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STAT6402
Practice with Descriptive Statistics
Reading about descriptive statistics is one thing.
Practice using Microsoft Excel to compute a variety of
descriptive statistics for the data set provided below. Assume
that you want to describe your office coworkers in terms of
gender, height, and weight. The following is the data you
collected:
Gender
Height (rounded to the nearest inch)
Weight (rounded to the nearest pound)
M
53
156
F
46
131
M
54
123
M
44
142
F
56
156
F
76
171
F
87
143
F
65
135
F
45
138
F
44
114
M
57
154
F
68
166
M
65
153
M
66
140
F
54
143
F
66
156
M
51
173
M
58
143
M
49
161
F
48
131
For each variable, using Microsoft Excel, compute the mean, the
median, and the mode (if appropriate).
For each variable, using Microsoft Excel, compute the range
and standard deviation (if appropriate).
Using Microsoft Excel, create a visual display for each variable
(bar graph or histogram) as appropriate.
Attach a document with your combined Microsoft Excel printout
results and graphs.
Describing office coworkers in terms of gender, height, and
weight. The following is the data you collected:
Lab in Psychopathology Paper
Woodworth, M. & Porter, S. (2002). In cold Blood:
Characteristics of Criminal homicides As a Function of
Psychopathy. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 111, 436-445.
Brief Summary
· The sample consisted of prisoners who were convicted for
murder.
· The researchers sought to examine if there were differences in
homicide pattern (specifically, type of violence) between
prisoners who were diagnosed as psychopathic and prisoners not
diagnosed as psychopathic.
· They focused on two types of violence: instrumental and
reactive.
· Instrumental violence occurs when the injury of an individual
is secondary to the acquisition of some external goal (or is the
goal in itself).
· Reactive violence encompasses impulsive, immediate, and
emotion-driven acts in response to a perceived threat, danger or
insult.
· Based on intake data from prison documentation, prisoners
were categorized as psychopathic or non-psychopathic using the
Psychopathic Checklist – Revised (Hare, 1991).
· Murders were categorized as instrumental or reactive using
coding criteria derived from the literature on violence.
· The gender of the murder victim was also recorded.
Assignment
You are asked to write a report of the study based on the data
you are given.
Your research questions are:
1) Is there a significant relationship between psychopathy and
murder type?
2) Is there a significant relationship between psychopathy and
murder victim gender?
You should write it as if you are on the team of researchers who
ran the study. You are writing it to communicate your findings
– as if you would be submitting it to a journal for publication.
As such, you must format it in APA style.
You can work in groups to analyze the data, and you can write
the methods and results section as a group, but the introduction
and discussion sections should be written individually. The
introduction should be at least two pages long and the
discussion should be at least three pages long. The introduction
should review enough literature to set up your research
questions and hypotheses. The discussion should adequately
discuss possible explanations for the findings, as well as
implications. You should include as many references as
necessary (they can be references included in the original
paper). The whole paper should be at least seven pages long
(not including the title page, abstract, tables, and references).
When you read the original paper, try not to get bogged down
by all the extraneous information. You should not be re-writing
the same paper as the original. Obviously, there will be some
similarities (in the methods section in particular), but you
should tailor the paper to the data you were given, which is very
limited.
Hypotheses
The original study appears to be exploratory in that the authors
do not state clear hypotheses about the relationships between
variables. This is common in early stages of research in a new
area. For the purpose of this assignment however, you should
state clear hypotheses (you can state them in either direction).
SPSS Info:
Variable Name
Label
Values
Subid
Subject ID
None
Psychopathy
Psychopathy
0 = Nonpsychopath, 1 = Psychopath
Murtype
Murder Type
1 = Reactive, 2 = Instrumental
Vicgen
Victim Gender
1 = Male, 2 = Female
Data Analysis
Since you only have categorical data, you will have to use a chi-
square analysis. Your independent variable is psychopathy, and
your dependent variables are murder type and victim gender.
1. Analyze ( Descriptive Statistics ( Crosstabs
2. Put ‘Psychopathy’ in Columns and ‘Murder Type’ and
‘Victim Gender’ in Rows
3. Cells ( check ‘Columns’ under Percentages ( Continue
4. Statistics ( check Chi-square ( Continue
5. Ok
A chi-square analysis evaluates both the expected proportions
and the actual proportions of your variables and determines
whether the differences between the two are significant or not.
If the presence of psychopathy has no impact whatsoever on
murder type or victim gender, we would expect the distributions
to be proportionate for each group. In other words, if there is no
relationship between psychopathy and murder type, we should
see the same proportions of instrumental and reactive murders
in each subject subgroup. In turn, if there is no relationship
between psychopathy and victim gender, we should see the same
proportions of male and female victims in each subject
subgroup. Conversely, if there is a significant relationship, we
should see a different pattern of proportions.
Start by entering your data and running your analyses. Save
your data output in a word document (File( Export( select Word
format and a location to save your file( click Export) and
download it on a USB key to take with you (unfortunately, the
computers in the classroom are not connected to the internet). If
you do not have a USB key with you today, save your Word
document in your file folder on the desktop and bring a USB
key to download it next class. Next class will be a ‘group-work
day’, meaning you can work in your groups on the collaborative
parts of the paper (methods and results). Please download and
read the original paper before next class (you can find it on our
Classes website or through PsychInfo).
References
Please be sure to include at least 10 references. Five of them
must be from within the last five years. The more material you
read and master, the easier it will be to write the paper.
PAGE
2
In Cold Blood: Characteristics of Criminal Homicides
as a Function of Psychopathy
Michael Woodworth and Stephen Porter
Dalhousie University
This study investigated the relationship between psychopathy
and the characteristics of criminal homi-
cides committed by a sample of 125 Canadian offenders. It was
hypothesized that the homicides
committed by psychopathic offenders would be more likely to
be primarily instrumental (i.e., associated
with premeditation, motivated by an external goal, and not
preceded by a potent affective reaction) or
“cold-blooded” in nature, whereas homicides committed by
nonpsychopaths often would be “crimes of
passion” associated with a high level of impulsivity/reactivity
and emotionality. The results confirmed
these predictions; homicides committed by psychopathic
offenders were significantly more instrumental
than homicides by nonpsychopaths. Nearly all (93.3%) of the
homicides by psychopaths were primarily
instrumental in nature compared with 48.4% of the homicides
by nonpsychopaths.
In terms of its impact on the victim, the victim’s family and
friends, and the financial resources devoted to its investigation,
homicide is the most severe form of antisocial behavior. Despite
its
extreme negative consequences, homicide is also one of the
least
studied and most poorly understood forms of antisocial conduct.
An obvious reason for the lack of research on the psychology of
homicide is that it is uncommon compared with other forms of
antisocial and violent behavior. However, it remains a
significant
problem within all cultures and nations (e.g., Daly & Wilson,
1988). Homicide is a heterogeneous phenomenon, associated
with
different contexts, motivations, and types of perpetrators. For
example, some homicides are highly calculated, instrumental
acts,
whereas others are characterized by an apparent lack of
premedi-
tation, occurring in the context of an emotion-laden dispute or
in
response to a situational provocation. Research leading to a
more
thorough understanding of the factors associated with different
forms of homicidal violence could have both basic and applied
implications. As an example of the latter, if specific
psychological
characteristics in offenders were found to be associated with
characteristics of the crime itself, it could allow investigators to
reduce the large field of suspects in many homicide cases (e.g.,
Woodworth & Porter, 1999).
The present research focuses on one psychological construct
that is highly relevant to the criminal justice system (see Hart &
Hare, 1997). Psychopathy is a personality disorder characterized
by a profound affective deficit accompanied by a lack of respect
for the rights of others and societal rules (e.g., Cleckley, 1976;
Hare, 1996, 1998; Porter, 1996). The current state-of-the-art
diag-
nostic tool (see Fulero, 1995) in the assessment and
identification
of psychopathy is the Psychopathy Checklist—Revised (PCL–R;
Hare, 1991). As operationalized by the PCL–R, psychopaths are
manipulative, callous, remorseless, impulsive, irresponsible
indi-
viduals who often engage in diverse antisocial behaviors. With
a
prevalence of 15%–25% in the federal offender population, psy-
chopathy is an important risk factor for recidivism and, more
specifically, for violence (e.g., Grann, Langstroem, Tengstroem,
&
Kullgren, 1999; Hemphill, Hare, & Wong, 1998; Kosson, Smith,
& Newman, 1990; Lyon, Hart, & Webster, 2001; Salekin,
Rogers,
& Sewell, 1997). For example, Serin and Amos (1995) found
that
psychopaths were about five times more likely than nonpsycho-
paths to engage in violent recidivism within 5 years of release.
Porter, Birt, and Boer (2001) investigated the complete criminal
career and community release profiles of 317 federal offenders.
They found that psychopathic offenders consistently committed
more violent and nonviolent crimes than their nonpsychopathic
counterparts from late adolescence to their late 40s (also see
Harpur & Hare, 1994). Important from a risk management per-
spective, although the release performance of nonpsychopaths
improved with age, it got worse for psychopaths as they got
older.
Psychopathy also is associated with more severe forms of sexual
violence (e.g., Brown & Forth, 1997; Hare, Cooke, & Hart,
1999;
Kosson, Kelly, & White, 1997; Serin, Mailloux, & Malcolm,
2001) and targeting multiple victim types (Porter, Campbell,
Woodworth, & Birt, in press; Porter et al., 2000).
Overall, therefore, the dominant clinical conception of a psy-
chopath is a dangerous person who preys on others across the
life
span (e.g., Hare 1998; Simourd & Hodge, 2000). Given this
observation, a relationship between psychopathy and some
forms
Michael Woodworth and Stephen Porter, Department of
Psychology,
Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada.
This research was graciously supported by an operating grant to
Stephen
Porter from the Social Science and Humanities Research
Council of
Canada (SSHRC) and a grant to Michael Woodworth from the
American
Psychology–Law Society (AP-LS). This study was conducted as
part of
Michael Woodworth’s graduate thesis under the supervision of
Stephen
Porter.
We express appreciation to the Correctional Service of Canada
for
allowing and helping us to collect the data for this study. In
particular, we
thank Doug Boer, Jeff Drugge, and Jeff Earle very much for
their invalu-
able assistance. Thanks to Jeff Hancock, Mary Ann Campbell,
and Angela
Birt for comments on an earlier draft of this article. Thanks also
go to
Peyton Harris, Mary Ann Campbell, Naomi Doucette, Kris
Peace, and Matt
Lafond for their assistance in coding the data.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Stephen
Porter, Department of Psychology, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, Nova
Scotia B3H 4J1, Canada. E-mail: [email protected]
Journal of Abnormal Psychology Copyright 2002 by the
American Psychological Association, Inc.
2002, Vol. 111, No. 3, 436–445 0021-843X/02/$5.00 DOI:
10.1037//0021-843X.111.3.436
436
Sylviane Houssais
of homicide seems likely. For example, based on their
pathological
personality traits, and in light of previous research on
psychopathic
aggression in general (e.g., Cornell et al., 1996; Serin, 1991), it
is
plausible that psychopaths engage in more instrumental, goal-
driven (e.g., to obtain money or drugs) homicidal violence
relative
to nonpsychopathic offenders who may engage in predominantly
reactive, spontaneous violence (e.g., in the context of a heated
argument). No research to date has examined this issue.
Although there are various conceptions of violent behavior,
many authors have noted that violence may be best understood
by
considering the external goals of the perpetrator. Bandura
(1983)
viewed aggression primarily as an instrumental and goal-driven
behavior contingent on external rewards and reinforcement. He
suggested that most aggression is committed with the “pull” of
various resources or gains in mind. In general, instrumental or
“proactive” violence occurs when the injury of an individual is
secondary to the acquisition of some other external goal. For
example, this form of aggression typifies the activities of orga-
nized crime groups who often commit strategic and planned vio-
lence as a means to achieve an otherwise nonviolent goal, such
as
money or drugs (e.g., Amir, 1995). Other researchers have
argued
that emotional or “internal” factors play an important role in
violent behavior. In Berkowitz’s (1983) conception, aggression
can be conceived as a hostile and angry reaction to a perceived
threat or dangerous situation. Accordingly, the primary goal of
aggression is to defend oneself from a perceived threat or to
react
against a perceived environmental frustration. Such reactive ag-
gression encompasses impulsive, immediate, and emotion-
driven
acts in response to a perceived threat, danger, or insult.
More recently, some have observed that this dichotomy, al-
though theoretically important, may oversimplify a highly com-
plex behavior with multiple motivations and manifestations.
That
is, it has been argued that violence may contain elements of
both
instrumentality and emotionality/reactivity (e.g., Bushman &
Anderson, 2001; Cornell et al., 1996; Poulin & Boivin, 2000) in
both children (e.g., Crick & Dodge, 1996; Dodge, 1991; Poulin
&
Boivin, 2000; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997) and adults (e.g., Block &
Block, 1992). Block and Block (1992) observed that the
“expressive–instrumental extremes are ‘ideal types’ that seldom
occur in pure form” (p. 65). Further, Kingsbury, Lambert, and
Hendrickse (1997) noted that often there is an overlap between
the
two major types of violence. In fact, Bushman and Anderson
(2001) argued that the instrumental/reactive dichotomy is of
ques-
tionable validity in categorizing all acts of aggression by incor-
rectly assuming that all acts of reactive and/or hostile
aggression
are “automatic” whereas all acts of instrumental aggression are
“controlled.” Nonetheless, according to a number of researchers
(e.g., Eaves, Douglas, Webster, Ogloff, & Hart, 2000), a
determi-
nation of whether violence is primarily instrumental or reactive
may be one of the most relevant criteria in assessing risk for
future
violence and for treatment prognosis in criminal offenders (also
see Heilbrun et al., 1998).
The main purpose of the present study was to examine possible
differences between homicidal violence committed by psycho-
pathic and nonpsychopathic offenders and to focus primarily on
the instrumental and reactive elements of the crime. According
to
Cleckley’s (1976) classic conception, the behavior of the
psycho-
pathic individual often is motivated by a clear external goal
rather
than the powerful emotions of rage or despair associated with
crimes of passion and that many psychopaths, in fact, displayed
a
profound deficit in emotional reactivity. Given their propensity
toward violence in general (e.g., Hart & Hare, 1997), the use of
instrumental or proactive violence would not be unexpected
from
the criminal psychopath. The general lack of empathy or
remorse
and the presence of shallow emotions (e.g. Hare, 1991, 1998)
could be manifested in the context of their crimes and, more
specifically, their homicides. On the other hand, psychopathy
often
is associated with impulsivity and poor behavioral controls (and
problems with temper control), suggesting that violence by psy-
chopaths might be highly reactive and inordinate to a particular
situational provocation. A small number of studies have investi-
gated this issue (Cornell et al., 1996; Hart & Dempster, 1997).
Williamson, Hare, and Wong (1987) examined the nature of the
violent offenses in a group of 101 Canadian offenders. They
found
that psychopathic offenders frequently were motivated by
material
gain or revenge (45.2% compared with 14.6% of the nonpsycho-
paths) and did not appear to have been in a state of heightened
emotional arousal at the time of the violent act. In contrast,
nonpsychopathic offenders appeared to have experienced more
emotional arousal during their crimes: 31.7% of the nonpsycho-
paths exhibited strong emotional arousal—such as jealousy,
rage,
or a heated argument during their offense—compared with 2.4%
of the psychopaths.
In more recent work, Cornell et al. (1996) examined the rela-
tionship between psychopathy and violence in 106 male
offenders
from a medium-security state prison. The authors
operationalized
instrumental violence as violence that was goal-driven and re-
quired planning without an antecedent of provocation. Reactive
aggression was defined by an absence of planning or goals and,
instead, involved a dispute or interpersonal conflict with the
vic-
tim. They found that, across their criminal histories,
psychopaths
(as classified using the PCL–R) were more likely to have com-
mitted instrumental violence than nonpsychopaths (who were
more likely to have committed reactive violence). Instrumental
violence was most commonly associated with a self-reported
lack
of arousal or anger during the commission of the offense.
Further,
the victim of instrumental violence was typically a stranger,
whereas reactive violence often was associated with high emo-
tional arousal and a close relationship with the victim. There
also
is some evidence for a link between psychopathy and
instrumental/
proactive aggression in nonincarcerated samples. For example,
Chase, O’Leary, and Heyman (2001) found a relationship
between
psychopathy and the use of instrumental violence by male
spousal
assaulters. In their sample of 60 abusive married men, no
individ-
uals who were classified as being reactively aggressive were
psychopathic, compared with 17% of the men who were
classified
as instrumentally aggressive.
There is disagreement about the extent to which the
instrumental–reactive distinction is useful in conceptualizing
the
violence committed by psychopathic and nonpsychopathic indi-
viduals. Dempster et al. (1996) investigated the institutional
files
of 75 adult male violent offenders participating in an inpatient
treatment program. Although psychopaths were found to have
committed more instrumental violence, they also had displayed
impulsive behavior in the context of their offenses. Based on
these
findings, Hart and Dempster (1997) concluded that even if psy-
chopathic individuals commit more instrumental crimes, they
may
be “impulsively instrumental.” It is possible, then, that psycho-
437PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE
Sylviane Houssais
paths could engage in homicides that, although goal-directed,
are
highly impulsive and involve little planning (having elements of
both instrumentality and reactivity). Thus, in addition to
homicides
that appear to be exclusively instrumental or reactive, some pri-
marily instrumental homicides may contain a reactive
component,
and some primarily reactive homicides may contain an
instrumen-
tal component. Conceptually, this complex or diverse violent
be-
havior seems plausible because the current construct of
psychop-
athy encompasses both affective/interpersonal traits, known as
Factor 1 characteristics on the PCL–R (e.g., glibness and
superfi-
cial charm, pathological lying, lack of remorse, and shallow
affect)
as well as Factor 2 characteristics associated with a chronically
antisocial and unstable lifestyle (e.g., a need for stimulation,
im-
pulsivity, lack of realistic goals, and promiscuity). There is
some
evidence that instrumental aggression is related to the Factor 1
features of psychopathy, whereas reactive aggression is more
associated with the Factor 2 characteristics (e.g., Patrick &
Zem-
polich, 1998). The present study addressed these issues and was
the first to specifically examine the relationship between
psychop-
athy and homicidal violence.
Method
Sample
The sample was composed of incarcerated homicide offenders
(in the
year 2000) from two Canadian federal institutions, one in
British Columbia
on the west coast and one in Nova Scotia on the east coast. The
inclusion
of offenders from two prisons allowed a large sample size and
could
increase the generalizability of the findings. Mountain
Institution is a
medium-security prison located in British Columbia that houses
approxi-
mately 400 inmates at any given time. A review of file
information
indicated that a total of 92 offenders had committed at least one
homicide,
and extensive efforts were made to obtain adequate information
on these
homicides to include them in our sample. There was detailed
file informa-
tion on the homicide in 74 cases, which were included. The
second prison
(Springhill Institution) is a medium-security prison located in
Nova Scotia
also housing approximately 400 inmates. At the time of data
collection,
there were 54 homicide offenders in this institution. Of these,
detailed file
information regarding the homicide was available in 51 cases.
Thus, in
total, there was detailed information on 125 homicide offenders.
Materials
PCL–R (Hare, 1991). The PCL–R has been widely adopted in
the
assessment of psychopathy in forensic populations.
Psychopathy, as mea-
sured by the PCL–R, is characterized by 20 criteria, scored as 0,
1, or 2,
allowing a maximum score of 40. As recommended in the
manual, a score
of !30 was the cut-off used for classifying psychopathy (Hare,
1991). The
PCL–R score is highly reliable over time and has demonstrated
validity
according to a number of indices of validity (e.g., Fulero, 1995;
Stone,
1995). Although there has been some debate over whether
psychopathy
represents a discrete or a continuous variable (e.g., Harris, Rice,
& Quin-
sey, 1994), recent research suggests that psychopathy may
represent a
distinct clinical entity or taxon (see Hart & Hare, 1997).
Nonetheless, we
used both a dichotomous and a continuous score approach to
examine
psychopathy and homicide.
In the Canadian correctional system, risk assessments for the
purposes of
conditional release and treatment programs normally include an
evaluation
of psychopathy by a psychologist who has been well trained in
the
administration of the PCL–R. PCL–R assessments are typically
conducted
as part of the intake assessment and for conditional release
decisions and
are based on a structured interview as well as a thorough review
of all
collateral and historical information. A file search yielded all
available
PCL–R scores and corresponding Factor 1 and Factor 2 scores
as reported
in the official risk assessments. (It is now a requirement of the
Canadian
correctional system that a risk assessment [including a PCL–R]
be con-
ducted on all violent offenders.) However, due to the recentness
of this
policy, 29 offenders from the Springhill sample still required a
PCL–R
rating. Although PCL–R assessments are often based on a
review of file
information and an interview with the offender, research (e.g.,
Grann,
Langstroem, Tengstroem, & Stalenheim, 1998; Wong, 1988) has
consis-
tently shown that assessments based solely on the offender’s
file informa-
tion are highly similar to ratings including an interview (see
Hare, 1991)
and are appropriate in the absence of an interview (provided
that there is
sufficient file information to code the PCL–R; files on Canadian
federal
offenders are generally extensive, detailed, and multifaceted).
For the
current study, a graduate student in psychology and a senior
undergraduate
student who had been trained in administering the PCL–R
reviewed all
available official file information and scored the 29 other PCL–
Rs. These
raters were kept blind to the purpose and hypotheses of the
study to prevent
any bias in their scoring of the PCL–R.
File documentation concerning the homicide. The crime
information
was coded directly from the official Criminal Profile Reports
(CPR) and
the Psychological Assessment Reports (PAR) included in the
institutional
files. These two documents are considered to be the most
important and
informative files within each offender’s case file for describing
in detail the
offender’s violent crimes. The CPR is written by a case
management
officer and is based on the official police report (submitted to
the prose-
cutor to allow charges to be laid) and court information (e.g.,
submissions
by the prosecutor). The report is an objective description of the
actual
crime as a result of a thorough investigation and court
testimony. Within
the CPR, an official, detailed description (typically 1–2 pages
in length) is
provided for each serious offense. The PAR is a detailed
assessment of the
offender’s psychological status and description of violent
crimes, written
by a psychologist. The extensiveness of the documents
contained within
each inmate’s institutional file clearly was sufficient for
completing both
the homicide coding and the additional 29 PCL–Rs.
Procedure
PCL–R reliability. Interrater reliability of the PCL–R
assessments for
the entire sample was examined in two ways. First, 21 offenders
(16.8%)
were randomly selected for dual coding. In these cases, with the
exception
of the PAR documenting the original PCL–R score, all file
information
available on each offender was made available to the blind
coder. This
check ensured that the original PCL–R scores were accurate, as
expected
given that the original raters were all highly trained
psychologists. For a
second reliability check, a set of 33 cases was randomly
selected for dual
coding. However, for these cases, all details pertaining to the
current
homicide offense were completely removed prior to coding.
Although this
practice for assessing reliability has rarely been adopted in
psychopathy
studies, we felt that it was an important measure. The rationale
for this
second test of reliability was that coding in the absence of the
homicide
description would circumvent the possibility of “circularity” or
contami-
nation in scoring the PCL–R. In other words, just as it was
necessary for
homicide coding to be done without knowledge of whether the
offender
was psychopathic (see below), we felt that it was important to
demonstrate
that PCL–R scores were not unduly influenced by knowledge of
the details
of the homicide.
Homicide coding scheme. The characteristics of the 125
homicides
were coded on the basis of pertinent information in the
offenders’ files. To
avoid possible rating bias, the coder was kept unaware of the
PCL–R score
(removed prior to coding). Overall, 13 of the 125 (10.4%)
offenders had
committed more than one homicide; 11 offenders had committed
two
homicides, and 2 offenders had committed three homicides.
However, due
to a general lack of file information concerning “historical”
homicides,
438 WOODWORTH AND PORTER
Sylviane Houssais
some of which were from decades earlier, only the most recent
homicide
was coded.
To examine in detailed (rather than dichotomous) fashion
whether the
degree of instrumentality and reactivity associated with
homicide was
associated with level of psychopathy, each homicide was rated
on a
Likert-type scale with possible ratings ranging from 1 to 4.
Based on
Cornell et al.’s (1996) coding criteria for instrumental and
reactive aggres-
sion, as well as an extensive literature review, this was
conceptualized as
a continuum as follows:
1. Purely reactive: In order for a homicide to be rated as purely
reactive,
there had to be strong evidence for a high level of
spontaneity/impulsivity
and a lack of planning surrounding the commission of the
offense. Reactive
violence was coded if there was evidence for spontaneity or
impulsivity, a
rapid and powerful affective reaction prior to the act, and no
apparent
external goal other than to harm the victim immediately
following a
provocation/conflict. A clear example of a purely reactive
homicide is if an
unknown victim verbally insulted the perpetrator, who in a rage
immedi-
ately started a fight and proceeded to stab the victim to death
with a
weapon of “convenience” (e.g., a broken bottle in a bar).
2. Reactive/instrumental: To qualify for this rating, the
homicide had to
show evidence for both reactive and instrumental violence.
However, the
primary quality of the violence leading to death had to be
reactivity. For
example, using the example above, the reactive/instrumental
description
would apply if after or during the unplanned fight (and eventual
murder),
the perpetrator elected to rob the victim as well. Thus, the
evidence would
suggest that the homicide was unplanned/reactive but that there
was also a
secondary instrumental, opportunistic component.
3. Instrumental/reactive: To qualify for this rating, the homicide
had to
show evidence for both instrumental and reactive violence.
However, the
primary quality of the violence leading to death had to be
instrumental. For
example, an instrumental/reactive homicide would be coded if
the offender
started to commit a bank robbery but in the process proceeded
to murder
a bank teller after becoming agitated when the teller picked up a
phone. In
this case, a crime occurred for an obvious external gain, and the
homicide
was part of this instrumental act. However, the homicide
occurred as a
reaction to unplanned events within the context of the crime.
4. Purely instrumental: For a homicide to be rated as purely
instrumen-
tal, the offense had to have been clearly goal-oriented in nature
with no
evidence of an immediate emotional or situational provocation.
The ho-
micide had to have been committed for a clearly identifiable
purpose other
than “hot-blooded” spontaneous anger or a response to an
immediate
frustration. Therefore, a purely instrumental homicide was
coded if there
was strong evidence that the homicide had been intentional,
premeditated
(nonimpulsive), motivated by a clear external goal such as
drugs, money,
to obtain sex or revenge, and not immediately following a
potent affective
reaction. For example, an offender may have carefully planned,
carried out,
and concealed a homicide in order to steal from the victim. We
also
examined this issue categorically to test whether the
psychopaths and
nonpsychopaths had engaged in primarily reactive (rating of 1
or 2) or
instrumental violence (rating of 3 or 4).
Instrumental violence was then classified further according to
the fol-
lowing categories: primary instrumental violence and secondary
instru-
mental violence. Instrumental violence was identified as
primary when its
main purpose was to inflict harm on an individual (e.g.,
revenge) and not
to serve some other purpose such as material gain (e.g., drugs,
money). In
contrast, instrumental violence was considered secondary when
the main
purpose was not to inflict pain on the victim but to achieve a
clear goal
(e.g., drugs, money), and violence was committed only as a
means by
which to achieve these goals. Indeed, it should be noted that
although we
relied heavily on Cornell et al. ‘s (1996) original coding
scheme, after an
extensive literature review we decided to include planned
revenge/
retribution as a potential type of instrumental aggression. This
was meant
to reflect the growing concern of researchers that instrumental
violence,
although planned and nonimpulsive, sometimes is committed
primarily for
the purpose of inflicting pain and harm on another person and
that “hostile”
aggression also should sometimes be viewed as instrumental
(e.g., Bush-
man & Anderson, 2001; Indermaur, 1996; Tedeschi & Felson,
1994).
Therefore, if there was a “cooling off” period, or a discernible
gap in time
between the provocation/frustration and the homicide,
revenge/retribution
was coded as an instrumental motive. Further, the various
motivations that
the offenders may have had for committing an instrumental
homicide were
investigated. Specifically, the possibility that the instrumental
violence had
been committed (a) for monetary gain, (b) drugs/alcohol, and/or
(c) re-
venge/retribution, (d) to obtain nonconsensual sex, or (e) for an
idiosyn-
cratic reason was recorded. A homicide was not coded if the
motive or
rationale for committing the homicide could not be determined
or if it was
not possible to ascertain whether the homicide had been
spontaneous or
planned.
As was conveyed in our main coding description above, the
degree of
instrumentality or reactivity associated with a homicide mainly
considered
(a) instrumental gain, (b) impulsivity, and (c) level of
antecedent affective
arousal. We assumed that these dimensions would generally be
closely
interrelated in considering homicidal violence. For example, we
predicted
that a clear instrumental gain would generally be associated
with low
impulsivity and low affective arousal. However, it was
important to ex-
plore empirically how these three main components co-occurred
and how
each related to both the instrumentality ratings and the PCL–R
scores.
Therefore, these three dimensions were coded for the entire
sample of the
homicides (and dual coded for a reliability check in 19 [15.2%]
cases) to
allow a careful delineation of their interrelationships and
relationships with
instrumental violence and psychopathy. Trained raters coded for
the pres-
ence or absence of an instrumental gain (evidence or no
evidence), impul-
sivity (not, somewhat, or highly impulsive; Hare, 1991), and
affect arousal
(low, moderate, or high amount of emotional arousal).
(Interested readers
may contact the authors for more detailed information on how
the three
dimensions were coded.)
Results
Preliminary Analyses
PCL–R scores and interrater reliability. For the entire sample,
the mean PCL–R total score was 22.27 (SD " 8.81; range "
1–37). Using the diagnostic cut-off score of !30, offenders were
classified either as psychopaths or nonpsychopaths. Ninety-one
(72.8%) offenders scored below the cut-off and were classified
as
nonpsychopaths, whereas 34 (27.2%) offenders scored within
the
psychopathic range.
A preliminary interrater reliability check was conducted on the
PCL–R scores, using 21 (16.8%) randomly selected case files
for
dual coding. Intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC) were
exam-
ined to determine the level of inter-rater reliability for
continuous
scores. Interrater reliability was high/acceptable for PCL–R
total,
Factor 1, and Factor 2 scores (ICCs " .92, .81, and .95, respec-
tively; ps # .001). Further, there was no mean difference
between
the two sets of scores (M " 24.95, SD " 7.91, and M " 25.81,
SD " 6.91, for Rater 1 and Rater 2, respectively), t(40) " .37, p !
.05. Similarly, computing Cohen’s kappa revealed an acceptable
level of agreement between Raters 1 and 2 for classifying the
offenders as psychopaths or nonpsychopaths, kappa " .79, p #
.001 (common guidelines for acceptable kappa scores are #.40 "
poor; .40–.59 " fair; .60–.74 " good; and !.75 " excellent; e.g.,
Cicchetti & Sparrow, 1981; Fleiss, 1981).
To examine the potential problem of circularity or criterion
contamination, a second interrater reliability check was
conducted
on an additional 33 (26.4%) randomly selected files in which
the
439PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE
Sylviane Houssais
raters were kept blind to the description of the offenders’
current
homicide offense (the description of the offense was removed in
advance of coding). Similar to the initial reliability check,
inter-
rater reliability was high/acceptable for PCL–R Total, Factor 1,
and Factor 2 (.97, .95, and .94, respectively; ps # .001). This
analysis established that the PCL–R ratings were valid and
argues
against the possibility of circularity in the ratings.
Interrater reliability for homicide coding. An interrater reli-
ability check was conducted on the variables coded pertaining
to
the characteristics of the homicides. A second well-trained rater
who followed the same coding guidelines as the first rater coded
the homicide variables (the second rater had been trained over a
2-day period and was kept blind to the PCL–R data for each
offender). The reliability check (using 21 randomly selected
files)
indicated that the coded scores were highly reliable.
Specifically,
reliability was high/acceptable for type of homicide, K(21) "
.81,
p # .001, and specific type of instrumental violence, K(21) "
.87,
p # .001.1 An interrater reliability check also was conducted on
the three dimensions of the homicide offenses, using 19
randomly
selected case files. ICCs were used to determine the level of
interrater reliability for these scores. Inter-rater reliability was
high/acceptable for gain, impulsivity, and affect (ICCs " .90,
.95,
and .88, respectively; ps # .001).
Descriptive Statistics
Age. The offenders’ mean age at the time of data collection
was 41.8 years (SD " 10.5; range " 18–67 years). The mean age
at the time they committed the current homicide was 30.0 years
(SD " 9.5; range " 14–55 years). The age at which the offender
committed the current homicide did not differ significantly be-
tween psychopaths and nonpsychopaths ( p ! .05).
Characteristics of the victims. The victims’ mean age at time
of death (based on a subset of 68 victims for whom the specific
age
at time of death was listed in the file information) was 31.6
years
(SD " 9.5; range " 3–92). The general age group of the victim
was reported in 100 cases. Eight victims were children (0–12
years
old; 8%), 15 were teenagers (15%), 69 were adults (20–64 years
old; 69%), and 8 were seniors (65 years and older; 8%). In
addition, in 8 cases (6.4%) the offender had more than one
victim
during his current homicide offense.
Relationship Between Psychopathy and Homicide Offense
Instrumental/reactive differences as a function of psychopathy.
Overall, 45 (36%) homicides were purely instrumental, 25
(20%)
were instrumental/reactive, 29 (23.2%) were reactive/instrumen-
tal, 16 (12.8%) were purely reactive, and 10 (8%) could not be
coded. Possible differences in the violence committed by the
psychopathic and nonpsychopathic groups were examined.2 Re-
sults indicated that there was a significant difference between
the
two groups, t(113) " 3.73, p # .001, "2 " .11.3 Specifically,
homicides perpetrated by psychopaths were associated with a
higher degree of instrumentality (M " 3.47, SD " .82) than
homicides committed by nonpsychopaths (M " 2.65, SD " 1.10).
There also was a significant correlation between the continuous
PCL–R total scores (0–40) and the instrumental ratings. Higher
scores on the PCL–R were associated with higher levels of
instru-
mental violence, r(115) " .45, p # .001.4 Psychopaths and non-
psychopaths were then compared on whether their violence was
primarily reactive (rating of 1–2) or primarily instrumental
(rating
of 3–4). Results indicated that, overall, 70 (60.9%) of the
offend-
ers had committed a primarily instrumental homicide, whereas
45
(39.1%) offenders had committed a primarily reactive homicide.
Again, a significant relationship between type of homicide and
psychopathy was found. Specifically, psychopathic offenders
were
far more likely, #2(1, N " 115) " 17.96, p # .001, to have used
primarily instrumental violence (93.3%), compared with
nonpsy-
chopathic offenders who were more likely to have committed
primarily reactive rather than instrumental violence (51.6%;
(see
Figure 1). It is interesting that nonpsychopathic offenders
(48.4%)
also were clearly capable of committing primarily instrumental
homicides but to a much lesser extent than psychopaths.
An analysis of the three separate dimensions (affect, instrumen-
tal gain, and impulsivity) revealed that although these
dimensions
were partially interrelated, they each contributed in a
meaningful
way to the instrumental/reactive coding scheme. As expected,
gain
ratings were significantly negatively correlated with impulsivity
ratings, r(109) " $.62, p # .001, and negatively (nonsignifi-
cantly) correlated with ratings of affective arousal, r(48) " $.26,
p " .078, whereas affect and impulsivity were positively corre-
lated, r(50) " .59, p # .001. Further, as expected, gain ratings
were significantly positively related to the instrumental/reactive
ratings, r(112) " .63, p # .001, whereas affect, r(50) " $.54, p #
.001, and impulsivity, r(112) " $.84, p # .001, were significantly
negatively related.
A hierarchical regression analysis was conducted with affect,
gain and impulsivity entered sequentially as potential predictors
of
the instrumental/reactive ratings. The model was significant,
adjR
2 " .70, F(3, 44) " 37.36, p # .001. Specifically, when affect
was entered into the model, it significantly predicted
instrumental/
reactive ratings, chR
2 " .27, F(1, 46) " 16.87, p # .001. Next, the
gain dimension was entered and was also found to add signifi-
1 Although kappa is most commonly used when comparing the
reliabil-
ity of dichotomous variables, its suitability for a multileveled
categorical
variable has also been shown to be appropriate (Carletta, 1995;
Howell,
1992).
2 As mentioned in the introduction, from our theoretical
framework we
conceptualized the ratings as representing a continuum. We also
analyzed
the instrumental/reactive data categorically using a
nonparametric ap-
proach and obtained the same pattern of results.
3 When the 29 PCL–Rs that had been completed by the
researchers (on
the basis of file information only) were excluded from this
analysis, the
effect size was almost identical ( p # .001, "2 " .12), indicating
the same
pattern of results as obtained with the full sample.
4 Previous literature has suggested that individuals who score
above 20
on the PCL–R also display many of the characteristics of
psychopathy,
although they are not formally labeled as psychopathic.
Therefore, the
sample also was broken down into three PCL–R categories of
low (0–20;
n " 39), medium (20–30; n " 46), and high (30–40; n " 30)
psychopathy.
Similar significant results were again obtained, F(2, 112) "
16.32, p #
.001. Specifically, the high-psychopathy group (M " 3.47/4)
committed
60% instrumental, 33.3% instrumental/reactive, 0%
reactive/instrumental,
and 6.7% reactive homicides. The medium-psychopathy group
(M "
3.04/4) committed 43.5% instrumental, 23.9%
instrumental/reactive, 26.1%
reactive/instrumental, and 6.5 % reactive homicides. The low-
psychopathy
group (M " 2.18/4) committed 17.9% instrumental, 10.3%
instrumental/
reactive, 43.6% reactive/instrumental, and 28.2% reactive
homicides.
440 WOODWORTH AND PORTER
Sylviane Houssais
cantly to the prediction model, chR
2 " .31, F(1, 45) " 33.38, p #
.001. Finally, when the impulsivity dimension was included in
the
model, it also significantly added to the prediction model, chR
2 "
.14, F(1, 44) " 21.56, p # .001. However, with all three variables
entered concurrently into the model, only the impulsivity
dimen-
sion uniquely predicted instrumental/reactive ratings, $ " $.65,
t(44) " $4.64, p # .001, whereas affect, $ " $.10, t(44) " $.93,
p " .36, and gain ratings, $ " .181, t(44) " 1.52, p " .14, did not
predict scores independently.
It also was important to examine how the three dimensions of
the homicide offense were related to the offender’s overall
PCL–R
score. Results indicated that although the presence of external
gain
was significantly positively related total PCL–R score, r(112) "
.28, p # .01, the presence of impulsivity was significantly nega-
tively related to total PCL–R score, r(112) " $.26, p # .01.
Affective arousal was negatively related to total PCL–R score,
but
the correlation was nonsignificant, r(52) " $.17, p " .23.
To examine the relative contributions of Factor 1 (F1; interper-
sonal/affective traits) and Factor 2 (F2; antisocial behavior) in
predicting the degree of instrumentality within the homicides, a
regression model consisting of F1 and F2 scores (entered simul-
taneously into the model) was conducted. The regression
equation
was significant, adjR
2 " .20, F(2, 112) " 15.65, p # .001.
Although the partial correlation for F1 scores was significant,
r(115) " .37, p # .001, the partial correlation for F2 scores was
not, r(115) " .09, p ! .05, suggesting that F1 but not F2 scores
played a role in predicting the level of instrumentality in the
crime.
These results were confirmed by a calculation of the zero-order
correlations between PCL–R total score, Factor 1, Factor 2, and
the
type of homicide (see Table 1).
Figure 1. Primary nature of homicides as a function of
psychopathy.
Table 1
Zero-Order and Partial Correlations Between Factor 1, Factor 2,
PCL–R Total,
and Homicide Type
Type of correlation Factor 1 Factor 2 PCL–R total Homicide
type
Zero-order correlation
Factor 1 — .53* .85* .46*
Factor 2 — .87* .31*
PCL–R total — .45*
Homicide type —
Partial correlation, with Factor 1 removed
Factor 2 — .09
PCL–R total — .13
Partial correlation, with Factor 2 removed
Factor 1 — .37*
PCL–R total — .39*
Note. PCL–R " Psychopathy Checklist—Revised.
* p # .001.
441PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE
Sylviane Houssais
Psychopathy and victim gender. In 41.6% of the homicides,
the victim was male and in 54.4% cases the victim was female.
The relationship between psychopathy and victim gender was
significant, #2(2, N " 115) " 6.94, p # .05. When victim gender
was known, offenders in the nonpsychopathic group committed
homicides against males (48.4%) and females (47.3%) in
approx-
imately equal numbers, whereas offenders in the psychopathic
group committed homicides more commonly against females
(73.5%) than males (23.5%).
Specific type of instrumental violence. Possible motives be-
hind the type of instrumental violence used were examined. In
16
cases, this variable was not coded because the homicides were
purely reactive with no instrumental component. Ten additional
cases were not coded either because of a lack of information.
Therefore, the sample size for this analysis was 99. Results
indi-
cated that 30 homicides (30.3%) were committed for revenge or
retribution, 24 (22%) for monetary gain, 21 (19.3%) to obtain
nonconsensual sex, 11 (11.1%) occurred in a conflict over a
female, 7 (6.4%) were for other reasons, and 3 (2.8%) were to
obtain drugs or alcohol. No significant relation was found
between
psychopathy and the specific type of instrumental violence
committed.
General type of instrumental violence. The final issue exam-
ined was whether instrumental homicides showed primary
instru-
mental violence or secondary instrumental violence. Purely
reac-
tive homicides or those that could not be coded because of
insufficient information were excluded from the analysis. In
addi-
tion, 8 cases were excluded because it was unclear whether
instru-
mental violence should be coded as secondary, primary, or a
combination. Therefore, the sample size for this analysis was
97.
Results indicated that secondary instrumental violence had been
committed in 26 (26.8%) of the homicides, whereas primary
instrumental violence was perpetrated in 65 (67.0%) of the
cases,
and 6 homicides (6.2%) showed a combination of both types of
instrumental violence. Thus, more than twice as many offenders
committed primary instrumental violence compared with
second-
ary instrumental violence. However, no significant relation was
found between psychopathy and the general type of instrumental
violence committed, #2(2, N " 91) " .49, p ! .05.
Discussion
Much research has established a strong connection between
psychopathy and criminal behavior, including violence (see Hart
&
Hare, 1997). Psychopaths seem to have few inhibitions to
prevent
callous interactions with others across the life span (e.g., Hare
1996, 1998; Harpur & Hare, 1994; Porter, Birt, & Boer, 2001;
Simourd & Hodge, 2000). However, the current study was the
first
to examine the relationship between psychopathy and the most
serious form of crime—homicide. We predicted that
psychopaths
would show a higher level of instrumentality in their homicides
than nonpsychopaths, who would be more likely to have
commit-
ted reactive crimes of passion. On the other hand, it is also
possible
that given their expected pattern of impulsivity, psychopathic
offenders might have perpetrated spontaneous and reactive mur-
ders (e.g., Hare, 1998).
The results clearly supported the hypothesis that psychopaths
are more likely to engage in instrumental or cold-blooded homi-
cides compared with nonpsychopathic individuals. In fact,
almost
all of the psychopaths had committed a primarily instrumental
murder.5 Our data suggested that nonpsychopathic offenders
were
certainly capable of committing instrumental offenses, but they
did
not show the same clear preference for or tendency toward
instru-
mental violence witnessed in the psychopathic offenders. There
are
a number of possible reasons for this finding. First,
psychopathic
offenders characteristically show a marked lack of empathy
toward
others (e.g., Levenston, Patrick, Bradley, & Lang, 2000), and
this
appears to extend to their crime victims. Recent research by
Herpertz et al. (2001) indicated that psychopaths display a pro-
found level of hypoemotionality that could effectively disallow
an
inhibition against acting in a violent manner if it served a
selfish
function. Here, psychopaths appeared to be capable of premedi-
tating and carrying out ruthless, cold-blooded homicides that
many
nonpsychopathic (although potentially violent) individuals
would
be considerably less likely to consider perpetrating (also see
Ab-
bott, 2001). For example, one psychopathic offender (scoring at
the 87th percentile on the PCL–R relative to other inmates) ad-
mitted to police that he had decided to murder an ex-girlfriend
because he felt that she was interfering with his new
relationship,
and he simply decided that murdering her would help resolve
this
issue. Another inmate carefully planned and murdered his wife
because he stood to gain financially from her insurance policy.
It
is likely that few people without the affective deficit associated
with psychopathy would seriously consider such acts, and even
fewer would actually plan and carry them out. It is of note that
previous studies have found that an inability to experience or
anticipate the remorse (characteristic of psychopathy) that is
often
a consequence of aggressive behavior may lead to an increase in
instrumental aggression (e.g., Guerra, Nucci, & Huesmann,
1994;
Kingsbury et al., 1997).
It was interesting that the overall level of instrumental violence
characterizing these homicides was substantially higher than ex-
pected on the basis of previous contentions. However, although
there seems to have been a long-standing and widely held belief
that most homicides are reactive, emotional, or even irrational,
there were actually few empirical data to speak to the issue
prior
to the current study. In fact, the current study was one of the
first
to look specifically at the offense of homicide in terms of rich,
well-defined instrumental/reactive criteria. In our view, past
con-
ceptions of homicide greatly underestimated the relevance of
fore-
thought and instrumentality in understanding the phenomenon.
The majority of murderers in this study did not “snap” and kill
another person (although some did) as many might have
expected.
In our view, more research is needed (perhaps by interviewing
the
offenders themselves) to increase our understanding of why so
many homicide offenders “chose” to engage in this type of
violence.
Among the most important findings was that nearly all of the
psychopaths had perpetrated primarily instrumental homicidal
vi-
5 Note that the data reported here do not allow a determination
of
whether psychopaths are more likely than nonpsychopaths to
commit an
instrumental homicide (or less likely to commit a reactive
homicide)
because the prevalence of psychopathy in the general population
is not
clear (despite a published estimate of 1%; e.g., Hare, 1996).
Nonetheless,
among those who have committed a murder, nonpsychopaths are
far more
likely to have committed a reactive murder.
442 WOODWORTH AND PORTER
Sylviane Houssais
olence and that so few had committed highly impulsive
homicidal
violence. It has been long understood that individuals with psy-
chopathic qualities will sometimes engage in highly
spontaneous,
impulsive behavior in criminal and noncriminal contexts (e.g.,
Ellis, 1987; Hare, 1996). As noted by Newman and Schmitt
(1998), “[P]sychopathic individuals are notorious for their
failure
to inhibit or modify behaviors that culminate in negative conse-
quences” (p. 527). Given this connection with impulsivity and
lack
of behavioral controls, why were the homicide offenders in the
current study unlikely to have engaged in primarily impulsive,
reactive violence? We think that this pattern could possibly
reflect
selective impulsivity; that is, psychopaths may behave in a more
instrumental manner (or, rather, may behave in a less reactive
and
impulsive manner) specifically for the offense of homicide. It is
possible that when committing an act with such extreme
negative
consequences as with homicide perpetration (e.g., lifetime
incar-
ceration), psychopaths may plan their actions in a calculating
fashion because the stakes are high. Although it may seem
some-
what paradoxical that psychopaths would still elect to murder
someone after a more rational appraisal of the potentially
serious
costs of perpetrating the act, this process might be influenced
by an
undersensitive behavioral inhibition system (BIS). Some
research-
ers have suggested that the BIS is weaker in psychopaths who
are
seemingly unable to properly inhibit their behavior even when
presented with serious punishment cues (e.g., Fowles, 1980).
Psychopathic offenders also might be more likely than other
offenders to resist an impulse to kill someone when caught in an
emotion-driven dispute or less likely to experience such
powerful
emotions in the first place. Thus, the impulsive behavior often
seen
in psychopaths outside of the context of homicide may not be
simply uncontrollable or reflect an inability to consider the con-
sequences but rather may be a function of not caring to control
or
inhibit the behavior. In fact, our results indicated that of the
three
dimensions of instrumentality we considered, impulsivity
contrib-
uted most to the variance of the instrumental/reactive scores and
was, surprisingly, negatively related to the overall PCL–R score
in
these homicide offenders. It is clear that this issue must be
inves-
tigated in future research before solid conclusions can be
formulated.
The results indicate that the PCL–R factor scores were differ-
entially related to the instrumentality of the homicides. Specifi-
cally, Factor 1 scores accounted for much of the variance
associ-
ated with the instrumentality of the homicides, whereas Factor 2
scores did not significantly contribute to this dimension. These
findings appear to be consistent with Dempster et al.’s (1996)
study of 75 adult male violent offenders attending an inpatient
treatment program for violent offenders. They found that Factor
1
was significantly related to ratings of planning and
instrumentality,
whereas Factor 2 actually had a negative relationship with ele-
ments of planning during the offense (see also Cunningham &
Reidy, 1998; Patrick & Zempolich, 1998).
This study had many strengths in addition to being the first to
examine the relationship between psychopathy and homicide.
Our
results supported the contention of researchers such as Bushman
and Anderson (2001) that many acts of aggression cannot be
categorized as strictly instrumental or reactive but, rather,
contain
elements of both. Further, we had access to a large sample to
study
a poorly understood and highly consequential form of abnormal
behavior, devised a highly reliable and rich coding scheme for
characterizing instrumentality and its basic elements, and
ensured
that no circularity problem was present.
Future studies could explore consistencies (or inconsistencies)
between the offender’s primary motivation (instrumental or
reac-
tive) for previous homicides and other violent acts and his or
her
motivation for the current homicide. Research examining
whether
these results would generalize across a range of criminal
offenses
would be useful in testing the validity of our selective
impulsivity
hypothesis (e.g., examining whether psychopaths who had com-
mitted instrumental homicide also had committed reactive, non-
homicidal violence). It is also possible that research examining
particular groups or subcultures could obtain different results.
For
example, research on homicides committed by inner-city gangs,
organized criminals, or terrorists could yield different results
re-
garding both the type of homicides committed and the perpetra-
tors’ motivations.
In conclusion, we carefully investigated the psychological as-
pects of homicide—a type of violent behavior that often seems
incomprehensible to both the public and mental health
profession-
als—and found that the construct of psychopathy contributes
much
to our understanding of the phenomenon. Psychopaths engage in
far more instrumental or cold-blooded homicides than other of-
fenders. Given the wealth of information now available on the
behavioral and personality patterns seen in psychopaths across
the
life span (e.g., Porter, Birt, & Boer, 2001), the homicide
investi-
gator could potentially reduce the field of suspects in difficult
investigations. In terms of treatment planning in the prison
setting,
it seems clear that a consideration of psychopathy and the type
of
violence committed is necessary (e.g., anger management would
not seem to be an optimal approach for the psychopathic mur-
derer). Future research should attempt to differentiate
nonpsycho-
pathic offenders (nearly half in this study) who commit
primarily
instrumental homicides from those who commit primarily
reactive
homicides. Further, in light of these results, classic conceptions
of
impulsivity in psychopaths may need to be reconsidered. As we
have argued, it may be that “impulsivity” in psychopaths has
less
to do with a lack of control than with conscious decision
making
that depends on a rapid consideration of the gravity of the
consequences.
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Carletta, J. (1995). Assessing agreement on classification tasks:
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Crick, N. R., & Dodge, K. A. (1996). Social information-
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444 WOODWORTH AND PORTER
Sylviane Houssais
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multimethod
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investigations. Expert
Evidence, 7, 241–264.
Received May 7, 2001
Revision received October 24, 2001
Accepted December 18, 2001 !
Call for Nominations
The Publications and Communications (P&C) Board has opened
nominations for the
editorships of Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of
Books, Developmental Psychol-
ogy, and Psychological Review for the years 2005–2010. Robert
J. Sternberg, PhD, James L.
Dannemiller, PhD, and Walter Mischel, PhD, respectively, are
the incumbent editors.
Candidates should be members of APA and should be available
to start receiving
manuscripts in early 2004 to prepare for issues published in
2005. Please note that the P&C
Board encourages participation by members of underrepresented
groups in the publication
process and would particularly welcome such nominees. Self-
nominations are also encour-
aged.
Search chairs have been appointed as follows:
• Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books: Susan H.
McDaniel, PhD,
and Mike Pressley, PhD
• Developmental Psychology: Joseph J. Campos, PhD
• Psychological Review: Mark I. Appelbaum, PhD
To nominate candidates, prepare a statement of one page or less
in support of each
candidate. Address all nominations to the appropriate search
committee at the following
address:
Karen Sellman, P&C Board Search Liaison
Room 2004
American Psychological Association
750 First Street, NE
Washington, DC 20002-4242
The first review of nominations will begin November 15, 2002.
The deadline for accept-
ing nominations is November 25, 2002.
445PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE
Sylviane Houssais
9/24/13
1
Paper 1 Guidelines
Lab in Psychopathology
Most Important Things to
Remember
- Do not copy formatting from original article
- Purdue Online Writing Lab
9/24/13
2
APA - General Formatting
-spaced
-point font
date” (see syllabus)
APA – Essential Elements
Method
9/24/13
3
Title Page
- Short but informative
- Include most important variables
- Two or three word ‘summary title’
- Appears as header on all pages of paper
- Words “Running Head” appear on title page only
Abstract
including research questions, variables,
hypotheses, results.
is once you have finished writing
the paper itself.
9/24/13
4
Introduction
guidance)
- E.g., psychopathy, instrumental violence, etc.
relevant gaps in literature
research context and explain operationalization of
variables
ypotheses
Method
- Participants (Who are they? How many? Where
from? Gender? Age?)
- Materials (PCL-R, Prison documentation)
- Procedure (What was involved in diagnosis of
psychopathy? How were the crimes coded?)
9/24/13
5
Results
not?
-square:
χ2 (1, N = 77) = 12.9, p < .0005
e Table 1)
section (they go on separate pages at the end
of the paper)
Discussion
not, why?
literature? Include references
your results?
kind of data you had)
sed on these limitations, what future research
directions could be taken?
9/24/13
6
References
introduction and discussion
- General rule: if you make a claim, you must back it
up with a reference
Can be taken from the original article or through
search on PsychInfo
Tables
-square analysis
9/24/13
7
Tables
depression and attitudes toward exercise
9/24/13
8
Start with a regular table in Word and use menu functions to
format, e.g.,
• Center vertically and horizontally
• Cell merging
• Row height adjustment
• Gridlines (Table Borders)
To center cell content
OR
- Click Table Properties
- Click Cell
- Click Center under ‘Vertical Alignment’
- Click Paragraph
- Click Centered in ‘Alignment’ menu
9/24/13
9
To merge cells
containing ‘Depression Status’ and the cell next to it).
ll merge” icon (see next slide)
OR
- Click Cell merge
9/24/13
10
- the cell that contains “Attitude Toward Exercise”
and the one below
- the cell that contains the chi-square symbol and the
one below
9/24/13
11
To adjust the height of rows
- Click Table Properties
- Click Row
- Click Specify Height
- Play with height until the rows are equal
ee next slide to see table after having adjusted first
two rows
9/24/13
12
Delete vertical gridlines and any
unneeded horizontal gridlines
gridlines
- There are different ways of doing this. One way is to select
all cells and clear all gridlines; then re-select cells that
require gridlines and add them one-by-one. (See next few
slides).
9/24/13
13
Adjust borders according to APA rules
Italicize according to APA rules
9/24/13
14
Final formatted table

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Describing Office Coworkers in Excel

  • 1. STAT6402 Practice with Descriptive Statistics Reading about descriptive statistics is one thing. Practice using Microsoft Excel to compute a variety of descriptive statistics for the data set provided below. Assume that you want to describe your office coworkers in terms of gender, height, and weight. The following is the data you collected: Gender Height (rounded to the nearest inch) Weight (rounded to the nearest pound) M 53 156 F 46 131 M 54 123 M 44 142 F 56 156 F 76 171 F 87 143 F 65
  • 3. 131 For each variable, using Microsoft Excel, compute the mean, the median, and the mode (if appropriate). For each variable, using Microsoft Excel, compute the range and standard deviation (if appropriate). Using Microsoft Excel, create a visual display for each variable (bar graph or histogram) as appropriate. Attach a document with your combined Microsoft Excel printout results and graphs. Describing office coworkers in terms of gender, height, and weight. The following is the data you collected: Lab in Psychopathology Paper Woodworth, M. & Porter, S. (2002). In cold Blood: Characteristics of Criminal homicides As a Function of Psychopathy. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 111, 436-445. Brief Summary · The sample consisted of prisoners who were convicted for murder. · The researchers sought to examine if there were differences in homicide pattern (specifically, type of violence) between prisoners who were diagnosed as psychopathic and prisoners not diagnosed as psychopathic. · They focused on two types of violence: instrumental and reactive. · Instrumental violence occurs when the injury of an individual
  • 4. is secondary to the acquisition of some external goal (or is the goal in itself). · Reactive violence encompasses impulsive, immediate, and emotion-driven acts in response to a perceived threat, danger or insult. · Based on intake data from prison documentation, prisoners were categorized as psychopathic or non-psychopathic using the Psychopathic Checklist – Revised (Hare, 1991). · Murders were categorized as instrumental or reactive using coding criteria derived from the literature on violence. · The gender of the murder victim was also recorded. Assignment You are asked to write a report of the study based on the data you are given. Your research questions are: 1) Is there a significant relationship between psychopathy and murder type? 2) Is there a significant relationship between psychopathy and murder victim gender? You should write it as if you are on the team of researchers who ran the study. You are writing it to communicate your findings – as if you would be submitting it to a journal for publication. As such, you must format it in APA style. You can work in groups to analyze the data, and you can write the methods and results section as a group, but the introduction
  • 5. and discussion sections should be written individually. The introduction should be at least two pages long and the discussion should be at least three pages long. The introduction should review enough literature to set up your research questions and hypotheses. The discussion should adequately discuss possible explanations for the findings, as well as implications. You should include as many references as necessary (they can be references included in the original paper). The whole paper should be at least seven pages long (not including the title page, abstract, tables, and references). When you read the original paper, try not to get bogged down by all the extraneous information. You should not be re-writing the same paper as the original. Obviously, there will be some similarities (in the methods section in particular), but you should tailor the paper to the data you were given, which is very limited. Hypotheses The original study appears to be exploratory in that the authors do not state clear hypotheses about the relationships between variables. This is common in early stages of research in a new area. For the purpose of this assignment however, you should state clear hypotheses (you can state them in either direction). SPSS Info: Variable Name Label Values Subid
  • 6. Subject ID None Psychopathy Psychopathy 0 = Nonpsychopath, 1 = Psychopath Murtype Murder Type 1 = Reactive, 2 = Instrumental Vicgen Victim Gender 1 = Male, 2 = Female Data Analysis Since you only have categorical data, you will have to use a chi- square analysis. Your independent variable is psychopathy, and your dependent variables are murder type and victim gender. 1. Analyze ( Descriptive Statistics ( Crosstabs 2. Put ‘Psychopathy’ in Columns and ‘Murder Type’ and ‘Victim Gender’ in Rows
  • 7. 3. Cells ( check ‘Columns’ under Percentages ( Continue 4. Statistics ( check Chi-square ( Continue 5. Ok A chi-square analysis evaluates both the expected proportions and the actual proportions of your variables and determines whether the differences between the two are significant or not. If the presence of psychopathy has no impact whatsoever on murder type or victim gender, we would expect the distributions to be proportionate for each group. In other words, if there is no relationship between psychopathy and murder type, we should see the same proportions of instrumental and reactive murders in each subject subgroup. In turn, if there is no relationship between psychopathy and victim gender, we should see the same proportions of male and female victims in each subject subgroup. Conversely, if there is a significant relationship, we should see a different pattern of proportions. Start by entering your data and running your analyses. Save your data output in a word document (File( Export( select Word format and a location to save your file( click Export) and download it on a USB key to take with you (unfortunately, the computers in the classroom are not connected to the internet). If you do not have a USB key with you today, save your Word document in your file folder on the desktop and bring a USB key to download it next class. Next class will be a ‘group-work day’, meaning you can work in your groups on the collaborative parts of the paper (methods and results). Please download and read the original paper before next class (you can find it on our Classes website or through PsychInfo). References Please be sure to include at least 10 references. Five of them must be from within the last five years. The more material you
  • 8. read and master, the easier it will be to write the paper. PAGE 2 In Cold Blood: Characteristics of Criminal Homicides as a Function of Psychopathy Michael Woodworth and Stephen Porter Dalhousie University This study investigated the relationship between psychopathy and the characteristics of criminal homi- cides committed by a sample of 125 Canadian offenders. It was hypothesized that the homicides committed by psychopathic offenders would be more likely to be primarily instrumental (i.e., associated with premeditation, motivated by an external goal, and not preceded by a potent affective reaction) or “cold-blooded” in nature, whereas homicides committed by nonpsychopaths often would be “crimes of passion” associated with a high level of impulsivity/reactivity and emotionality. The results confirmed these predictions; homicides committed by psychopathic offenders were significantly more instrumental than homicides by nonpsychopaths. Nearly all (93.3%) of the homicides by psychopaths were primarily instrumental in nature compared with 48.4% of the homicides by nonpsychopaths. In terms of its impact on the victim, the victim’s family and friends, and the financial resources devoted to its investigation, homicide is the most severe form of antisocial behavior. Despite
  • 9. its extreme negative consequences, homicide is also one of the least studied and most poorly understood forms of antisocial conduct. An obvious reason for the lack of research on the psychology of homicide is that it is uncommon compared with other forms of antisocial and violent behavior. However, it remains a significant problem within all cultures and nations (e.g., Daly & Wilson, 1988). Homicide is a heterogeneous phenomenon, associated with different contexts, motivations, and types of perpetrators. For example, some homicides are highly calculated, instrumental acts, whereas others are characterized by an apparent lack of premedi- tation, occurring in the context of an emotion-laden dispute or in response to a situational provocation. Research leading to a more thorough understanding of the factors associated with different forms of homicidal violence could have both basic and applied implications. As an example of the latter, if specific psychological characteristics in offenders were found to be associated with characteristics of the crime itself, it could allow investigators to reduce the large field of suspects in many homicide cases (e.g., Woodworth & Porter, 1999). The present research focuses on one psychological construct that is highly relevant to the criminal justice system (see Hart & Hare, 1997). Psychopathy is a personality disorder characterized by a profound affective deficit accompanied by a lack of respect for the rights of others and societal rules (e.g., Cleckley, 1976; Hare, 1996, 1998; Porter, 1996). The current state-of-the-art
  • 10. diag- nostic tool (see Fulero, 1995) in the assessment and identification of psychopathy is the Psychopathy Checklist—Revised (PCL–R; Hare, 1991). As operationalized by the PCL–R, psychopaths are manipulative, callous, remorseless, impulsive, irresponsible indi- viduals who often engage in diverse antisocial behaviors. With a prevalence of 15%–25% in the federal offender population, psy- chopathy is an important risk factor for recidivism and, more specifically, for violence (e.g., Grann, Langstroem, Tengstroem, & Kullgren, 1999; Hemphill, Hare, & Wong, 1998; Kosson, Smith, & Newman, 1990; Lyon, Hart, & Webster, 2001; Salekin, Rogers, & Sewell, 1997). For example, Serin and Amos (1995) found that psychopaths were about five times more likely than nonpsycho- paths to engage in violent recidivism within 5 years of release. Porter, Birt, and Boer (2001) investigated the complete criminal career and community release profiles of 317 federal offenders. They found that psychopathic offenders consistently committed more violent and nonviolent crimes than their nonpsychopathic counterparts from late adolescence to their late 40s (also see Harpur & Hare, 1994). Important from a risk management per- spective, although the release performance of nonpsychopaths improved with age, it got worse for psychopaths as they got older. Psychopathy also is associated with more severe forms of sexual violence (e.g., Brown & Forth, 1997; Hare, Cooke, & Hart, 1999; Kosson, Kelly, & White, 1997; Serin, Mailloux, & Malcolm, 2001) and targeting multiple victim types (Porter, Campbell, Woodworth, & Birt, in press; Porter et al., 2000). Overall, therefore, the dominant clinical conception of a psy-
  • 11. chopath is a dangerous person who preys on others across the life span (e.g., Hare 1998; Simourd & Hodge, 2000). Given this observation, a relationship between psychopathy and some forms Michael Woodworth and Stephen Porter, Department of Psychology, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. This research was graciously supported by an operating grant to Stephen Porter from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) and a grant to Michael Woodworth from the American Psychology–Law Society (AP-LS). This study was conducted as part of Michael Woodworth’s graduate thesis under the supervision of Stephen Porter. We express appreciation to the Correctional Service of Canada for allowing and helping us to collect the data for this study. In particular, we thank Doug Boer, Jeff Drugge, and Jeff Earle very much for their invalu- able assistance. Thanks to Jeff Hancock, Mary Ann Campbell, and Angela Birt for comments on an earlier draft of this article. Thanks also go to Peyton Harris, Mary Ann Campbell, Naomi Doucette, Kris Peace, and Matt Lafond for their assistance in coding the data.
  • 12. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Stephen Porter, Department of Psychology, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 4J1, Canada. E-mail: [email protected] Journal of Abnormal Psychology Copyright 2002 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 2002, Vol. 111, No. 3, 436–445 0021-843X/02/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//0021-843X.111.3.436 436 Sylviane Houssais of homicide seems likely. For example, based on their pathological personality traits, and in light of previous research on psychopathic aggression in general (e.g., Cornell et al., 1996; Serin, 1991), it is plausible that psychopaths engage in more instrumental, goal- driven (e.g., to obtain money or drugs) homicidal violence relative to nonpsychopathic offenders who may engage in predominantly reactive, spontaneous violence (e.g., in the context of a heated argument). No research to date has examined this issue. Although there are various conceptions of violent behavior, many authors have noted that violence may be best understood by considering the external goals of the perpetrator. Bandura (1983)
  • 13. viewed aggression primarily as an instrumental and goal-driven behavior contingent on external rewards and reinforcement. He suggested that most aggression is committed with the “pull” of various resources or gains in mind. In general, instrumental or “proactive” violence occurs when the injury of an individual is secondary to the acquisition of some other external goal. For example, this form of aggression typifies the activities of orga- nized crime groups who often commit strategic and planned vio- lence as a means to achieve an otherwise nonviolent goal, such as money or drugs (e.g., Amir, 1995). Other researchers have argued that emotional or “internal” factors play an important role in violent behavior. In Berkowitz’s (1983) conception, aggression can be conceived as a hostile and angry reaction to a perceived threat or dangerous situation. Accordingly, the primary goal of aggression is to defend oneself from a perceived threat or to react against a perceived environmental frustration. Such reactive ag- gression encompasses impulsive, immediate, and emotion- driven acts in response to a perceived threat, danger, or insult. More recently, some have observed that this dichotomy, al- though theoretically important, may oversimplify a highly com- plex behavior with multiple motivations and manifestations. That is, it has been argued that violence may contain elements of both instrumentality and emotionality/reactivity (e.g., Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Cornell et al., 1996; Poulin & Boivin, 2000) in both children (e.g., Crick & Dodge, 1996; Dodge, 1991; Poulin & Boivin, 2000; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997) and adults (e.g., Block & Block, 1992). Block and Block (1992) observed that the “expressive–instrumental extremes are ‘ideal types’ that seldom
  • 14. occur in pure form” (p. 65). Further, Kingsbury, Lambert, and Hendrickse (1997) noted that often there is an overlap between the two major types of violence. In fact, Bushman and Anderson (2001) argued that the instrumental/reactive dichotomy is of ques- tionable validity in categorizing all acts of aggression by incor- rectly assuming that all acts of reactive and/or hostile aggression are “automatic” whereas all acts of instrumental aggression are “controlled.” Nonetheless, according to a number of researchers (e.g., Eaves, Douglas, Webster, Ogloff, & Hart, 2000), a determi- nation of whether violence is primarily instrumental or reactive may be one of the most relevant criteria in assessing risk for future violence and for treatment prognosis in criminal offenders (also see Heilbrun et al., 1998). The main purpose of the present study was to examine possible differences between homicidal violence committed by psycho- pathic and nonpsychopathic offenders and to focus primarily on the instrumental and reactive elements of the crime. According to Cleckley’s (1976) classic conception, the behavior of the psycho- pathic individual often is motivated by a clear external goal rather than the powerful emotions of rage or despair associated with crimes of passion and that many psychopaths, in fact, displayed a profound deficit in emotional reactivity. Given their propensity toward violence in general (e.g., Hart & Hare, 1997), the use of instrumental or proactive violence would not be unexpected from
  • 15. the criminal psychopath. The general lack of empathy or remorse and the presence of shallow emotions (e.g. Hare, 1991, 1998) could be manifested in the context of their crimes and, more specifically, their homicides. On the other hand, psychopathy often is associated with impulsivity and poor behavioral controls (and problems with temper control), suggesting that violence by psy- chopaths might be highly reactive and inordinate to a particular situational provocation. A small number of studies have investi- gated this issue (Cornell et al., 1996; Hart & Dempster, 1997). Williamson, Hare, and Wong (1987) examined the nature of the violent offenses in a group of 101 Canadian offenders. They found that psychopathic offenders frequently were motivated by material gain or revenge (45.2% compared with 14.6% of the nonpsycho- paths) and did not appear to have been in a state of heightened emotional arousal at the time of the violent act. In contrast, nonpsychopathic offenders appeared to have experienced more emotional arousal during their crimes: 31.7% of the nonpsycho- paths exhibited strong emotional arousal—such as jealousy, rage, or a heated argument during their offense—compared with 2.4% of the psychopaths. In more recent work, Cornell et al. (1996) examined the rela- tionship between psychopathy and violence in 106 male offenders from a medium-security state prison. The authors operationalized instrumental violence as violence that was goal-driven and re- quired planning without an antecedent of provocation. Reactive aggression was defined by an absence of planning or goals and, instead, involved a dispute or interpersonal conflict with the vic-
  • 16. tim. They found that, across their criminal histories, psychopaths (as classified using the PCL–R) were more likely to have com- mitted instrumental violence than nonpsychopaths (who were more likely to have committed reactive violence). Instrumental violence was most commonly associated with a self-reported lack of arousal or anger during the commission of the offense. Further, the victim of instrumental violence was typically a stranger, whereas reactive violence often was associated with high emo- tional arousal and a close relationship with the victim. There also is some evidence for a link between psychopathy and instrumental/ proactive aggression in nonincarcerated samples. For example, Chase, O’Leary, and Heyman (2001) found a relationship between psychopathy and the use of instrumental violence by male spousal assaulters. In their sample of 60 abusive married men, no individ- uals who were classified as being reactively aggressive were psychopathic, compared with 17% of the men who were classified as instrumentally aggressive. There is disagreement about the extent to which the instrumental–reactive distinction is useful in conceptualizing the violence committed by psychopathic and nonpsychopathic indi- viduals. Dempster et al. (1996) investigated the institutional files of 75 adult male violent offenders participating in an inpatient treatment program. Although psychopaths were found to have committed more instrumental violence, they also had displayed
  • 17. impulsive behavior in the context of their offenses. Based on these findings, Hart and Dempster (1997) concluded that even if psy- chopathic individuals commit more instrumental crimes, they may be “impulsively instrumental.” It is possible, then, that psycho- 437PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE Sylviane Houssais paths could engage in homicides that, although goal-directed, are highly impulsive and involve little planning (having elements of both instrumentality and reactivity). Thus, in addition to homicides that appear to be exclusively instrumental or reactive, some pri- marily instrumental homicides may contain a reactive component, and some primarily reactive homicides may contain an instrumen- tal component. Conceptually, this complex or diverse violent be- havior seems plausible because the current construct of psychop- athy encompasses both affective/interpersonal traits, known as Factor 1 characteristics on the PCL–R (e.g., glibness and superfi- cial charm, pathological lying, lack of remorse, and shallow affect) as well as Factor 2 characteristics associated with a chronically antisocial and unstable lifestyle (e.g., a need for stimulation, im-
  • 18. pulsivity, lack of realistic goals, and promiscuity). There is some evidence that instrumental aggression is related to the Factor 1 features of psychopathy, whereas reactive aggression is more associated with the Factor 2 characteristics (e.g., Patrick & Zem- polich, 1998). The present study addressed these issues and was the first to specifically examine the relationship between psychop- athy and homicidal violence. Method Sample The sample was composed of incarcerated homicide offenders (in the year 2000) from two Canadian federal institutions, one in British Columbia on the west coast and one in Nova Scotia on the east coast. The inclusion of offenders from two prisons allowed a large sample size and could increase the generalizability of the findings. Mountain Institution is a medium-security prison located in British Columbia that houses approxi- mately 400 inmates at any given time. A review of file information indicated that a total of 92 offenders had committed at least one homicide, and extensive efforts were made to obtain adequate information on these homicides to include them in our sample. There was detailed file informa- tion on the homicide in 74 cases, which were included. The
  • 19. second prison (Springhill Institution) is a medium-security prison located in Nova Scotia also housing approximately 400 inmates. At the time of data collection, there were 54 homicide offenders in this institution. Of these, detailed file information regarding the homicide was available in 51 cases. Thus, in total, there was detailed information on 125 homicide offenders. Materials PCL–R (Hare, 1991). The PCL–R has been widely adopted in the assessment of psychopathy in forensic populations. Psychopathy, as mea- sured by the PCL–R, is characterized by 20 criteria, scored as 0, 1, or 2, allowing a maximum score of 40. As recommended in the manual, a score of !30 was the cut-off used for classifying psychopathy (Hare, 1991). The PCL–R score is highly reliable over time and has demonstrated validity according to a number of indices of validity (e.g., Fulero, 1995; Stone, 1995). Although there has been some debate over whether psychopathy represents a discrete or a continuous variable (e.g., Harris, Rice, & Quin- sey, 1994), recent research suggests that psychopathy may represent a distinct clinical entity or taxon (see Hart & Hare, 1997). Nonetheless, we used both a dichotomous and a continuous score approach to
  • 20. examine psychopathy and homicide. In the Canadian correctional system, risk assessments for the purposes of conditional release and treatment programs normally include an evaluation of psychopathy by a psychologist who has been well trained in the administration of the PCL–R. PCL–R assessments are typically conducted as part of the intake assessment and for conditional release decisions and are based on a structured interview as well as a thorough review of all collateral and historical information. A file search yielded all available PCL–R scores and corresponding Factor 1 and Factor 2 scores as reported in the official risk assessments. (It is now a requirement of the Canadian correctional system that a risk assessment [including a PCL–R] be con- ducted on all violent offenders.) However, due to the recentness of this policy, 29 offenders from the Springhill sample still required a PCL–R rating. Although PCL–R assessments are often based on a review of file information and an interview with the offender, research (e.g., Grann, Langstroem, Tengstroem, & Stalenheim, 1998; Wong, 1988) has consis- tently shown that assessments based solely on the offender’s file informa-
  • 21. tion are highly similar to ratings including an interview (see Hare, 1991) and are appropriate in the absence of an interview (provided that there is sufficient file information to code the PCL–R; files on Canadian federal offenders are generally extensive, detailed, and multifaceted). For the current study, a graduate student in psychology and a senior undergraduate student who had been trained in administering the PCL–R reviewed all available official file information and scored the 29 other PCL– Rs. These raters were kept blind to the purpose and hypotheses of the study to prevent any bias in their scoring of the PCL–R. File documentation concerning the homicide. The crime information was coded directly from the official Criminal Profile Reports (CPR) and the Psychological Assessment Reports (PAR) included in the institutional files. These two documents are considered to be the most important and informative files within each offender’s case file for describing in detail the offender’s violent crimes. The CPR is written by a case management officer and is based on the official police report (submitted to the prose- cutor to allow charges to be laid) and court information (e.g., submissions by the prosecutor). The report is an objective description of the actual
  • 22. crime as a result of a thorough investigation and court testimony. Within the CPR, an official, detailed description (typically 1–2 pages in length) is provided for each serious offense. The PAR is a detailed assessment of the offender’s psychological status and description of violent crimes, written by a psychologist. The extensiveness of the documents contained within each inmate’s institutional file clearly was sufficient for completing both the homicide coding and the additional 29 PCL–Rs. Procedure PCL–R reliability. Interrater reliability of the PCL–R assessments for the entire sample was examined in two ways. First, 21 offenders (16.8%) were randomly selected for dual coding. In these cases, with the exception of the PAR documenting the original PCL–R score, all file information available on each offender was made available to the blind coder. This check ensured that the original PCL–R scores were accurate, as expected given that the original raters were all highly trained psychologists. For a second reliability check, a set of 33 cases was randomly selected for dual coding. However, for these cases, all details pertaining to the current homicide offense were completely removed prior to coding. Although this
  • 23. practice for assessing reliability has rarely been adopted in psychopathy studies, we felt that it was an important measure. The rationale for this second test of reliability was that coding in the absence of the homicide description would circumvent the possibility of “circularity” or contami- nation in scoring the PCL–R. In other words, just as it was necessary for homicide coding to be done without knowledge of whether the offender was psychopathic (see below), we felt that it was important to demonstrate that PCL–R scores were not unduly influenced by knowledge of the details of the homicide. Homicide coding scheme. The characteristics of the 125 homicides were coded on the basis of pertinent information in the offenders’ files. To avoid possible rating bias, the coder was kept unaware of the PCL–R score (removed prior to coding). Overall, 13 of the 125 (10.4%) offenders had committed more than one homicide; 11 offenders had committed two homicides, and 2 offenders had committed three homicides. However, due to a general lack of file information concerning “historical” homicides, 438 WOODWORTH AND PORTER
  • 24. Sylviane Houssais some of which were from decades earlier, only the most recent homicide was coded. To examine in detailed (rather than dichotomous) fashion whether the degree of instrumentality and reactivity associated with homicide was associated with level of psychopathy, each homicide was rated on a Likert-type scale with possible ratings ranging from 1 to 4. Based on Cornell et al.’s (1996) coding criteria for instrumental and reactive aggres- sion, as well as an extensive literature review, this was conceptualized as a continuum as follows: 1. Purely reactive: In order for a homicide to be rated as purely reactive, there had to be strong evidence for a high level of spontaneity/impulsivity and a lack of planning surrounding the commission of the offense. Reactive violence was coded if there was evidence for spontaneity or impulsivity, a rapid and powerful affective reaction prior to the act, and no apparent external goal other than to harm the victim immediately following a provocation/conflict. A clear example of a purely reactive homicide is if an
  • 25. unknown victim verbally insulted the perpetrator, who in a rage immedi- ately started a fight and proceeded to stab the victim to death with a weapon of “convenience” (e.g., a broken bottle in a bar). 2. Reactive/instrumental: To qualify for this rating, the homicide had to show evidence for both reactive and instrumental violence. However, the primary quality of the violence leading to death had to be reactivity. For example, using the example above, the reactive/instrumental description would apply if after or during the unplanned fight (and eventual murder), the perpetrator elected to rob the victim as well. Thus, the evidence would suggest that the homicide was unplanned/reactive but that there was also a secondary instrumental, opportunistic component. 3. Instrumental/reactive: To qualify for this rating, the homicide had to show evidence for both instrumental and reactive violence. However, the primary quality of the violence leading to death had to be instrumental. For example, an instrumental/reactive homicide would be coded if the offender started to commit a bank robbery but in the process proceeded to murder a bank teller after becoming agitated when the teller picked up a phone. In this case, a crime occurred for an obvious external gain, and the homicide
  • 26. was part of this instrumental act. However, the homicide occurred as a reaction to unplanned events within the context of the crime. 4. Purely instrumental: For a homicide to be rated as purely instrumen- tal, the offense had to have been clearly goal-oriented in nature with no evidence of an immediate emotional or situational provocation. The ho- micide had to have been committed for a clearly identifiable purpose other than “hot-blooded” spontaneous anger or a response to an immediate frustration. Therefore, a purely instrumental homicide was coded if there was strong evidence that the homicide had been intentional, premeditated (nonimpulsive), motivated by a clear external goal such as drugs, money, to obtain sex or revenge, and not immediately following a potent affective reaction. For example, an offender may have carefully planned, carried out, and concealed a homicide in order to steal from the victim. We also examined this issue categorically to test whether the psychopaths and nonpsychopaths had engaged in primarily reactive (rating of 1 or 2) or instrumental violence (rating of 3 or 4). Instrumental violence was then classified further according to the fol- lowing categories: primary instrumental violence and secondary instru-
  • 27. mental violence. Instrumental violence was identified as primary when its main purpose was to inflict harm on an individual (e.g., revenge) and not to serve some other purpose such as material gain (e.g., drugs, money). In contrast, instrumental violence was considered secondary when the main purpose was not to inflict pain on the victim but to achieve a clear goal (e.g., drugs, money), and violence was committed only as a means by which to achieve these goals. Indeed, it should be noted that although we relied heavily on Cornell et al. ‘s (1996) original coding scheme, after an extensive literature review we decided to include planned revenge/ retribution as a potential type of instrumental aggression. This was meant to reflect the growing concern of researchers that instrumental violence, although planned and nonimpulsive, sometimes is committed primarily for the purpose of inflicting pain and harm on another person and that “hostile” aggression also should sometimes be viewed as instrumental (e.g., Bush- man & Anderson, 2001; Indermaur, 1996; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994). Therefore, if there was a “cooling off” period, or a discernible gap in time between the provocation/frustration and the homicide, revenge/retribution was coded as an instrumental motive. Further, the various
  • 28. motivations that the offenders may have had for committing an instrumental homicide were investigated. Specifically, the possibility that the instrumental violence had been committed (a) for monetary gain, (b) drugs/alcohol, and/or (c) re- venge/retribution, (d) to obtain nonconsensual sex, or (e) for an idiosyn- cratic reason was recorded. A homicide was not coded if the motive or rationale for committing the homicide could not be determined or if it was not possible to ascertain whether the homicide had been spontaneous or planned. As was conveyed in our main coding description above, the degree of instrumentality or reactivity associated with a homicide mainly considered (a) instrumental gain, (b) impulsivity, and (c) level of antecedent affective arousal. We assumed that these dimensions would generally be closely interrelated in considering homicidal violence. For example, we predicted that a clear instrumental gain would generally be associated with low impulsivity and low affective arousal. However, it was important to ex- plore empirically how these three main components co-occurred and how each related to both the instrumentality ratings and the PCL–R scores. Therefore, these three dimensions were coded for the entire
  • 29. sample of the homicides (and dual coded for a reliability check in 19 [15.2%] cases) to allow a careful delineation of their interrelationships and relationships with instrumental violence and psychopathy. Trained raters coded for the pres- ence or absence of an instrumental gain (evidence or no evidence), impul- sivity (not, somewhat, or highly impulsive; Hare, 1991), and affect arousal (low, moderate, or high amount of emotional arousal). (Interested readers may contact the authors for more detailed information on how the three dimensions were coded.) Results Preliminary Analyses PCL–R scores and interrater reliability. For the entire sample, the mean PCL–R total score was 22.27 (SD " 8.81; range " 1–37). Using the diagnostic cut-off score of !30, offenders were classified either as psychopaths or nonpsychopaths. Ninety-one (72.8%) offenders scored below the cut-off and were classified as nonpsychopaths, whereas 34 (27.2%) offenders scored within the psychopathic range. A preliminary interrater reliability check was conducted on the PCL–R scores, using 21 (16.8%) randomly selected case files for dual coding. Intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC) were exam-
  • 30. ined to determine the level of inter-rater reliability for continuous scores. Interrater reliability was high/acceptable for PCL–R total, Factor 1, and Factor 2 scores (ICCs " .92, .81, and .95, respec- tively; ps # .001). Further, there was no mean difference between the two sets of scores (M " 24.95, SD " 7.91, and M " 25.81, SD " 6.91, for Rater 1 and Rater 2, respectively), t(40) " .37, p ! .05. Similarly, computing Cohen’s kappa revealed an acceptable level of agreement between Raters 1 and 2 for classifying the offenders as psychopaths or nonpsychopaths, kappa " .79, p # .001 (common guidelines for acceptable kappa scores are #.40 " poor; .40–.59 " fair; .60–.74 " good; and !.75 " excellent; e.g., Cicchetti & Sparrow, 1981; Fleiss, 1981). To examine the potential problem of circularity or criterion contamination, a second interrater reliability check was conducted on an additional 33 (26.4%) randomly selected files in which the 439PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE Sylviane Houssais raters were kept blind to the description of the offenders’ current homicide offense (the description of the offense was removed in advance of coding). Similar to the initial reliability check, inter- rater reliability was high/acceptable for PCL–R Total, Factor 1, and Factor 2 (.97, .95, and .94, respectively; ps # .001). This
  • 31. analysis established that the PCL–R ratings were valid and argues against the possibility of circularity in the ratings. Interrater reliability for homicide coding. An interrater reli- ability check was conducted on the variables coded pertaining to the characteristics of the homicides. A second well-trained rater who followed the same coding guidelines as the first rater coded the homicide variables (the second rater had been trained over a 2-day period and was kept blind to the PCL–R data for each offender). The reliability check (using 21 randomly selected files) indicated that the coded scores were highly reliable. Specifically, reliability was high/acceptable for type of homicide, K(21) " .81, p # .001, and specific type of instrumental violence, K(21) " .87, p # .001.1 An interrater reliability check also was conducted on the three dimensions of the homicide offenses, using 19 randomly selected case files. ICCs were used to determine the level of interrater reliability for these scores. Inter-rater reliability was high/acceptable for gain, impulsivity, and affect (ICCs " .90, .95, and .88, respectively; ps # .001). Descriptive Statistics Age. The offenders’ mean age at the time of data collection was 41.8 years (SD " 10.5; range " 18–67 years). The mean age at the time they committed the current homicide was 30.0 years (SD " 9.5; range " 14–55 years). The age at which the offender committed the current homicide did not differ significantly be- tween psychopaths and nonpsychopaths ( p ! .05).
  • 32. Characteristics of the victims. The victims’ mean age at time of death (based on a subset of 68 victims for whom the specific age at time of death was listed in the file information) was 31.6 years (SD " 9.5; range " 3–92). The general age group of the victim was reported in 100 cases. Eight victims were children (0–12 years old; 8%), 15 were teenagers (15%), 69 were adults (20–64 years old; 69%), and 8 were seniors (65 years and older; 8%). In addition, in 8 cases (6.4%) the offender had more than one victim during his current homicide offense. Relationship Between Psychopathy and Homicide Offense Instrumental/reactive differences as a function of psychopathy. Overall, 45 (36%) homicides were purely instrumental, 25 (20%) were instrumental/reactive, 29 (23.2%) were reactive/instrumen- tal, 16 (12.8%) were purely reactive, and 10 (8%) could not be coded. Possible differences in the violence committed by the psychopathic and nonpsychopathic groups were examined.2 Re- sults indicated that there was a significant difference between the two groups, t(113) " 3.73, p # .001, "2 " .11.3 Specifically, homicides perpetrated by psychopaths were associated with a higher degree of instrumentality (M " 3.47, SD " .82) than homicides committed by nonpsychopaths (M " 2.65, SD " 1.10). There also was a significant correlation between the continuous PCL–R total scores (0–40) and the instrumental ratings. Higher scores on the PCL–R were associated with higher levels of instru- mental violence, r(115) " .45, p # .001.4 Psychopaths and non-
  • 33. psychopaths were then compared on whether their violence was primarily reactive (rating of 1–2) or primarily instrumental (rating of 3–4). Results indicated that, overall, 70 (60.9%) of the offend- ers had committed a primarily instrumental homicide, whereas 45 (39.1%) offenders had committed a primarily reactive homicide. Again, a significant relationship between type of homicide and psychopathy was found. Specifically, psychopathic offenders were far more likely, #2(1, N " 115) " 17.96, p # .001, to have used primarily instrumental violence (93.3%), compared with nonpsy- chopathic offenders who were more likely to have committed primarily reactive rather than instrumental violence (51.6%; (see Figure 1). It is interesting that nonpsychopathic offenders (48.4%) also were clearly capable of committing primarily instrumental homicides but to a much lesser extent than psychopaths. An analysis of the three separate dimensions (affect, instrumen- tal gain, and impulsivity) revealed that although these dimensions were partially interrelated, they each contributed in a meaningful way to the instrumental/reactive coding scheme. As expected, gain ratings were significantly negatively correlated with impulsivity ratings, r(109) " $.62, p # .001, and negatively (nonsignifi- cantly) correlated with ratings of affective arousal, r(48) " $.26, p " .078, whereas affect and impulsivity were positively corre- lated, r(50) " .59, p # .001. Further, as expected, gain ratings were significantly positively related to the instrumental/reactive ratings, r(112) " .63, p # .001, whereas affect, r(50) " $.54, p #
  • 34. .001, and impulsivity, r(112) " $.84, p # .001, were significantly negatively related. A hierarchical regression analysis was conducted with affect, gain and impulsivity entered sequentially as potential predictors of the instrumental/reactive ratings. The model was significant, adjR 2 " .70, F(3, 44) " 37.36, p # .001. Specifically, when affect was entered into the model, it significantly predicted instrumental/ reactive ratings, chR 2 " .27, F(1, 46) " 16.87, p # .001. Next, the gain dimension was entered and was also found to add signifi- 1 Although kappa is most commonly used when comparing the reliabil- ity of dichotomous variables, its suitability for a multileveled categorical variable has also been shown to be appropriate (Carletta, 1995; Howell, 1992). 2 As mentioned in the introduction, from our theoretical framework we conceptualized the ratings as representing a continuum. We also analyzed the instrumental/reactive data categorically using a nonparametric ap- proach and obtained the same pattern of results. 3 When the 29 PCL–Rs that had been completed by the researchers (on the basis of file information only) were excluded from this
  • 35. analysis, the effect size was almost identical ( p # .001, "2 " .12), indicating the same pattern of results as obtained with the full sample. 4 Previous literature has suggested that individuals who score above 20 on the PCL–R also display many of the characteristics of psychopathy, although they are not formally labeled as psychopathic. Therefore, the sample also was broken down into three PCL–R categories of low (0–20; n " 39), medium (20–30; n " 46), and high (30–40; n " 30) psychopathy. Similar significant results were again obtained, F(2, 112) " 16.32, p # .001. Specifically, the high-psychopathy group (M " 3.47/4) committed 60% instrumental, 33.3% instrumental/reactive, 0% reactive/instrumental, and 6.7% reactive homicides. The medium-psychopathy group (M " 3.04/4) committed 43.5% instrumental, 23.9% instrumental/reactive, 26.1% reactive/instrumental, and 6.5 % reactive homicides. The low- psychopathy group (M " 2.18/4) committed 17.9% instrumental, 10.3% instrumental/ reactive, 43.6% reactive/instrumental, and 28.2% reactive homicides. 440 WOODWORTH AND PORTER Sylviane Houssais
  • 36. cantly to the prediction model, chR 2 " .31, F(1, 45) " 33.38, p # .001. Finally, when the impulsivity dimension was included in the model, it also significantly added to the prediction model, chR 2 " .14, F(1, 44) " 21.56, p # .001. However, with all three variables entered concurrently into the model, only the impulsivity dimen- sion uniquely predicted instrumental/reactive ratings, $ " $.65, t(44) " $4.64, p # .001, whereas affect, $ " $.10, t(44) " $.93, p " .36, and gain ratings, $ " .181, t(44) " 1.52, p " .14, did not predict scores independently. It also was important to examine how the three dimensions of the homicide offense were related to the offender’s overall PCL–R score. Results indicated that although the presence of external gain was significantly positively related total PCL–R score, r(112) " .28, p # .01, the presence of impulsivity was significantly nega- tively related to total PCL–R score, r(112) " $.26, p # .01. Affective arousal was negatively related to total PCL–R score, but the correlation was nonsignificant, r(52) " $.17, p " .23. To examine the relative contributions of Factor 1 (F1; interper- sonal/affective traits) and Factor 2 (F2; antisocial behavior) in predicting the degree of instrumentality within the homicides, a regression model consisting of F1 and F2 scores (entered simul-
  • 37. taneously into the model) was conducted. The regression equation was significant, adjR 2 " .20, F(2, 112) " 15.65, p # .001. Although the partial correlation for F1 scores was significant, r(115) " .37, p # .001, the partial correlation for F2 scores was not, r(115) " .09, p ! .05, suggesting that F1 but not F2 scores played a role in predicting the level of instrumentality in the crime. These results were confirmed by a calculation of the zero-order correlations between PCL–R total score, Factor 1, Factor 2, and the type of homicide (see Table 1). Figure 1. Primary nature of homicides as a function of psychopathy. Table 1 Zero-Order and Partial Correlations Between Factor 1, Factor 2, PCL–R Total, and Homicide Type Type of correlation Factor 1 Factor 2 PCL–R total Homicide type Zero-order correlation Factor 1 — .53* .85* .46* Factor 2 — .87* .31* PCL–R total — .45* Homicide type — Partial correlation, with Factor 1 removed Factor 2 — .09 PCL–R total — .13
  • 38. Partial correlation, with Factor 2 removed Factor 1 — .37* PCL–R total — .39* Note. PCL–R " Psychopathy Checklist—Revised. * p # .001. 441PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE Sylviane Houssais Psychopathy and victim gender. In 41.6% of the homicides, the victim was male and in 54.4% cases the victim was female. The relationship between psychopathy and victim gender was significant, #2(2, N " 115) " 6.94, p # .05. When victim gender was known, offenders in the nonpsychopathic group committed homicides against males (48.4%) and females (47.3%) in approx- imately equal numbers, whereas offenders in the psychopathic group committed homicides more commonly against females (73.5%) than males (23.5%). Specific type of instrumental violence. Possible motives be- hind the type of instrumental violence used were examined. In 16 cases, this variable was not coded because the homicides were purely reactive with no instrumental component. Ten additional cases were not coded either because of a lack of information. Therefore, the sample size for this analysis was 99. Results indi- cated that 30 homicides (30.3%) were committed for revenge or retribution, 24 (22%) for monetary gain, 21 (19.3%) to obtain nonconsensual sex, 11 (11.1%) occurred in a conflict over a
  • 39. female, 7 (6.4%) were for other reasons, and 3 (2.8%) were to obtain drugs or alcohol. No significant relation was found between psychopathy and the specific type of instrumental violence committed. General type of instrumental violence. The final issue exam- ined was whether instrumental homicides showed primary instru- mental violence or secondary instrumental violence. Purely reac- tive homicides or those that could not be coded because of insufficient information were excluded from the analysis. In addi- tion, 8 cases were excluded because it was unclear whether instru- mental violence should be coded as secondary, primary, or a combination. Therefore, the sample size for this analysis was 97. Results indicated that secondary instrumental violence had been committed in 26 (26.8%) of the homicides, whereas primary instrumental violence was perpetrated in 65 (67.0%) of the cases, and 6 homicides (6.2%) showed a combination of both types of instrumental violence. Thus, more than twice as many offenders committed primary instrumental violence compared with second- ary instrumental violence. However, no significant relation was found between psychopathy and the general type of instrumental violence committed, #2(2, N " 91) " .49, p ! .05. Discussion Much research has established a strong connection between psychopathy and criminal behavior, including violence (see Hart &
  • 40. Hare, 1997). Psychopaths seem to have few inhibitions to prevent callous interactions with others across the life span (e.g., Hare 1996, 1998; Harpur & Hare, 1994; Porter, Birt, & Boer, 2001; Simourd & Hodge, 2000). However, the current study was the first to examine the relationship between psychopathy and the most serious form of crime—homicide. We predicted that psychopaths would show a higher level of instrumentality in their homicides than nonpsychopaths, who would be more likely to have commit- ted reactive crimes of passion. On the other hand, it is also possible that given their expected pattern of impulsivity, psychopathic offenders might have perpetrated spontaneous and reactive mur- ders (e.g., Hare, 1998). The results clearly supported the hypothesis that psychopaths are more likely to engage in instrumental or cold-blooded homi- cides compared with nonpsychopathic individuals. In fact, almost all of the psychopaths had committed a primarily instrumental murder.5 Our data suggested that nonpsychopathic offenders were certainly capable of committing instrumental offenses, but they did not show the same clear preference for or tendency toward instru- mental violence witnessed in the psychopathic offenders. There are a number of possible reasons for this finding. First, psychopathic offenders characteristically show a marked lack of empathy toward
  • 41. others (e.g., Levenston, Patrick, Bradley, & Lang, 2000), and this appears to extend to their crime victims. Recent research by Herpertz et al. (2001) indicated that psychopaths display a pro- found level of hypoemotionality that could effectively disallow an inhibition against acting in a violent manner if it served a selfish function. Here, psychopaths appeared to be capable of premedi- tating and carrying out ruthless, cold-blooded homicides that many nonpsychopathic (although potentially violent) individuals would be considerably less likely to consider perpetrating (also see Ab- bott, 2001). For example, one psychopathic offender (scoring at the 87th percentile on the PCL–R relative to other inmates) ad- mitted to police that he had decided to murder an ex-girlfriend because he felt that she was interfering with his new relationship, and he simply decided that murdering her would help resolve this issue. Another inmate carefully planned and murdered his wife because he stood to gain financially from her insurance policy. It is likely that few people without the affective deficit associated with psychopathy would seriously consider such acts, and even fewer would actually plan and carry them out. It is of note that previous studies have found that an inability to experience or anticipate the remorse (characteristic of psychopathy) that is often a consequence of aggressive behavior may lead to an increase in instrumental aggression (e.g., Guerra, Nucci, & Huesmann, 1994; Kingsbury et al., 1997).
  • 42. It was interesting that the overall level of instrumental violence characterizing these homicides was substantially higher than ex- pected on the basis of previous contentions. However, although there seems to have been a long-standing and widely held belief that most homicides are reactive, emotional, or even irrational, there were actually few empirical data to speak to the issue prior to the current study. In fact, the current study was one of the first to look specifically at the offense of homicide in terms of rich, well-defined instrumental/reactive criteria. In our view, past con- ceptions of homicide greatly underestimated the relevance of fore- thought and instrumentality in understanding the phenomenon. The majority of murderers in this study did not “snap” and kill another person (although some did) as many might have expected. In our view, more research is needed (perhaps by interviewing the offenders themselves) to increase our understanding of why so many homicide offenders “chose” to engage in this type of violence. Among the most important findings was that nearly all of the psychopaths had perpetrated primarily instrumental homicidal vi- 5 Note that the data reported here do not allow a determination of whether psychopaths are more likely than nonpsychopaths to commit an instrumental homicide (or less likely to commit a reactive homicide) because the prevalence of psychopathy in the general population is not
  • 43. clear (despite a published estimate of 1%; e.g., Hare, 1996). Nonetheless, among those who have committed a murder, nonpsychopaths are far more likely to have committed a reactive murder. 442 WOODWORTH AND PORTER Sylviane Houssais olence and that so few had committed highly impulsive homicidal violence. It has been long understood that individuals with psy- chopathic qualities will sometimes engage in highly spontaneous, impulsive behavior in criminal and noncriminal contexts (e.g., Ellis, 1987; Hare, 1996). As noted by Newman and Schmitt (1998), “[P]sychopathic individuals are notorious for their failure to inhibit or modify behaviors that culminate in negative conse- quences” (p. 527). Given this connection with impulsivity and lack of behavioral controls, why were the homicide offenders in the current study unlikely to have engaged in primarily impulsive, reactive violence? We think that this pattern could possibly reflect selective impulsivity; that is, psychopaths may behave in a more instrumental manner (or, rather, may behave in a less reactive and impulsive manner) specifically for the offense of homicide. It is possible that when committing an act with such extreme negative consequences as with homicide perpetration (e.g., lifetime
  • 44. incar- ceration), psychopaths may plan their actions in a calculating fashion because the stakes are high. Although it may seem some- what paradoxical that psychopaths would still elect to murder someone after a more rational appraisal of the potentially serious costs of perpetrating the act, this process might be influenced by an undersensitive behavioral inhibition system (BIS). Some research- ers have suggested that the BIS is weaker in psychopaths who are seemingly unable to properly inhibit their behavior even when presented with serious punishment cues (e.g., Fowles, 1980). Psychopathic offenders also might be more likely than other offenders to resist an impulse to kill someone when caught in an emotion-driven dispute or less likely to experience such powerful emotions in the first place. Thus, the impulsive behavior often seen in psychopaths outside of the context of homicide may not be simply uncontrollable or reflect an inability to consider the con- sequences but rather may be a function of not caring to control or inhibit the behavior. In fact, our results indicated that of the three dimensions of instrumentality we considered, impulsivity contrib- uted most to the variance of the instrumental/reactive scores and was, surprisingly, negatively related to the overall PCL–R score in these homicide offenders. It is clear that this issue must be inves- tigated in future research before solid conclusions can be
  • 45. formulated. The results indicate that the PCL–R factor scores were differ- entially related to the instrumentality of the homicides. Specifi- cally, Factor 1 scores accounted for much of the variance associ- ated with the instrumentality of the homicides, whereas Factor 2 scores did not significantly contribute to this dimension. These findings appear to be consistent with Dempster et al.’s (1996) study of 75 adult male violent offenders attending an inpatient treatment program for violent offenders. They found that Factor 1 was significantly related to ratings of planning and instrumentality, whereas Factor 2 actually had a negative relationship with ele- ments of planning during the offense (see also Cunningham & Reidy, 1998; Patrick & Zempolich, 1998). This study had many strengths in addition to being the first to examine the relationship between psychopathy and homicide. Our results supported the contention of researchers such as Bushman and Anderson (2001) that many acts of aggression cannot be categorized as strictly instrumental or reactive but, rather, contain elements of both. Further, we had access to a large sample to study a poorly understood and highly consequential form of abnormal behavior, devised a highly reliable and rich coding scheme for characterizing instrumentality and its basic elements, and ensured that no circularity problem was present. Future studies could explore consistencies (or inconsistencies) between the offender’s primary motivation (instrumental or
  • 46. reac- tive) for previous homicides and other violent acts and his or her motivation for the current homicide. Research examining whether these results would generalize across a range of criminal offenses would be useful in testing the validity of our selective impulsivity hypothesis (e.g., examining whether psychopaths who had com- mitted instrumental homicide also had committed reactive, non- homicidal violence). It is also possible that research examining particular groups or subcultures could obtain different results. For example, research on homicides committed by inner-city gangs, organized criminals, or terrorists could yield different results re- garding both the type of homicides committed and the perpetra- tors’ motivations. In conclusion, we carefully investigated the psychological as- pects of homicide—a type of violent behavior that often seems incomprehensible to both the public and mental health profession- als—and found that the construct of psychopathy contributes much to our understanding of the phenomenon. Psychopaths engage in far more instrumental or cold-blooded homicides than other of- fenders. Given the wealth of information now available on the behavioral and personality patterns seen in psychopaths across the life span (e.g., Porter, Birt, & Boer, 2001), the homicide investi- gator could potentially reduce the field of suspects in difficult investigations. In terms of treatment planning in the prison setting,
  • 47. it seems clear that a consideration of psychopathy and the type of violence committed is necessary (e.g., anger management would not seem to be an optimal approach for the psychopathic mur- derer). Future research should attempt to differentiate nonpsycho- pathic offenders (nearly half in this study) who commit primarily instrumental homicides from those who commit primarily reactive homicides. Further, in light of these results, classic conceptions of impulsivity in psychopaths may need to be reconsidered. As we have argued, it may be that “impulsivity” in psychopaths has less to do with a lack of control than with conscious decision making that depends on a rapid consideration of the gravity of the consequences. References Abbott, A. (2001). Into the mind of a killer. Nature, 410, 296– 298. Amir, A. (1995). Organized crime and violence. Studies on Crime and Crime Prevention, 4, 86–104. Bandura, A. (1983). Psychological mechanisms of aggression. In R. G. Green & E. I. Donnerstein (Eds.), Aggression: Theoretical and empirical views (Vol. 1, pp. 1–40). New York: Academic Press. Berkowitz, L. (1983). The experience of anger as a parallel process in the display of impulsive, “angry” aggression. In R. G. Green & E. I.
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  • 57. 272. Stone, G. L. (1995). Review of the Hare Psychopathy Checklist—Revised. In J. C. Conoley & J. C. Impara (Eds.), Twelfth mental measurements yearbook (pp. 454–455). Lincoln, NE: Buros Institute. Tedeschi, J. T., & Felson, R. B. (1994). Violence, aggression, and coercive actions. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Vitiello, B., & Stoff, D. M. (1997). Subtypes of aggression and their relevance to child psychiatry. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 36, 307–315. Williamson, S. E., Hare, R. D., & Wong, S. (1987). Violence: Criminal psychopaths and their victims. Canadian Journal of Behavioral Sci- ence, 19, 454–462. Wong, S. (1988). Is Hare’s Psychopathy Checklist reliable without the interview? Psychological Reports, 62, 931–934. Woodworth, M., & Porter, S. (1999). Historical foundations and current applications of criminal profiling in violent crime investigations. Expert Evidence, 7, 241–264. Received May 7, 2001 Revision received October 24, 2001
  • 58. Accepted December 18, 2001 ! Call for Nominations The Publications and Communications (P&C) Board has opened nominations for the editorships of Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books, Developmental Psychol- ogy, and Psychological Review for the years 2005–2010. Robert J. Sternberg, PhD, James L. Dannemiller, PhD, and Walter Mischel, PhD, respectively, are the incumbent editors. Candidates should be members of APA and should be available to start receiving manuscripts in early 2004 to prepare for issues published in 2005. Please note that the P&C Board encourages participation by members of underrepresented groups in the publication process and would particularly welcome such nominees. Self- nominations are also encour- aged. Search chairs have been appointed as follows: • Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books: Susan H. McDaniel, PhD, and Mike Pressley, PhD • Developmental Psychology: Joseph J. Campos, PhD • Psychological Review: Mark I. Appelbaum, PhD To nominate candidates, prepare a statement of one page or less in support of each candidate. Address all nominations to the appropriate search
  • 59. committee at the following address: Karen Sellman, P&C Board Search Liaison Room 2004 American Psychological Association 750 First Street, NE Washington, DC 20002-4242 The first review of nominations will begin November 15, 2002. The deadline for accept- ing nominations is November 25, 2002. 445PSYCHOPATHY AND HOMICIDE Sylviane Houssais 9/24/13 1 Paper 1 Guidelines Lab in Psychopathology Most Important Things to Remember - Do not copy formatting from original article - Purdue Online Writing Lab
  • 60. 9/24/13 2 APA - General Formatting -spaced -point font date” (see syllabus) APA – Essential Elements Method 9/24/13 3 Title Page
  • 61. - Short but informative - Include most important variables - Two or three word ‘summary title’ - Appears as header on all pages of paper - Words “Running Head” appear on title page only Abstract including research questions, variables, hypotheses, results. is once you have finished writing the paper itself. 9/24/13 4 Introduction guidance) - E.g., psychopathy, instrumental violence, etc.
  • 62. relevant gaps in literature research context and explain operationalization of variables ypotheses Method - Participants (Who are they? How many? Where from? Gender? Age?) - Materials (PCL-R, Prison documentation) - Procedure (What was involved in diagnosis of psychopathy? How were the crimes coded?) 9/24/13 5 Results not? -square: χ2 (1, N = 77) = 12.9, p < .0005 e Table 1)
  • 63. section (they go on separate pages at the end of the paper) Discussion not, why? literature? Include references your results? kind of data you had) sed on these limitations, what future research directions could be taken? 9/24/13 6 References introduction and discussion - General rule: if you make a claim, you must back it up with a reference
  • 64. Can be taken from the original article or through search on PsychInfo Tables -square analysis 9/24/13 7 Tables depression and attitudes toward exercise 9/24/13 8 Start with a regular table in Word and use menu functions to format, e.g., • Center vertically and horizontally • Cell merging • Row height adjustment • Gridlines (Table Borders)
  • 65. To center cell content OR - Click Table Properties - Click Cell - Click Center under ‘Vertical Alignment’ - Click Paragraph - Click Centered in ‘Alignment’ menu 9/24/13 9 To merge cells containing ‘Depression Status’ and the cell next to it). ll merge” icon (see next slide) OR - Click Cell merge 9/24/13 10
  • 66. - the cell that contains “Attitude Toward Exercise” and the one below - the cell that contains the chi-square symbol and the one below 9/24/13 11 To adjust the height of rows - Click Table Properties - Click Row - Click Specify Height - Play with height until the rows are equal ee next slide to see table after having adjusted first two rows 9/24/13 12 Delete vertical gridlines and any unneeded horizontal gridlines
  • 67. gridlines - There are different ways of doing this. One way is to select all cells and clear all gridlines; then re-select cells that require gridlines and add them one-by-one. (See next few slides). 9/24/13 13 Adjust borders according to APA rules Italicize according to APA rules 9/24/13 14 Final formatted table