come from a reliable source. The same can be
said for measures of price, although with price, the issues of
understanding and relevance are unlikely to be limiting
factors, because patients generally know what a dollar is and
what it is worth to them.
If consumers pay more attention to price than to quality,
providers will be forced to compete primarily on price to
attract patients. Assuming supply remains constant and
provider cost structures do not change, this will result in a
reduction in unit prices (ie, “a race to the bottom”), eroding
provider profit margins. In this scenario (Fig. 1C), both
patients and payers win value in the short term. As a group,
providers lose, although there may be pockets of success
among exceptionally high-quality providers or those who are
able to achieve especially lean cost structures. In the most
extreme version of this scenario, patients make no use
whatsoever of quality data, and decisions are made purely on
Journal of the American College of Radiology
Durand, Narayan, Rybicki n Health Care Value Transparency
and R
the basis of price as radiologic services are treated as pure
commodities. In the very short term, the biggest winner in
this scenario is payers, who will accrue most of the value lost
by radiologists. Patients with high deductibles and/or high
copayments would also net short-term gains in terms of cost
avoidance. Assuming healthy competition among payers,
this should translate into intermediate-term premium re-
ductions, which would transfer some of the value to em-
ployers or individuals purchasing insurance (eg, on the
federal exchanges). In the long term, however, patients and
payers would both lose to the extent that increasingly lower
quality imaging would likely adversely affect both health
outcomes and the efficiency of medical care delivery.
There is an alternative scenario in which transparency
could actually boost average prices—one in which providers
could capture more value than payers. For some goods and
services for which demand is positively correlated with price,
high prices increase demand because of the perception by
53
adiology
some consumers that higher prices mean higher quality.
These are properly referred to as Veblen goods (though they
are often mischaracterized in the press as “Giffen” goods)
[10]. Some economists have suggested that a subset of
health care services could behave this way. In Figure 1D, we
show a scenario of generally increased unit price—with
subsequent boosts to provider profit margins—that could
occur in situations in which high-priced providers are
paradoxically in higher demand on the basis of patient or
consumer perception. However, as we discuss later, such a
scenario seems unlikely for imaging.
CONSUMER TRANSPARENCY INTO
RADIOLOGY PRICES IS WELL DEVELOPED
RELATIVE TO OTHER SPECIALTIES AND
CONTINUES TO GROW RAPIDLY
A tide of health care price transparency initiatives has rolled
across the nation over the past decade, driven in part by
federal and state legislation [11]. At the time of this writing,
some 31 states, “red” and “blue” states alike, have enacted
legislation specifically related to the public disclosure of
health care pricing [12]. These laws use fairly diverse
mechanisms to promote the dissemination of such data.
New Hampshire’s HealthCost website represents one of the
oldest and most well-documented initiatives. Beginning in
2003, all insurance carriers operating in New Hampshire
were required to disclose claims information to the state.
Over time, these data were used to develop the New
Hampshire Comprehensive Health Information System.
Since 2007, the bundled cost of 30 common outpatient
health care services (primarily imaging and surgery), along
with childbirth as the lone inpatient procedure, have all
been posted online. Interestingly, a 2009 analysis by the
Center for Health System Change reported that the New
Hampshire program had failed to produce any significant
changes in price variation, with the authors citing a lack of
competition among providers and low penetration (<5%)
of high-deductible insurance plans among the state popu-
lation as two potential reasons for the lack of impact [13].
At the federal level, the Patient Protection and Affordable
Care Act contained two specific provisions that can be ex-
pected to increase price transparency. The first began last year
with the public disclosure of hospital pricing data, alluded to
previously. The second is that, beginning in 2014, health
plans listed on the federal exchanges are required to disclose a
wealth of information related to premium pricing and benefit
structure in plain English to their members. In addition, they
must also provide their members with estimated of out-of-
pocket costs for certain procedures [14].
Although far less widely cited in the academic literature
than these legislative initiatives [15], there is also a great deal
54
of private sector activity focused on providing health care
value transparency. Although the subcomponents of com-
plex medical care are notoriously difficult to price, discrete
services such as laboratory tests and imaging are more easily
handled by claims extraction algorithms [16], particularly
when performed at freestanding outpatient sites of service.
Accordingly, “outpatient ancillaries” have been a major
focus of early work to define, understand, and ultimately sell
such cost variation data to health care consumers and em-
ployers. Although there is a great deal of methodologic
variation in deriving such pricing data, the key point is that
consumers can compare prices among providers with
increasing ease, whereas it remains far more difficult for
them to compare quality. Table 1 shows salient examples of
the value and price transparency tools currently operating in
the US health care system.
Companies such as Truven Health Analytics and Cast-
light Health are marketing this kind of pricing data to large
employers and health plans on a national basis. Health in-
surers have long had insights into pricing data but have
typically been unable to share them because of specific
clauses in their provider contracts. In the new model, an
employer or health plan contracts with a price transparency
firm, allowing its members and employees access to a health
care consumer website that facilitates comparison shopping
among providers. Typically, these large employers are also
transitioning their employees to “consumer-directed” health
benefits (ie, lower cost options with higher copayments and
higher deductibles to curb excessive utilization). From all
appearances, the private sector believes firmly that this
model is the wave of the future: when Castlight Health went
public, the company was valued at more than 100 times its
annual revenue, making it the most optimistically priced
initial public offering in the American stock market in the
21st century.
Although it is true that firms like Castlight usually also
measure quality in some fashion (see the next section), it is
equally true that these firms have placed a heavy emphasis
on price variation in their public communications (eg, white
papers, press releases, marketing materials). For example,
Castlight Health’s website boasts an interactive imaging
price transparency map that shows regional price variations
for imaging services such as head CT, brain MRI, and
lumbar spine MRI [17]. There is, unfortunately, no inter-
active map for quality variation.
The case studies posted online by Castlight tell a similar
story. For example, Castlight’s publically disclosed case
example of its work with the firm Honeywell details the role
of price transparency in its strategy, stating that Castlight
highlighted the importance of consumer choice uti-
lizing maps, pricing data, and ratings to illustrate
Journal of the American College of Radiology
Volume 12 n Number 1 n January 2015
Table 1. Prominent examples of tools and services offered by
companies in the medical imaging price and value transparency
marketplace
Approach Description Major Examples
Value-based steerage Patients are directly engaged to encourage
them
to use the lowest priced option with
comparable “quality”
Most major RBM organizations
Proprietary consumer
price or value
transparency portals
Online tools that match patients with
high-value local imaging providers, with pricing
often informed by claims analysis based on
commercial or CMS populations
Major payers (eg, BCBS, Aetna, Cigna,
UnitedHealthcare, WellPoint)
Castlight Health
Change Healthcare Corporation
Truven Healthcare Analytics, Inc
ClearCost Health
HealthSparq, Inc
Open-source consumer
price transparency portals
Browseable databases of local price ranges for
common health care procedures, including imaging
Health Care Blue Book
fairhealthconsumer.org
Value-oriented patient
referral networks
Primary care physicians engaged in risk sharing
arrangements (e.g., ACOs) send patients to the
highest quality and/or lowest cost provider to
optimize population health outcomes and
minimize total medical expense
Medicare shared savings programs
“Pioneer” Medicare ACOs
Commercial ACOs sponsored by
major payers
Provider-owned health plans
Note: ACO ¼ accountable care organization; BCBS ¼
BlueCross BlueShield; RBM ¼ radiology benefits management.
trade-offs in cost and quality. The two educational
themes that were reinforced consistently through the
use of maps in the engagement communications were:
“Price variance exists, even within network” and
“More expensive care is not always better care.” [18]
They did not mention which quality metrics were used to
discern between providers.
IMAGING QUALITY TRANSPARENCY REMAINS
RELATIVELY UNDERDEVELOPED
Although few would argue that there is variation in the level of
quality delivered by different radiologists or different radi-
ology groups, it is exceedingly difficult to measure, quantify,
and distribute information regarding this variation in a way
that would be meaningful to consumers or even referring
physicians. Nevertheless, there is increasing interest in quality
measures throughout medicine, on the basis of the growing
societal capability to mandate and implement automated
quality data collection across patient populations [19].
Beginning with attempts to define and measure outcomes
related to myocardial infarctions, numerous public agencies
and professional societies have expanded the scope of their
measurement efforts [20]. Many of these metrics have sub-
sequently undergone review by the National Quality Forum
(NQF), a publicly funded nonprofit organization [21]. For
example, in the past 6 years, the NQF has reviewed two
rounds of imaging efficiency metrics, several of which were
developed by CMS and ultimately incorporated into the CMS
Hospital Outpatient Quality Reporting program [22].
Journal of the American College of Radiology
Durand, Narayan, Rybicki n Health Care Value Transparency
and R
Until recently, imaging quality metrics were perilously
underdeveloped relative to other specialties and were
designed and controlled largely by specialties outside radi-
ology. Consider that, at the moment, the ACR is the official
steward of just 1 NQF-endorsed metric (participation in the
ACR Dose Index Registry�), although it is soon to assume
stewardship of 4 additional NQF-endorsed metrics previ-
ously developed in conjunction with the Physician Con-
sortium for Performance Improvement of the AMA.
Furthermore, only 20 of 955 NQF-approved measures
(2.1%) explicitly deal with medical imaging [23], despite the
fact that imaging accounts for approximately 14% of health
care costs [24]. Finally, virtually all NQF-approved imaging
metrics deal with appropriateness (often more reflective of
ordering provider behavior rather than the quality of
radiologic service), and none at present focus on patient-
based outcomes.
At the same time, it is important to note that although
NQF endorsement is currently the de facto “gold standard”
for quality metric validation, organizations such as CMS
increasingly make use of measures that are not yet NQF
approved. For this reason, the statistical snapshot presented
earlier represents a dated picture that fails to capture late-
breaking progress within the radiology community with
regard to quality metrics that, although fully developed and
with potential impact, have not yet garnered NQF approval.
For example, the Qualified Clinical Data Registries
(QCDRs) referenced in the recent fiscal cliff legislation may
make use of non-NQF-approved metrics. Furthermore, the
ACR has applied to serve as a QCDR, offering to report
55
adiology
publicly on 20 measures across 5 of the existing ACR data
registries. The proposed ACR QDCR metrics focus mainly
on radiation dose optimization, mammographic quality
measures, turnaround time, and contrast extravasation. If
the ACR’s QCDR application is successful, it will represent
a significant victory within the radiology quality commu-
nity, which will signal that radiology as a field is moving to
the forefront of the quality movement. For the moment,
however, we remain at the trailing end of the movement
along with most other specialties.
It is also important to note that several of the afore-
mentioned NQF-approved imaging-related metrics are part
of the Physician Quality Reporting System (PQRS), a CMS
program designed to encourage the public reporting of data
[25]. Data reported through PQRS will be used to deter-
mine the value-based payment modifier, along with cost or
“resource use” measures, which will augment Medicare
payment for high-value performers and penalize low-value
performers. “Performance” in PQRS will be defined by a
complex value metric that CMS has yet to explicitly define
but will certainly have an aggregated quality measure in the
numerator and an aggregated cost measure in the denomi-
nator. However, it is important to recognize that only a
small percentage of PQRS metrics relate to imaging, and it is
possible for large provider groups (eg, large multispecialty
groups, integrated delivery networks) to participate in PQRS
without reporting any imaging-related metrics at all. Thus,
there is a concern that for larger groups within the PQRS
program, radiology quality metrics will be largely irrelevant,
as they will be lumped together with many other non-
radiology metrics—indeed, many large groups and inte-
grated delivery networks have already chosen not to report
imaging-related metrics at all. Furthermore, even PQRS
data collected from “pure” radiology groups are not yet
publicly reported in a fashion that consumers can easily
access and understand. Thus, PQRS data cannot currently
be used by patients to seek out high-quality radiologists.
Finally, many of the private sector firms mentioned in
Table 1 use their own independent metrics to assess quality.
Unfortunately, these metrics themselves tend to be hetero-
geneous and sometimes are not well defined or are even
intentionally undefined. Such metrics introduce the risk for
radiology value measures’ becoming proprietary and
completely ambiguous.
In summary, despite recent progress, radiology as a field
remains in the “middle of the pack” with regard to quality
metric development and significantly trails specialties at the
leading edge of the quality movement, such as cardiology,
primary care, orthopedics, and oncology. Radiology quality
metrics themselves can be loosely divided into 3 groups:
measures of imaging appropriateness, measures of radia-
tion safety, and measures of radiologist performance (eg,
56
turnaround time, diagnostic accuracy) and their subsequent
impact on patient outcomes [26]. The current strategy of
organized radiology is to begin to meet the need for quality
transparency by focusing mainly on evidence-based stan-
dards for imaging appropriateness and supporting greater
uptake through the use of clinical decision support and
order entry systems. Although the next generation of im-
aging metrics will likely be more process and performance
oriented, radiology quality metrics will probably always be
inherently less directly linked to health outcomes than those
developed by other specialists (eg, surgeons) who contribute
more directly to individual patient care.
THE COMBINATION OF RAPIDLY ADVANCING
PRICE TRANSPARENCY AND SLOWER
MOVING QUALITY TRANSPARENCY
HEIGHTENS THE THREAT OF
COMMODITIZATION
On the basis of the confluence of events we describe, it can
be expected that health care value transparency will stimu-
late primarily price-based competition between radiology
providers, a scenario analogous to Figure 1C.
There are several reasons this is thought to be the case.
First, because of changes related to the Patient Protection
and Affordable Care Act, patients in the United States will
have increasingly more “skin in the game” (eg, high de-
ductibles) and are likely to be increasingly sensitive to price.
Veblen good effects for radiology are unlikely, because
consumers tend to associate imaging quality with the tech-
nology itself rather than the skill or training of the radiol-
ogist (provided, of course, they are even aware that a
radiologist is a physician) [27].
Second, it has been well documented that patients have
little insight into what high-quality imaging services get
them in terms of health outcomes [28]. In other words, even
if provider-level data on quality are made accessible to the
public, US health care consumers need to become educated
in and convinced of the value of these data and must also
come to trust its source in order for it to meaningfully
inform their choices of providers. Unfortunately, this lack of
awareness of the value of high-quality radiology is not
limited to patients but is a common misconception among
our fellow physicians as well as health care policymakers. In
2012, a broad coalition of respected health care economists
and policy experts led by Ezekiel Emanuel openly referred to
radiology as a commodity in the pages of the New England
Journal of Medicine, writing that “Medicare should extend
competitive bidding to medical devices, laboratory tests,
radiologic diagnostic services, and all other commodities”
[29]. Interestingly, the same author group wholeheartedly
endorsed “requiring full transparency of [health care] prices”
as part of its recommendations.
Journal of the American College of Radiology
Volume 12 n Number 1 n January 2015
RECOMMENDATIONS: ACTIONABLE STEPS TO
MOVE FROM SIMPLE PRICE TRANSPARENCY
TO TRUE VALUE TRANSPARENCY
It is precisely because radiologists are physicians first and
business people second that this scenario is distasteful.
Having spent years acquiring our skills and taken oaths to
provide the highest quality care possible to each patient, it is
demoralizing to consider that market forces may push us
toward commoditization and the delivery of lower quality
care. Fortunately, health care value transparency remains in
its infancy, and the markets alluded to above are probably
nowhere near equilibrium. Corrective courses of action
remain available.
It is our opinion that radiologists should not attempt to
fight the inevitable tide of price transparency. Once started,
such processes are unlikely to be reversed in a free society.
The tactics of consolidation and tacit collaboration among
groups to prevent price-based competition are likewise un-
attractive; they fail to leverage the opportunity that true
value transparency presents to patients, society at large, and
radiology as a field.
Instead, radiologists should embrace quality transparency
and seek “mastery of the numerator” in the value equation.
We can avoid commoditization by coming to consensus on
what quality means, communicating our shared vision to the
public, and actively engaging in healthy value-based compe-
tition among ourselves, rather than viewing quality reporting
as a mere compliance issue handed down from above. Ini-
tiatives such as the ACR’s Imaging 3.0� [30], for example,
provide a compelling platform for codeveloping a universal
quality framework that can help structure this dialogue going
forward. Therefore, we recommend the following set of ac-
tions to ensure that health care transparency truly rewards
high-value radiologic services:
1. Invest broadly in quality research and work toward
endorsing specific metrics that facilitate meaningful
quality comparisons among providers. This means
accepting the reality that performance is not equal among
radiologists.
2. Actively support professional societies (eg, the ACR) in
their ongoing efforts to provide systematic oversight of
quality metrics used by payers, radiology benefits man-
agement organizations, and other value transparency
firms—recall that the less this is about quality competi-
tion and the more it is about price competition, the more
value other market players (eg, payers) will grab from
radiologists.
3. Radiologists should actively participate in quality metrics
and registries. The registries maintained by the ACR will
continue to grow, and broad participation will help
ensure that the assessment of radiologists remains in
Journal of the American College of Radiology
Durand, Narayan, Rybicki n Health Care Value Transparency
and R
control of radiologists. In addition, the establishment of
large databases will foster the transition toward more
accuracy- and performance-based metrics that are more
reflective of radiologists’ skills. Eventually, the ACR
registries may also offer a convenient means of direct
public reporting through CMS programs such as QCDR.
4. Radiology professional societies must invest in research to
demonstrate the high downstream costs (eg, total medical
expense) and/or poor outcomes associated with low-
quality imaging (eg, progression of undetected disease,
excessive follow-up imaging, unneeded surgery or bi-
opsies, unnecessary radiation exposure) and encourage
the publication of papers outside our own literature in
high-impact journals read by other specialists and poli-
cymakers (eg, Health Affairs, the New England Journal of
Medicine, JAMA).
a
TAKE-HOME POINTS
n Patients do not currently have access to data that
would allow them to choose one radiology provider
over another on the basis of quality, a point that is
generally true for all medical specialties apart from
those that spearheaded the quality movement over the
past two decades (eg, cardiology, primary care,
orthopedics).
n Radiology has been thrust to the forefront of the price
transparency movement, as both patients and refer-
ring physicians are increasingly being given radiology
pricing data by a variety of public, private, and
nonprofit entities and are further being encouraged to
“price-shop” for imaging services.
n On this basis, health care value transparency in its
current form will stimulate primarily price-based
competition among radiology providers, a scenario
that heightens the threat of commoditization.
n Potential actions to combat commoditization include
establishing unified systems for defining, measuring,
and reporting data on imaging quality as well as
promoting and supporting research relating higher
imaging quality to improved population health out-
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http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref19The
Health Care Value Transparency Movement and Its Implications
for RadiologyThe Prevailing Theory: Bringing Perfect Value
Transparency to Health Care Can Save a Failing
MarketplacePrice and Quality Data May Influence Patient
Behavior in a Differential Manner, Leading to Several Potential
Market OutcomesConsumer Transparency Into Radiology Prices
Is Well Developed Relative to Other Specialties and Continues
to Grow RapidlyImaging Quality Transparency Remains
Relatively UnderdevelopedThe Combination of Rapidly
Advancing Price Transparency and Slower Moving Quality
Transparency Heightens the Threat of Comm
...Recommendations: Actionable Steps to Move From Simple
Price Transparency to True Value TransparencyTake-Home
PointsReferences

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ORIGINAL ARTICLEThe Health Care Value TransparencyMovement.docx

  • 1. ORIGINAL ARTICLE The Health Care Value Transparency Movement and Its Implications for Radiology Daniel J. Durand, MDa, Anand K. Narayan, MD, PhDb, Frank J. Rybicki, MD, PhDc, Judy Burleson, MHSAd, Paul Nagy, PhDb, Geraldine McGinty, MD, MBAe, Richard Duszak Jr, MD f Abstract The US health care system is in the midst of disruptive changes intended to expand access, improve outcomes, and lower costs. As part of this movement, a growing number of stakeholders have advocated dramatically increasing consumer transparency into the quality and price of health care services. The authors review the general movement toward American health care value transparency within the public, private, and nonprofit sectors, with an emphasis on those initiatives most relevant to radiology. They conclude that radiology, along with other “ancillary services,” has been a major focus of early efforts to enhance consumer price transparency. By contrast, radiology as a field remains in the “middle of the pack” with regard to quality transparency. There is thus the danger that radiology value transparency in its current form will stimulate primarily price- based competition, erode provider profit margins, and
  • 2. disincentivize quality. The authors conclude with suggested actions radiologists can take to ensure that a more optimal balance is struck between quality transparency and price transparency, one that will enable true value-based competition among radiologists rather than commoditization. Key Words: Quality, value, transparency, pay for performance, value-based contracting J Am Coll Radiol 2015;12:51-58. Copyright � 2015 American College of Radiology Although there are many reasons the UShealth care systemfails to deliver value on par with those of peer nations, few would argue that “market failure”—the inefficient allocation of goods and services by the free market—plays a significant role. Beginning in March 2013 with Steven Brill’s [1] landmark Time cover story, “Bitter Pill: Why Medical Bills Are Killing Us,” and culminating later that spring with the first ever release by CMS of Medicare pricing data on all US hospitals [2], this view has been empirically validated by reports of price variation aEvolent Health, Arlington, Virginia. bThe Russell H. Morgan Department of Radiology and Radiological Sci- ence, Johns Hopkins School of Medicine, Baltimore, Maryland. cApplied Imaging Science Laboratory, Department of Radiology, Brigham and Women’s Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts. dDepartment of Quality and Safety, American College of Radiology, Reston, Virginia. eWeill Cornell Medical College, Cornell University, New York, New York.
  • 3. fDepartment of Radiology and Imaging Sciences, Emory University School of Medicine, Atlanta, Georgia. Corresponding author and reprints: Daniel J. Durand, MD, Evolent Health, 800 N Glebe Road, Arlington, VA 22203; e-mail: [email protected] gmail.com. ª 2015 American College of Radiology 1546-1440/14/$36.00 n http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jacr.2014.08.015 among hospitals at the local and national levels that appear unrelated to any substantive difference in the quality of care delivered. Within the market for medical imaging services, for example, 500% variations in price in the same metropolitan area have been cited as “commonplace” [3]. Given the broader societal movement toward information transparency in health care, this recent wave of controversy over price variation marks only the beginning of what is likely to be a prolonged national dialogue. We review recent trends toward health care transparency on both quality and price, both from a general perspective and with an eye toward radiology in particular. Our purpose is to acquaint the reader with the major transparency initiatives currently active in the United States throughout the public, private, and nonprofit sectors and to review their potential impact on radiology. THE PREVAILING THEORY: BRINGING PERFECT VALUE TRANSPARENCY TO HEALTH CARE CAN SAVE A FAILING MARKETPLACE Before considering the nature of market failure in the complex ecosystem of US health care, first consider how price and quality are supposed to interact in an “ideal” 51
  • 4. mailto:[email protected] mailto:[email protected] http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jacr.2014.08.015 marketplace in which value is maximized. In this world, value is defined in the simplest terms: some quantity of “quality” per unit price. Rational buyers who desire goods and services and who have access to perfect information on price and quality collectively form a market. Most readers are familiar with the classic price-setting relationship be- tween supply and demand. In most industries, price is also related to quality in that, generally speaking, higher quality goods command higher prices at any time point [4]. When quality is measured in the proper units, this relationship may be positively and perhaps even linearly correlated with price. Some authors have even referred to a “quality elasticity function” that describes the degree to which value-conscious consumers will pay more for progressively higher quality goods (ie, the slope of a regression line that relates price to quality) [5]. For example, a good with a price elasticity of zero is a “perfect” commodity; quality is meaningless, and price is purely a function of quantity supplied and quantity demanded. Such relationships among supply, demand, price, and quality are not necessarily desirable when allocating essential services such as health care. The predictable result would be wide disparities in access and health outcomes based on income levels. This concern over access to high-quality care is the reason many governments, including that of the United States, have taken a heavy hand in regulating health care relative to other sectors of the economy. These regu- lations complicate the price-quality relationship consider- ably. For example, in many states, certificate-of-need
  • 5. programs limit the supply of imaging providers, partly as a means of reducing overall health care expenditure, which increases the bargaining power of providers in general and would be expected to increase unit prices across the board for both high- and low-quality imaging services. At the same time, econometric studies of Medicare populations have generally found that quality per unit price (ie, increased price elasticity of quality) is increased in more competitive markets, which has been interpreted as meaning that when providers cannot compete on price, they will compete more aggressively on quality [6]. The preceding two examples are not meant to be exhaustive but merely to illustrate the myriad ways in which both state and federal regulatory bodies can complicate the economic framework described above. Furthermore, empirical research has repeatedly demon- strated that even in relatively unregulated and transparent markets, price-quality relationships are not necessarily linear and often do not conform well to trend lines [7]. Never- theless, the scenarios depicted in Figure 1 are intended to illustrate, at a high level, the theoretical implications of different types of potential consumer behavior in reaction to value transparency and their resultant implications for 52 market dynamics. For inasmuch as consumers (or their proxies, such as a primary care practitioners or insurance benefit managers) are increasingly motivated decision makers who understand and have access to information on both price and quality, this basic framework should apply. A growing chorus of economists, entrepreneurs, and policymakers believe that part of the answer to improving value in US health care is to drastically increase transparency on both price and quality [8]. This, in combination with higher deductibles and other mechanisms of increasing pa-
  • 6. tient cost consciousness, should gradually correct irrational variations in price known to plague the system. This is also the approach currently embraced by a large number of health insurers and radiology benefits management organi- zations with regard to imaging utilization management and unit price reduction. By using claims-based analytic algo- rithms, pricing firms can now compare prices with local benchmarks to direct patients to specific sites of care using either carrots (eg, incentivizing patients to choose higher value providers) or sticks (eg, keeping high-priced and/or low-value providers out of the network or using tools such as varied copayments) [9]. Assuming that both measures of price and quality are given ample weight by decision makers, one can immedi- ately see the benefits of such a strategy (Figs. 1A and 1B). The winners include high-quality providers, who can now more reliably charge higher prices. Low-quality providers, who now fetch lower prices for their work, are the losers. Patients as a population receive more consistent value. But the aggregate cost of the services obtained and the average unit price will depend on the dynamics of the market, which are impossible to predict in advance. PRICE AND QUALITY DATA MAY INFLUENCE PATIENT BEHAVIOR IN A DIFFERENTIAL MANNER, LEADING TO SEVERAL POTENTIAL MARKET OUTCOMES One potentially important predictor of market behavior is the relative importance consumers assign to price data versus quality data, which itself depends on the nature of the data provided. Before discussing this in depth, it is important to note that the issue of relative importance or “weighting” is not solely a function of the sheer volume of data available to consumers. Rather, consumers’ decision making will likely be influenced by several factors, including their levels of access to transparency data, ability to understand it, trust in
  • 7. its accuracy, and belief that the data are relevant to their own choices of health care providers. For example, if quality data are readily available but poorly understood or not trusted, they will likely not be valued by consumers. Conversely, relatively few data points on quality could be quite powerful Journal of the American College of Radiology Volume 12 n Number 1 n January 2015 Fig 1. Hypothetical graphs showing the relationships between price and quality that could result from different types of consumer behavior. (A) The baseline scenario assumes an essentially random association between quality and price that effectively depicts a dysfunctional market. (B) In this scenario, patients make relatively balanced use of price and quality data, yielding a positive linear relationship between quality and price. (C) In this scenario, patients assign more weight to price than quality, resulting in a relatively “flat” line with overall lower mean prices as unit price reductions become the principal means of competition. (D) In this scenario, radiology services emerge as a “Veblen good,” leading to a general increase in prices. if they are readily accessible, well understood, and relevant, and if they come from a reliable source. The same can be said for measures of price, although with price, the issues of understanding and relevance are unlikely to be limiting factors, because patients generally know what a dollar is and what it is worth to them. If consumers pay more attention to price than to quality, providers will be forced to compete primarily on price to
  • 8. attract patients. Assuming supply remains constant and provider cost structures do not change, this will result in a reduction in unit prices (ie, “a race to the bottom”), eroding provider profit margins. In this scenario (Fig. 1C), both patients and payers win value in the short term. As a group, providers lose, although there may be pockets of success among exceptionally high-quality providers or those who are able to achieve especially lean cost structures. In the most extreme version of this scenario, patients make no use whatsoever of quality data, and decisions are made purely on Journal of the American College of Radiology Durand, Narayan, Rybicki n Health Care Value Transparency and R the basis of price as radiologic services are treated as pure commodities. In the very short term, the biggest winner in this scenario is payers, who will accrue most of the value lost by radiologists. Patients with high deductibles and/or high copayments would also net short-term gains in terms of cost avoidance. Assuming healthy competition among payers, this should translate into intermediate-term premium re- ductions, which would transfer some of the value to em- ployers or individuals purchasing insurance (eg, on the federal exchanges). In the long term, however, patients and payers would both lose to the extent that increasingly lower quality imaging would likely adversely affect both health outcomes and the efficiency of medical care delivery. There is an alternative scenario in which transparency could actually boost average prices—one in which providers could capture more value than payers. For some goods and services for which demand is positively correlated with price, high prices increase demand because of the perception by 53 adiology
  • 9. some consumers that higher prices mean higher quality. These are properly referred to as Veblen goods (though they are often mischaracterized in the press as “Giffen” goods) [10]. Some economists have suggested that a subset of health care services could behave this way. In Figure 1D, we show a scenario of generally increased unit price—with subsequent boosts to provider profit margins—that could occur in situations in which high-priced providers are paradoxically in higher demand on the basis of patient or consumer perception. However, as we discuss later, such a scenario seems unlikely for imaging. CONSUMER TRANSPARENCY INTO RADIOLOGY PRICES IS WELL DEVELOPED RELATIVE TO OTHER SPECIALTIES AND CONTINUES TO GROW RAPIDLY A tide of health care price transparency initiatives has rolled across the nation over the past decade, driven in part by federal and state legislation [11]. At the time of this writing, some 31 states, “red” and “blue” states alike, have enacted legislation specifically related to the public disclosure of health care pricing [12]. These laws use fairly diverse mechanisms to promote the dissemination of such data. New Hampshire’s HealthCost website represents one of the oldest and most well-documented initiatives. Beginning in 2003, all insurance carriers operating in New Hampshire were required to disclose claims information to the state. Over time, these data were used to develop the New Hampshire Comprehensive Health Information System. Since 2007, the bundled cost of 30 common outpatient health care services (primarily imaging and surgery), along with childbirth as the lone inpatient procedure, have all been posted online. Interestingly, a 2009 analysis by the Center for Health System Change reported that the New Hampshire program had failed to produce any significant changes in price variation, with the authors citing a lack of
  • 10. competition among providers and low penetration (<5%) of high-deductible insurance plans among the state popu- lation as two potential reasons for the lack of impact [13]. At the federal level, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act contained two specific provisions that can be ex- pected to increase price transparency. The first began last year with the public disclosure of hospital pricing data, alluded to previously. The second is that, beginning in 2014, health plans listed on the federal exchanges are required to disclose a wealth of information related to premium pricing and benefit structure in plain English to their members. In addition, they must also provide their members with estimated of out-of- pocket costs for certain procedures [14]. Although far less widely cited in the academic literature than these legislative initiatives [15], there is also a great deal 54 of private sector activity focused on providing health care value transparency. Although the subcomponents of com- plex medical care are notoriously difficult to price, discrete services such as laboratory tests and imaging are more easily handled by claims extraction algorithms [16], particularly when performed at freestanding outpatient sites of service. Accordingly, “outpatient ancillaries” have been a major focus of early work to define, understand, and ultimately sell such cost variation data to health care consumers and em- ployers. Although there is a great deal of methodologic variation in deriving such pricing data, the key point is that consumers can compare prices among providers with increasing ease, whereas it remains far more difficult for them to compare quality. Table 1 shows salient examples of the value and price transparency tools currently operating in the US health care system. Companies such as Truven Health Analytics and Cast-
  • 11. light Health are marketing this kind of pricing data to large employers and health plans on a national basis. Health in- surers have long had insights into pricing data but have typically been unable to share them because of specific clauses in their provider contracts. In the new model, an employer or health plan contracts with a price transparency firm, allowing its members and employees access to a health care consumer website that facilitates comparison shopping among providers. Typically, these large employers are also transitioning their employees to “consumer-directed” health benefits (ie, lower cost options with higher copayments and higher deductibles to curb excessive utilization). From all appearances, the private sector believes firmly that this model is the wave of the future: when Castlight Health went public, the company was valued at more than 100 times its annual revenue, making it the most optimistically priced initial public offering in the American stock market in the 21st century. Although it is true that firms like Castlight usually also measure quality in some fashion (see the next section), it is equally true that these firms have placed a heavy emphasis on price variation in their public communications (eg, white papers, press releases, marketing materials). For example, Castlight Health’s website boasts an interactive imaging price transparency map that shows regional price variations for imaging services such as head CT, brain MRI, and lumbar spine MRI [17]. There is, unfortunately, no inter- active map for quality variation. The case studies posted online by Castlight tell a similar story. For example, Castlight’s publically disclosed case example of its work with the firm Honeywell details the role of price transparency in its strategy, stating that Castlight highlighted the importance of consumer choice uti-
  • 12. lizing maps, pricing data, and ratings to illustrate Journal of the American College of Radiology Volume 12 n Number 1 n January 2015 Table 1. Prominent examples of tools and services offered by companies in the medical imaging price and value transparency marketplace Approach Description Major Examples Value-based steerage Patients are directly engaged to encourage them to use the lowest priced option with comparable “quality” Most major RBM organizations Proprietary consumer price or value transparency portals Online tools that match patients with high-value local imaging providers, with pricing often informed by claims analysis based on commercial or CMS populations Major payers (eg, BCBS, Aetna, Cigna, UnitedHealthcare, WellPoint) Castlight Health Change Healthcare Corporation Truven Healthcare Analytics, Inc ClearCost Health HealthSparq, Inc
  • 13. Open-source consumer price transparency portals Browseable databases of local price ranges for common health care procedures, including imaging Health Care Blue Book fairhealthconsumer.org Value-oriented patient referral networks Primary care physicians engaged in risk sharing arrangements (e.g., ACOs) send patients to the highest quality and/or lowest cost provider to optimize population health outcomes and minimize total medical expense Medicare shared savings programs “Pioneer” Medicare ACOs Commercial ACOs sponsored by major payers Provider-owned health plans Note: ACO ¼ accountable care organization; BCBS ¼ BlueCross BlueShield; RBM ¼ radiology benefits management. trade-offs in cost and quality. The two educational themes that were reinforced consistently through the use of maps in the engagement communications were: “Price variance exists, even within network” and “More expensive care is not always better care.” [18] They did not mention which quality metrics were used to discern between providers.
  • 14. IMAGING QUALITY TRANSPARENCY REMAINS RELATIVELY UNDERDEVELOPED Although few would argue that there is variation in the level of quality delivered by different radiologists or different radi- ology groups, it is exceedingly difficult to measure, quantify, and distribute information regarding this variation in a way that would be meaningful to consumers or even referring physicians. Nevertheless, there is increasing interest in quality measures throughout medicine, on the basis of the growing societal capability to mandate and implement automated quality data collection across patient populations [19]. Beginning with attempts to define and measure outcomes related to myocardial infarctions, numerous public agencies and professional societies have expanded the scope of their measurement efforts [20]. Many of these metrics have sub- sequently undergone review by the National Quality Forum (NQF), a publicly funded nonprofit organization [21]. For example, in the past 6 years, the NQF has reviewed two rounds of imaging efficiency metrics, several of which were developed by CMS and ultimately incorporated into the CMS Hospital Outpatient Quality Reporting program [22]. Journal of the American College of Radiology Durand, Narayan, Rybicki n Health Care Value Transparency and R Until recently, imaging quality metrics were perilously underdeveloped relative to other specialties and were designed and controlled largely by specialties outside radi- ology. Consider that, at the moment, the ACR is the official steward of just 1 NQF-endorsed metric (participation in the ACR Dose Index Registry�), although it is soon to assume stewardship of 4 additional NQF-endorsed metrics previ- ously developed in conjunction with the Physician Con- sortium for Performance Improvement of the AMA. Furthermore, only 20 of 955 NQF-approved measures (2.1%) explicitly deal with medical imaging [23], despite the fact that imaging accounts for approximately 14% of health
  • 15. care costs [24]. Finally, virtually all NQF-approved imaging metrics deal with appropriateness (often more reflective of ordering provider behavior rather than the quality of radiologic service), and none at present focus on patient- based outcomes. At the same time, it is important to note that although NQF endorsement is currently the de facto “gold standard” for quality metric validation, organizations such as CMS increasingly make use of measures that are not yet NQF approved. For this reason, the statistical snapshot presented earlier represents a dated picture that fails to capture late- breaking progress within the radiology community with regard to quality metrics that, although fully developed and with potential impact, have not yet garnered NQF approval. For example, the Qualified Clinical Data Registries (QCDRs) referenced in the recent fiscal cliff legislation may make use of non-NQF-approved metrics. Furthermore, the ACR has applied to serve as a QCDR, offering to report 55 adiology publicly on 20 measures across 5 of the existing ACR data registries. The proposed ACR QDCR metrics focus mainly on radiation dose optimization, mammographic quality measures, turnaround time, and contrast extravasation. If the ACR’s QCDR application is successful, it will represent a significant victory within the radiology quality commu- nity, which will signal that radiology as a field is moving to the forefront of the quality movement. For the moment, however, we remain at the trailing end of the movement along with most other specialties. It is also important to note that several of the afore-
  • 16. mentioned NQF-approved imaging-related metrics are part of the Physician Quality Reporting System (PQRS), a CMS program designed to encourage the public reporting of data [25]. Data reported through PQRS will be used to deter- mine the value-based payment modifier, along with cost or “resource use” measures, which will augment Medicare payment for high-value performers and penalize low-value performers. “Performance” in PQRS will be defined by a complex value metric that CMS has yet to explicitly define but will certainly have an aggregated quality measure in the numerator and an aggregated cost measure in the denomi- nator. However, it is important to recognize that only a small percentage of PQRS metrics relate to imaging, and it is possible for large provider groups (eg, large multispecialty groups, integrated delivery networks) to participate in PQRS without reporting any imaging-related metrics at all. Thus, there is a concern that for larger groups within the PQRS program, radiology quality metrics will be largely irrelevant, as they will be lumped together with many other non- radiology metrics—indeed, many large groups and inte- grated delivery networks have already chosen not to report imaging-related metrics at all. Furthermore, even PQRS data collected from “pure” radiology groups are not yet publicly reported in a fashion that consumers can easily access and understand. Thus, PQRS data cannot currently be used by patients to seek out high-quality radiologists. Finally, many of the private sector firms mentioned in Table 1 use their own independent metrics to assess quality. Unfortunately, these metrics themselves tend to be hetero- geneous and sometimes are not well defined or are even intentionally undefined. Such metrics introduce the risk for radiology value measures’ becoming proprietary and completely ambiguous. In summary, despite recent progress, radiology as a field
  • 17. remains in the “middle of the pack” with regard to quality metric development and significantly trails specialties at the leading edge of the quality movement, such as cardiology, primary care, orthopedics, and oncology. Radiology quality metrics themselves can be loosely divided into 3 groups: measures of imaging appropriateness, measures of radia- tion safety, and measures of radiologist performance (eg, 56 turnaround time, diagnostic accuracy) and their subsequent impact on patient outcomes [26]. The current strategy of organized radiology is to begin to meet the need for quality transparency by focusing mainly on evidence-based stan- dards for imaging appropriateness and supporting greater uptake through the use of clinical decision support and order entry systems. Although the next generation of im- aging metrics will likely be more process and performance oriented, radiology quality metrics will probably always be inherently less directly linked to health outcomes than those developed by other specialists (eg, surgeons) who contribute more directly to individual patient care. THE COMBINATION OF RAPIDLY ADVANCING PRICE TRANSPARENCY AND SLOWER MOVING QUALITY TRANSPARENCY HEIGHTENS THE THREAT OF COMMODITIZATION On the basis of the confluence of events we describe, it can be expected that health care value transparency will stimu- late primarily price-based competition between radiology providers, a scenario analogous to Figure 1C. There are several reasons this is thought to be the case. First, because of changes related to the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, patients in the United States will have increasingly more “skin in the game” (eg, high de- ductibles) and are likely to be increasingly sensitive to price. Veblen good effects for radiology are unlikely, because
  • 18. consumers tend to associate imaging quality with the tech- nology itself rather than the skill or training of the radiol- ogist (provided, of course, they are even aware that a radiologist is a physician) [27]. Second, it has been well documented that patients have little insight into what high-quality imaging services get them in terms of health outcomes [28]. In other words, even if provider-level data on quality are made accessible to the public, US health care consumers need to become educated in and convinced of the value of these data and must also come to trust its source in order for it to meaningfully inform their choices of providers. Unfortunately, this lack of awareness of the value of high-quality radiology is not limited to patients but is a common misconception among our fellow physicians as well as health care policymakers. In 2012, a broad coalition of respected health care economists and policy experts led by Ezekiel Emanuel openly referred to radiology as a commodity in the pages of the New England Journal of Medicine, writing that “Medicare should extend competitive bidding to medical devices, laboratory tests, radiologic diagnostic services, and all other commodities” [29]. Interestingly, the same author group wholeheartedly endorsed “requiring full transparency of [health care] prices” as part of its recommendations. Journal of the American College of Radiology Volume 12 n Number 1 n January 2015 RECOMMENDATIONS: ACTIONABLE STEPS TO MOVE FROM SIMPLE PRICE TRANSPARENCY TO TRUE VALUE TRANSPARENCY It is precisely because radiologists are physicians first and business people second that this scenario is distasteful. Having spent years acquiring our skills and taken oaths to
  • 19. provide the highest quality care possible to each patient, it is demoralizing to consider that market forces may push us toward commoditization and the delivery of lower quality care. Fortunately, health care value transparency remains in its infancy, and the markets alluded to above are probably nowhere near equilibrium. Corrective courses of action remain available. It is our opinion that radiologists should not attempt to fight the inevitable tide of price transparency. Once started, such processes are unlikely to be reversed in a free society. The tactics of consolidation and tacit collaboration among groups to prevent price-based competition are likewise un- attractive; they fail to leverage the opportunity that true value transparency presents to patients, society at large, and radiology as a field. Instead, radiologists should embrace quality transparency and seek “mastery of the numerator” in the value equation. We can avoid commoditization by coming to consensus on what quality means, communicating our shared vision to the public, and actively engaging in healthy value-based compe- tition among ourselves, rather than viewing quality reporting as a mere compliance issue handed down from above. Ini- tiatives such as the ACR’s Imaging 3.0� [30], for example, provide a compelling platform for codeveloping a universal quality framework that can help structure this dialogue going forward. Therefore, we recommend the following set of ac- tions to ensure that health care transparency truly rewards high-value radiologic services: 1. Invest broadly in quality research and work toward endorsing specific metrics that facilitate meaningful quality comparisons among providers. This means accepting the reality that performance is not equal among radiologists.
  • 20. 2. Actively support professional societies (eg, the ACR) in their ongoing efforts to provide systematic oversight of quality metrics used by payers, radiology benefits man- agement organizations, and other value transparency firms—recall that the less this is about quality competi- tion and the more it is about price competition, the more value other market players (eg, payers) will grab from radiologists. 3. Radiologists should actively participate in quality metrics and registries. The registries maintained by the ACR will continue to grow, and broad participation will help ensure that the assessment of radiologists remains in Journal of the American College of Radiology Durand, Narayan, Rybicki n Health Care Value Transparency and R control of radiologists. In addition, the establishment of large databases will foster the transition toward more accuracy- and performance-based metrics that are more reflective of radiologists’ skills. Eventually, the ACR registries may also offer a convenient means of direct public reporting through CMS programs such as QCDR. 4. Radiology professional societies must invest in research to demonstrate the high downstream costs (eg, total medical expense) and/or poor outcomes associated with low- quality imaging (eg, progression of undetected disease, excessive follow-up imaging, unneeded surgery or bi- opsies, unnecessary radiation exposure) and encourage the publication of papers outside our own literature in high-impact journals read by other specialists and poli- cymakers (eg, Health Affairs, the New England Journal of Medicine, JAMA). a TAKE-HOME POINTS
  • 21. n Patients do not currently have access to data that would allow them to choose one radiology provider over another on the basis of quality, a point that is generally true for all medical specialties apart from those that spearheaded the quality movement over the past two decades (eg, cardiology, primary care, orthopedics). n Radiology has been thrust to the forefront of the price transparency movement, as both patients and refer- ring physicians are increasingly being given radiology pricing data by a variety of public, private, and nonprofit entities and are further being encouraged to “price-shop” for imaging services. n On this basis, health care value transparency in its current form will stimulate primarily price-based competition among radiology providers, a scenario that heightens the threat of commoditization. n Potential actions to combat commoditization include establishing unified systems for defining, measuring, and reporting data on imaging quality as well as promoting and supporting research relating higher imaging quality to improved population health out- comes and/or lower total medical expenses. REFERENCES 1. Brill S. Bitter pill: why medical bills are killing us. Time. Available at: http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2136864,0 0. html. Accessed February 18, 2014. 2. Tocknell MD. CMS releases hospital pricing data. Available at: http://
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  • 29. cy__A_Consensus_Report.aspx http://www.qualityforum.org/Publications/2009/08/National_Vo luntary_Consensus_Standards_for_Outpatient_Imaging_Efficien cy__A_Consensus_Report.aspx http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref15 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref15 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref16 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref16 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref17 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref17 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref17 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref18 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref18 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S1546-1440(14)00493-1/sref19The Health Care Value Transparency Movement and Its Implications for RadiologyThe Prevailing Theory: Bringing Perfect Value Transparency to Health Care Can Save a Failing MarketplacePrice and Quality Data May Influence Patient Behavior in a Differential Manner, Leading to Several Potential Market OutcomesConsumer Transparency Into Radiology Prices Is Well Developed Relative to Other Specialties and Continues to Grow RapidlyImaging Quality Transparency Remains Relatively UnderdevelopedThe Combination of Rapidly Advancing Price Transparency and Slower Moving Quality Transparency Heightens the Threat of Comm ...Recommendations: Actionable Steps to Move From Simple Price Transparency to True Value TransparencyTake-Home PointsReferences