A detailed examination for young adults to understand the demographics and formation of constituencies in Malaysia. This was presented by Danesh Prakash Chacko, Tindak Malaysia Mapping Advisor to PolisiLab, community of budding policy makers in Malaysia, on 5/10/2019
3. OUTLINE
• Recapping Electoral System in Malaysia
• What is a Parliamentary and a State
Constituency?
• Redelineation Principles
• Rigging the borders
• Practical Activities
4. BASICS OF MALAYSIAN ELECTORAL
SYSTEM
• Parliamentary style government
• First Past the Post (FPTP) /Plurality
• How to form a government?
7. PARLIAMENTARY AND STATE
CONSTITUENCY
• HOW DO THEY MATTER TO YOU?
• Determining the representative that represents you at state and national level
• Unofficially, it influences effectiveness of a representative in dealing specific local
issues
• Ultimately, it is one of the contributing factor who forms the government of the day
• Knowing my constituency means:
• Understanding who will represent you effectively
• How boundaries affect my general life
8. FUNDAMENTALS OF REDELINEATION
• Redelineation
• Constitutional Principles
Gerry goes absolute
meandering at the polling
district (DM) level
9. CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES
• 13th Schedule:
• 2(a) – Constituency boundaries not to cross over state boundaries. State Constituency is to be
nested in a parliamentary constituency - HONOURED
• 2(b) – Ought to have enough administrative facilities for polling and voter registration -VIOLATED
• 2(c) – Number of electors ought to be approximately equal exception of country districts - VIOLATED
• 2(d) – To consider any inconveniences that is arising from redelineation and preservation of local ties
- VIOLATED
• Article 113:
• Redelineation can be done no less than 8 years exception of change in number of constituencies
10. CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES
• Watering Down the Principles
1953-54
• Rural Constituency can be half of urban constituency (+/-33%)
1957
• Strict principle on malapportionment (+/-15%)
• Time limit for redelineation review
1960
• EC commenced new redelineation using 1957 principles. UMNO
opposes the new proposals
1962
• 1960 boundaries annulled. Return to +/-33% for constituency size
• Gutting of EC’s independence
11. CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES
1963
• Parliament takes first step determine in seat allocation for
Malaysia
1973
• Parliament completely determines seat allocation by state
• Malapportionment Limits taken out
• KL excised of Selangor (1974)
1984
• Removal of 10 year limit for redelineation
• Redelineation can be done anytime as soon as change of seat count
occur
• New Seats may not need to follow constitutional principles
12. RIGGING THE BORDERS
“A RIGGED REDELINEATION IS
AN OUTCOME OF A POLITICAL
SCENARIO
WHICH PERPETUATES THE SAME
SCENARIO”
13. RIGGING THE BORDERS
• Consequence 1 : Interstate malapportionment
• Vote values among different states begins to diverge and worsen
• Increase of seats are subjected to the whims of government of the day
21. RIGGING THE BORDERS
• Consequence 2 : Intrastate
Malapportionment
• No constraints – growing chasm
between urban and rural divide
• Creation of new seats by ignoring
13th Schedule (i.e. Sabah 2016 –
19)
• Changing incumbent require more
additional effort
22. RIGGING THE BORDERS
112 smallest seats
determine the future
of the country
- 33% of elector
population of
Malaysia
- To win GE14,
minimum vote
count is 16 – 17%
24. RIGGING OF BORDERS
PAS won 2 seats from BN
GE 2004 ELECTION
RESULTS
GE 1999 ELECTION
RESULTS
BN snatched back two PAS seats
2003
REDELINATION
25. RIGGING OF BORDERS
PR held all three seats with marginal grip
GE 2018 ELECTION
RESULTS
GE 2013 ELECTION
RESULTS
PH held all three seats with marginal grip
2016
REDELINATION
26. RIGGING THE BORDERS
• Consequence 4: Pitting one
constituency against another
• Deepening the Urban – Rural Divide
• Harming the voting power for the new
Malay Heartland
• Oversized Rural Constituency vs
Undersized Rural Constituency (i.e.
Kelantan)
27. RIGGING THE BORDERS
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
1957 1970 1980 1991 2000
Evolving Urban Trends in Peninsular
Malaysia
Malay Chinese Indian Others Non Malaysians
FEDERAL
CONSTITUENC
Y
MALAY
(%)
CHINESE
(%)
INDIAN (%)
BANGI 48 39 11
DAMANSARA 19 69 24
KLANG 26 55 17
KOTA RAJA 43 27 27
SUBANG 27 57 15
GOMBAK 75 11 11
PETALING
JAYA
46 32 19
ISKANDAR
PUTERI
37 50 12
KOTA MELAKA 37 57 4
KAPAR 70 15 14
* Inspired by Dr Chin Huat’s presentation to ERC on 21/2/2019
Adapted from U. Yaakob, T. Marson, & F. Masami “Ninety Years of
Urbanization in Malaysia: A Geographical Investigation of Its Trends and
Characteristics”
29. RIGGING THE BORDERS
• Undi Rosak campaign was not
practical back in GE14
• In 2008, with 8 uncontested seats,
incumbent needed 15.4% to win
GE12
• Change can only occur if you start
winning the smallest seats
30. RIGGING THE BORDERS
• Consequence 6: Penalising
Constituency
• Special Constituency Allocation
meant for all MPs ,but in reality was
exclusive for some
• Under PH government, PH MPs
receive RM500 000 and non PH
receive RM100 000 for annual
allocation
31. CONCLUSION
• Knowing the story of my constituency involves knowing the boundaries and
demographics within the area
• Knowing the story of my constituency involves understanding constitutional
principles that guides redelineation
• Knowing the story of my constituency involves appreciating the short- and long-
term consequences of rigged redelineation process
32. REFERENCES
• Dr Wong Chin Huat’s presentation to ERC on 21/2/2019
• https://penanginstitute.org/programmes/political-studies-programme/malapportionment-in-the-2015-2016-
redelineation-exercises/
• http://www.tindakmalaysia.org/persempadanan/towards-a-fairer-electoral-system-feb-2014-forum
• SPR Malaysia (Past Electoral Boundaries, Election Results, Redelineation Reports & Pelan Warta)
• Bersih 2.0 [OFFICIAL]
• Department of Statistics of Malaysia
• http://www.ritsumei.ac.jp/acd/re/k-rsc/hss/book/pdf/vol04_05.pdf
• https://www.loyarburok.com/2011/10/11/peruntukan-challenge-court-question-government/
• https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26227/
• https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/01361005.pdf
• https://says.com/my/news/politicians-have-mixed-reactions-to-pakatan-mps-getting-5-times-more-money-
than-bn-mps
33. ACTIVITY 1: KNOWING MY CONSTITUENCY
• Aim:
• To learn what electoral data can offer
• To learn how geographical elements relate to text and numerical data
• To learn how to use one visualization tool to communicate insights
34. ACTIVITY 2: TOWARDS FAIRER
BOUNDARIES
• Aim:
• Applying principles of 13th Schedule in formulating boundaries
• Applying Electoral Quota to form constituency
• Associating polling districts to form a constituency that respects local ties and
enable the representative to serve the constituency
• To justify the formation of proposed constituencies
Editor's Notes
Tebrau – seat created in 1984 was held by BN until 2018. At GE14, it was 12th largest parliamentary constituency in Malaysia and it is gross overly sized (40% higher than Johor’s federal average). Secondly, it doesn’t respect local authority boundaries of Pasir Gudang and Johor Bahru council nor does it respect mukim boundaries. It is gerrymandered (1995 boundaries looked better) It is possibly home to every Johorean political scene (urban Johor Bahru, semi urban or growth areas, industrial lots, villages and Felda). Despite its gerrymandered and overpopulated nature, Tebrau experience Malaysian tsunami at constituency level and finally fell into PH in 2018. How did this happen
The constitutional loophole which allowed EC not to abide by the principles of 13th schedule (such as checks on malapportionment and gerrymandering) transpired in this redelineation exercise whereby 5 undersized state constituencies will be created. Shockingly, the two rounds of recommendation did not make any attempt to increase the population size of those 5 proposed constituencies to be closer to state electoral quota (i.e. state average)
The creation of 13 new constituencies resulted the following (based on two rounds of recommendations):
2 existing constituencies surrounding those new seats will become grossly undersized (More than - 25% (negative) from Electoral Quota)
Around 8 constituencies (which is currently overpopulated) experience further erosion of voter value (More than + 25% above from the electoral quota)
The disparity between urban and rural constituencies (at the DUN level) becomes starker thanks to the proposal of 13 new constituencies. Voters in urbanized areas around Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan and Tawau will see the voting value significantly slashed
Sabah becomes one of the blatant cases of electoral unfairness in Malaysia when it comes to disparity of urban-rural voter value
With the wave of Reformasi, Malay vote bank shifted towards PAS. PAS (which fielded Mahfuz Omar and Mat Sabu) seized two seats historically sided BN.
The 2004 redelineation resulted reduction of Malay voter presence in Kuala Kedah and Pokok Sena. The Dun of Tanjong Seri which has very high presence of PAS voters was excised from Pokok Sena and parked under safe seat of Alor Setar
Non Malay presence were increased in those two seats and subsequently BN won back those two seats
However, the 2008 election tsunami resulted PAS recapturing those two seats and PKR seized Alor Star (now Alor Setar). Urbanised areas cutting across ethnic lines seeming to vote for PH over BN
14 out 20 Largest federal Constituencies in Malaysia have Malay plurality or Malay Majority presence in terms of voter composition