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1.
Amount of Retained Earnings
The IRS permits both types of corporations to retain some profits for business purposes. At the
end of the year, corporations that need money to upgrade facilities and purchase equipment can
retain earnings from being distributed to their shareholders. Regular corporations can retain up to
$250,000 in earnings, while personal service corporations can only keep up to $150,000.
Corporate Tax Rates
One of the benefits of operating a corporation is the favorable tax treatment from the IRS. A
corporation is the only business structure in the United States with its own tax rates.
Corporations benefit from tax rates as low as 15 percent. However, personal service corporations
don’t get to take advantage of these low tax rates. In fact, most personal service corporations are
charged a flat tax rate of 35 percent on all profits, as of publication.
S Corporations
The subchapter S corporation is a smaller version of a regular corporation. It can only have up to
100 shareholders and one class of stock. The model used to tax S corporation profits is the pass-
through method. Under this taxation model, S corporations do not pay income taxes at the
company level. Instead, profits are passed through to its shareholders and taxed as income on
their individual tax returns.
Other Differences
Because profits flow directly to shareholders, the pass-through taxation method isn’t structured
for S corporations to retain earnings like personal services corporations. However, this method
prevents S corporations’ profits from being double taxed. Regular and personal service
corporations’ profits are taxed twice at the corporate level and again when they reported on the
shareholders’ individual tax returns as income. Also, S corporations cannot deduct fringe
benefits as business expenses given to employee-shareholders who own more than 2 percent of
the business.
2.High federal taxes can affect the size and strength of the small business population in several
ways. They can reduce the number of business births by discouraging those who might otherwise
form new businesses. Second, they can slow down the rate at which small businesses are able to
grow by making it more difficult for them to finance a rapid expansion. And third, they can
weaken the desire and the ability of small concerns to survive as independent enterprises by
making the gains from a sale or merger look more attractive than the income to be derived from
continued operation. It can be argued from the experience of individual firms that high taxes
have done all three of these things, but there are no data that indicate the extent of the impact in
any of these directions.
Nevertheless, there is some evidence that the high taxes which have been imposed on most
businesses during and since the last war have hurt many of the smaller concerns more severely
than they have the larger ones. Unless it has been expected to have spectacular growth, the small
dynamic business has been handicapped by its inability to retain and reinvest its own earnings.
At the same time, high personal income taxes have dried up many of the sources from which
small concerns used to draw their outside equity funds. While the appreciationminded investors
are still willing to finance ventures where growth prospects are extraordinarily bright, they
appear to be less interested in situations where only moderate rates of growth can be promised.
In the second place, high taxes appear to have given considerable impetus to the postwar merger
movement which has swallowed up so many small growing concerns. In the face of very high
income and estate taxes, the owners of these concerns have found in mergers with larger
corporations opportunities both to increase the liquidity of their estates and to realize inthe form
of capital gains income which had been reinvested in the business over the years. In addition to
being handicapped by high taxes, small growing concerns, and especially those which are
relatively young enterprises, have probably not benefited as much as their larger competitors
from certain wartime and postwar revisions in the tax structure, which were designed to help
business generally. It appears that many such firms have been unable to take advantage of the
favorable tax treatment accorded approved pension plans, of the right to accelerate depreciation
charges on new assets, or of the right to expense certain research and development outlays.
Finally, there would appear to be some merit in the complaint that the increasing complexity of
the federal tax laws, and of the regulations of the Internal Revenue Service are in themselves an
added tax burden which the smaller concerns feel more severely than do the larger ones. The
1958 revisions in the Revenue Code should help in a small way to soften the impact of high taxes
on the growth of small firms. By giving investors the tax benefits of ordinary losses when their
investments in small business turn out badly, the risks they assume in making such investments
will be somewhat reduced, and their willingness to invest accordingly increased. The granting of
an initial twenty per cent depreciation allowance will enable profitable small businesses to
recover more rapidly their outlays on new assets, and so make it possible for them to finance a
somewhat larger part of their equity capital needs from internal sources. Extending the loss
carryback period and permitting the spreading of estate tax payments should ease the liquidity
problems of loss corporations and of estates in which a small business accounts for the bulk of
the decedents assets. But none of these changes in the law has significantly lifted the present-day
tax burdens of small business. These cannot be lightened until we are in a position to make a
general reduction in tax rates.
3.
This is an old saw from a school of thought called “supply-side” economics. The supply-side
economists, or “supply-siders,” were group of conservative economists influential with the
Reagan administration. The term “supply-side” comes from their rejection of Keynesian
economics’ emphasis on total demand to explain the total level of output (or GDP). The main
issues, they argued, were on the supply side of the economy, especially the supply of labor and
money capital (saving).
The supply-siders claimed that high marginal tax rates were a big disincentive for people to
work, save, and invest. If tax rates were lower, and people got to keep more of their incomes
from work or investments, this would create incentives to work more and to save and invest
more. As a result, the supply-siders argued, the economy would grow faster. The government,
they claimed, could get more tax revenue by taking a smaller slice (lower tax rate) from a larger
pie (higher GDP).
The idea that lower tax rates could translate into higher total tax revenue is described by the
“Laffer curve.” Legend has it that supply-side economist Arthur Laffer sketched the curve on a
cocktail napkin at a Washington restaurant in 1974, showing it to then-Ford administration
officials Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney. At a tax rate of 0%, total tax revenue would, of
course, be $0. At a tax rate of 100%, Laffer argued, it would also be $0, since the tax would kill
all incentive for people to engage in the taxed activity. Therefore, he concluded, tax revenues
would not keep rising with increasing tax rates. At some point, increasing tax rates would reduce
total tax revenue—and diminishing tax rates would increase it.
Solution
1.
Amount of Retained Earnings
The IRS permits both types of corporations to retain some profits for business purposes. At the
end of the year, corporations that need money to upgrade facilities and purchase equipment can
retain earnings from being distributed to their shareholders. Regular corporations can retain up to
$250,000 in earnings, while personal service corporations can only keep up to $150,000.
Corporate Tax Rates
One of the benefits of operating a corporation is the favorable tax treatment from the IRS. A
corporation is the only business structure in the United States with its own tax rates.
Corporations benefit from tax rates as low as 15 percent. However, personal service corporations
don’t get to take advantage of these low tax rates. In fact, most personal service corporations are
charged a flat tax rate of 35 percent on all profits, as of publication.
S Corporations
The subchapter S corporation is a smaller version of a regular corporation. It can only have up to
100 shareholders and one class of stock. The model used to tax S corporation profits is the pass-
through method. Under this taxation model, S corporations do not pay income taxes at the
company level. Instead, profits are passed through to its shareholders and taxed as income on
their individual tax returns.
Other Differences
Because profits flow directly to shareholders, the pass-through taxation method isn’t structured
for S corporations to retain earnings like personal services corporations. However, this method
prevents S corporations’ profits from being double taxed. Regular and personal service
corporations’ profits are taxed twice at the corporate level and again when they reported on the
shareholders’ individual tax returns as income. Also, S corporations cannot deduct fringe
benefits as business expenses given to employee-shareholders who own more than 2 percent of
the business.
2.High federal taxes can affect the size and strength of the small business population in several
ways. They can reduce the number of business births by discouraging those who might otherwise
form new businesses. Second, they can slow down the rate at which small businesses are able to
grow by making it more difficult for them to finance a rapid expansion. And third, they can
weaken the desire and the ability of small concerns to survive as independent enterprises by
making the gains from a sale or merger look more attractive than the income to be derived from
continued operation. It can be argued from the experience of individual firms that high taxes
have done all three of these things, but there are no data that indicate the extent of the impact in
any of these directions.
Nevertheless, there is some evidence that the high taxes which have been imposed on most
businesses during and since the last war have hurt many of the smaller concerns more severely
than they have the larger ones. Unless it has been expected to have spectacular growth, the small
dynamic business has been handicapped by its inability to retain and reinvest its own earnings.
At the same time, high personal income taxes have dried up many of the sources from which
small concerns used to draw their outside equity funds. While the appreciationminded investors
are still willing to finance ventures where growth prospects are extraordinarily bright, they
appear to be less interested in situations where only moderate rates of growth can be promised.
In the second place, high taxes appear to have given considerable impetus to the postwar merger
movement which has swallowed up so many small growing concerns. In the face of very high
income and estate taxes, the owners of these concerns have found in mergers with larger
corporations opportunities both to increase the liquidity of their estates and to realize inthe form
of capital gains income which had been reinvested in the business over the years. In addition to
being handicapped by high taxes, small growing concerns, and especially those which are
relatively young enterprises, have probably not benefited as much as their larger competitors
from certain wartime and postwar revisions in the tax structure, which were designed to help
business generally. It appears that many such firms have been unable to take advantage of the
favorable tax treatment accorded approved pension plans, of the right to accelerate depreciation
charges on new assets, or of the right to expense certain research and development outlays.
Finally, there would appear to be some merit in the complaint that the increasing complexity of
the federal tax laws, and of the regulations of the Internal Revenue Service are in themselves an
added tax burden which the smaller concerns feel more severely than do the larger ones. The
1958 revisions in the Revenue Code should help in a small way to soften the impact of high taxes
on the growth of small firms. By giving investors the tax benefits of ordinary losses when their
investments in small business turn out badly, the risks they assume in making such investments
will be somewhat reduced, and their willingness to invest accordingly increased. The granting of
an initial twenty per cent depreciation allowance will enable profitable small businesses to
recover more rapidly their outlays on new assets, and so make it possible for them to finance a
somewhat larger part of their equity capital needs from internal sources. Extending the loss
carryback period and permitting the spreading of estate tax payments should ease the liquidity
problems of loss corporations and of estates in which a small business accounts for the bulk of
the decedents assets. But none of these changes in the law has significantly lifted the present-day
tax burdens of small business. These cannot be lightened until we are in a position to make a
general reduction in tax rates.
3.
This is an old saw from a school of thought called “supply-side” economics. The supply-side
economists, or “supply-siders,” were group of conservative economists influential with the
Reagan administration. The term “supply-side” comes from their rejection of Keynesian
economics’ emphasis on total demand to explain the total level of output (or GDP). The main
issues, they argued, were on the supply side of the economy, especially the supply of labor and
money capital (saving).
The supply-siders claimed that high marginal tax rates were a big disincentive for people to
work, save, and invest. If tax rates were lower, and people got to keep more of their incomes
from work or investments, this would create incentives to work more and to save and invest
more. As a result, the supply-siders argued, the economy would grow faster. The government,
they claimed, could get more tax revenue by taking a smaller slice (lower tax rate) from a larger
pie (higher GDP).
The idea that lower tax rates could translate into higher total tax revenue is described by the
“Laffer curve.” Legend has it that supply-side economist Arthur Laffer sketched the curve on a
cocktail napkin at a Washington restaurant in 1974, showing it to then-Ford administration
officials Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney. At a tax rate of 0%, total tax revenue would, of
course, be $0. At a tax rate of 100%, Laffer argued, it would also be $0, since the tax would kill
all incentive for people to engage in the taxed activity. Therefore, he concluded, tax revenues
would not keep rising with increasing tax rates. At some point, increasing tax rates would reduce
total tax revenue—and diminishing tax rates would increase it.

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1.Amount of Retained EarningsThe IRS permits both types of corpo.pdf

  • 1. 1. Amount of Retained Earnings The IRS permits both types of corporations to retain some profits for business purposes. At the end of the year, corporations that need money to upgrade facilities and purchase equipment can retain earnings from being distributed to their shareholders. Regular corporations can retain up to $250,000 in earnings, while personal service corporations can only keep up to $150,000. Corporate Tax Rates One of the benefits of operating a corporation is the favorable tax treatment from the IRS. A corporation is the only business structure in the United States with its own tax rates. Corporations benefit from tax rates as low as 15 percent. However, personal service corporations don’t get to take advantage of these low tax rates. In fact, most personal service corporations are charged a flat tax rate of 35 percent on all profits, as of publication. S Corporations The subchapter S corporation is a smaller version of a regular corporation. It can only have up to 100 shareholders and one class of stock. The model used to tax S corporation profits is the pass- through method. Under this taxation model, S corporations do not pay income taxes at the company level. Instead, profits are passed through to its shareholders and taxed as income on their individual tax returns. Other Differences Because profits flow directly to shareholders, the pass-through taxation method isn’t structured for S corporations to retain earnings like personal services corporations. However, this method prevents S corporations’ profits from being double taxed. Regular and personal service corporations’ profits are taxed twice at the corporate level and again when they reported on the shareholders’ individual tax returns as income. Also, S corporations cannot deduct fringe benefits as business expenses given to employee-shareholders who own more than 2 percent of the business. 2.High federal taxes can affect the size and strength of the small business population in several ways. They can reduce the number of business births by discouraging those who might otherwise form new businesses. Second, they can slow down the rate at which small businesses are able to grow by making it more difficult for them to finance a rapid expansion. And third, they can weaken the desire and the ability of small concerns to survive as independent enterprises by making the gains from a sale or merger look more attractive than the income to be derived from continued operation. It can be argued from the experience of individual firms that high taxes have done all three of these things, but there are no data that indicate the extent of the impact in any of these directions.
  • 2. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that the high taxes which have been imposed on most businesses during and since the last war have hurt many of the smaller concerns more severely than they have the larger ones. Unless it has been expected to have spectacular growth, the small dynamic business has been handicapped by its inability to retain and reinvest its own earnings. At the same time, high personal income taxes have dried up many of the sources from which small concerns used to draw their outside equity funds. While the appreciationminded investors are still willing to finance ventures where growth prospects are extraordinarily bright, they appear to be less interested in situations where only moderate rates of growth can be promised. In the second place, high taxes appear to have given considerable impetus to the postwar merger movement which has swallowed up so many small growing concerns. In the face of very high income and estate taxes, the owners of these concerns have found in mergers with larger corporations opportunities both to increase the liquidity of their estates and to realize inthe form of capital gains income which had been reinvested in the business over the years. In addition to being handicapped by high taxes, small growing concerns, and especially those which are relatively young enterprises, have probably not benefited as much as their larger competitors from certain wartime and postwar revisions in the tax structure, which were designed to help business generally. It appears that many such firms have been unable to take advantage of the favorable tax treatment accorded approved pension plans, of the right to accelerate depreciation charges on new assets, or of the right to expense certain research and development outlays. Finally, there would appear to be some merit in the complaint that the increasing complexity of the federal tax laws, and of the regulations of the Internal Revenue Service are in themselves an added tax burden which the smaller concerns feel more severely than do the larger ones. The 1958 revisions in the Revenue Code should help in a small way to soften the impact of high taxes on the growth of small firms. By giving investors the tax benefits of ordinary losses when their investments in small business turn out badly, the risks they assume in making such investments will be somewhat reduced, and their willingness to invest accordingly increased. The granting of an initial twenty per cent depreciation allowance will enable profitable small businesses to recover more rapidly their outlays on new assets, and so make it possible for them to finance a somewhat larger part of their equity capital needs from internal sources. Extending the loss carryback period and permitting the spreading of estate tax payments should ease the liquidity problems of loss corporations and of estates in which a small business accounts for the bulk of the decedents assets. But none of these changes in the law has significantly lifted the present-day tax burdens of small business. These cannot be lightened until we are in a position to make a general reduction in tax rates. 3. This is an old saw from a school of thought called “supply-side” economics. The supply-side
  • 3. economists, or “supply-siders,” were group of conservative economists influential with the Reagan administration. The term “supply-side” comes from their rejection of Keynesian economics’ emphasis on total demand to explain the total level of output (or GDP). The main issues, they argued, were on the supply side of the economy, especially the supply of labor and money capital (saving). The supply-siders claimed that high marginal tax rates were a big disincentive for people to work, save, and invest. If tax rates were lower, and people got to keep more of their incomes from work or investments, this would create incentives to work more and to save and invest more. As a result, the supply-siders argued, the economy would grow faster. The government, they claimed, could get more tax revenue by taking a smaller slice (lower tax rate) from a larger pie (higher GDP). The idea that lower tax rates could translate into higher total tax revenue is described by the “Laffer curve.” Legend has it that supply-side economist Arthur Laffer sketched the curve on a cocktail napkin at a Washington restaurant in 1974, showing it to then-Ford administration officials Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney. At a tax rate of 0%, total tax revenue would, of course, be $0. At a tax rate of 100%, Laffer argued, it would also be $0, since the tax would kill all incentive for people to engage in the taxed activity. Therefore, he concluded, tax revenues would not keep rising with increasing tax rates. At some point, increasing tax rates would reduce total tax revenue—and diminishing tax rates would increase it. Solution 1. Amount of Retained Earnings The IRS permits both types of corporations to retain some profits for business purposes. At the end of the year, corporations that need money to upgrade facilities and purchase equipment can retain earnings from being distributed to their shareholders. Regular corporations can retain up to $250,000 in earnings, while personal service corporations can only keep up to $150,000. Corporate Tax Rates One of the benefits of operating a corporation is the favorable tax treatment from the IRS. A corporation is the only business structure in the United States with its own tax rates. Corporations benefit from tax rates as low as 15 percent. However, personal service corporations don’t get to take advantage of these low tax rates. In fact, most personal service corporations are charged a flat tax rate of 35 percent on all profits, as of publication. S Corporations The subchapter S corporation is a smaller version of a regular corporation. It can only have up to
  • 4. 100 shareholders and one class of stock. The model used to tax S corporation profits is the pass- through method. Under this taxation model, S corporations do not pay income taxes at the company level. Instead, profits are passed through to its shareholders and taxed as income on their individual tax returns. Other Differences Because profits flow directly to shareholders, the pass-through taxation method isn’t structured for S corporations to retain earnings like personal services corporations. However, this method prevents S corporations’ profits from being double taxed. Regular and personal service corporations’ profits are taxed twice at the corporate level and again when they reported on the shareholders’ individual tax returns as income. Also, S corporations cannot deduct fringe benefits as business expenses given to employee-shareholders who own more than 2 percent of the business. 2.High federal taxes can affect the size and strength of the small business population in several ways. They can reduce the number of business births by discouraging those who might otherwise form new businesses. Second, they can slow down the rate at which small businesses are able to grow by making it more difficult for them to finance a rapid expansion. And third, they can weaken the desire and the ability of small concerns to survive as independent enterprises by making the gains from a sale or merger look more attractive than the income to be derived from continued operation. It can be argued from the experience of individual firms that high taxes have done all three of these things, but there are no data that indicate the extent of the impact in any of these directions. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that the high taxes which have been imposed on most businesses during and since the last war have hurt many of the smaller concerns more severely than they have the larger ones. Unless it has been expected to have spectacular growth, the small dynamic business has been handicapped by its inability to retain and reinvest its own earnings. At the same time, high personal income taxes have dried up many of the sources from which small concerns used to draw their outside equity funds. While the appreciationminded investors are still willing to finance ventures where growth prospects are extraordinarily bright, they appear to be less interested in situations where only moderate rates of growth can be promised. In the second place, high taxes appear to have given considerable impetus to the postwar merger movement which has swallowed up so many small growing concerns. In the face of very high income and estate taxes, the owners of these concerns have found in mergers with larger corporations opportunities both to increase the liquidity of their estates and to realize inthe form of capital gains income which had been reinvested in the business over the years. In addition to being handicapped by high taxes, small growing concerns, and especially those which are relatively young enterprises, have probably not benefited as much as their larger competitors
  • 5. from certain wartime and postwar revisions in the tax structure, which were designed to help business generally. It appears that many such firms have been unable to take advantage of the favorable tax treatment accorded approved pension plans, of the right to accelerate depreciation charges on new assets, or of the right to expense certain research and development outlays. Finally, there would appear to be some merit in the complaint that the increasing complexity of the federal tax laws, and of the regulations of the Internal Revenue Service are in themselves an added tax burden which the smaller concerns feel more severely than do the larger ones. The 1958 revisions in the Revenue Code should help in a small way to soften the impact of high taxes on the growth of small firms. By giving investors the tax benefits of ordinary losses when their investments in small business turn out badly, the risks they assume in making such investments will be somewhat reduced, and their willingness to invest accordingly increased. The granting of an initial twenty per cent depreciation allowance will enable profitable small businesses to recover more rapidly their outlays on new assets, and so make it possible for them to finance a somewhat larger part of their equity capital needs from internal sources. Extending the loss carryback period and permitting the spreading of estate tax payments should ease the liquidity problems of loss corporations and of estates in which a small business accounts for the bulk of the decedents assets. But none of these changes in the law has significantly lifted the present-day tax burdens of small business. These cannot be lightened until we are in a position to make a general reduction in tax rates. 3. This is an old saw from a school of thought called “supply-side” economics. The supply-side economists, or “supply-siders,” were group of conservative economists influential with the Reagan administration. The term “supply-side” comes from their rejection of Keynesian economics’ emphasis on total demand to explain the total level of output (or GDP). The main issues, they argued, were on the supply side of the economy, especially the supply of labor and money capital (saving). The supply-siders claimed that high marginal tax rates were a big disincentive for people to work, save, and invest. If tax rates were lower, and people got to keep more of their incomes from work or investments, this would create incentives to work more and to save and invest more. As a result, the supply-siders argued, the economy would grow faster. The government, they claimed, could get more tax revenue by taking a smaller slice (lower tax rate) from a larger pie (higher GDP). The idea that lower tax rates could translate into higher total tax revenue is described by the “Laffer curve.” Legend has it that supply-side economist Arthur Laffer sketched the curve on a cocktail napkin at a Washington restaurant in 1974, showing it to then-Ford administration officials Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney. At a tax rate of 0%, total tax revenue would, of
  • 6. course, be $0. At a tax rate of 100%, Laffer argued, it would also be $0, since the tax would kill all incentive for people to engage in the taxed activity. Therefore, he concluded, tax revenues would not keep rising with increasing tax rates. At some point, increasing tax rates would reduce total tax revenue—and diminishing tax rates would increase it.