CRISIS IN SHAN STATE MYANMAR

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Shan State: Burma’s hidden humanitarian crisis
By Daniel Maxwell (https://asiancorrespondent.com/author/daniel-maxwell/) | 17th November 2017
| @garodonnell (https://twitter.com/garodonnell)

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THE violent campaign of land clearance and ethnic cleansing towards the
Rohingya people is nally being exposed by media networks across the globe,
intensifying the pressure on governments to tackle the unacceptable conduct of
security forces in Burma (Myanmar). But as this is happening, ethnic groups on the
opposite side of the country are su ering in silence while international donors withdraw
essential food aid which these persecuted minority communities are entirely dependent on.
There are over 6,200 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in six camps along
the Shan-Thai border in Eastern Burma. The IDP camps at Loi Lam, Loi Sarm Sip, Loi Kaw
Wan, Loi Tai Leng, Koung Jor, Gawng Mung Mong were set up in the late 1990s, after the
Burmese military began a notorious “scorched earth” o ensive against 1,400 villages in
Shan State.
During this brutal campaign, over 300,000 people were driven from their homes, and
hundreds of villagers were tortured, killed, and raped – in circumstances which are
remarkably similar to those under which Rohingya currently su er.
People celebrate Shan State Army Day on May 21, 2017 At Loi Kaw Wan, Muang Sad in Shan State Burma. Source: Shutterstock

In this Feb. 17, 2015, photo provided by the Eleven Media Group, Burmese soldiers carrying weapons patrol on a road in Kokang,
northeastern Shan State, more than 800km northeast of Yangon. Source: AP Photo/Eleven Media Group
The land from which these communities were driven, has long since been seized by the
military and to this day villagers are unable to return home. Many of the women, children
and elderly who escaped the violence ed to refugee camps in Thailand, where they remain
in limbo, having never been formally recognised as refugees by UNHCR.
Refusing to leave their ancestral lands, many villagers opted to establish camps along
remote sections of the mountainous Thai-Shan border. Given the di cult conditions in
these isolated camps, communities have struggled to grow su cient quantities of rice to
feed themselves, and for years the families in these camps have relied on international
donations of rice, and other essential foodstu s.
SEE ALSO: Rohingya crisis: Burmese military slammed after clearing itself of any
wrongdoing (https://asiancorrespondent.com/2017/11/rohingya-crisis-burmese-
military-slammed-clears-wrongdoing/#BTWZ1qjKI7cMPYQF.99)
Food aid from international donors to camps along the Shan-Thai border was cut o in
October 2017, creating drastic shortages of food and health suppliers. According to Charm
Tong from the Shan Human Rights Group, (http://www.shanhumanrights.org/)conditions
in the camps are already dire, “6,000 people have lost food. The situation is desperate. This
is a crisis for all on the Shan border.” Unless the delivery of international aid is resumed
soon, these communities will run out of food.

The Myanmar Times reported that the shortage of aid was also having a detrimental impact
on the education of students, of which there are over 1,000 across the six camps. According
to Sai Pang (https://www.pressreader.com/myanmar/the-myanmar-
times/20171026/281513636402208), who manages Loi Kaw Wan camp, since the aid cuts
took e ect, at least 30 students from each camp have dropped out of school because they no
longer receive the assistance they need to invest their time in learning.
People watch a burning mosque in Lashio, northern Shan State during sectarian violence in 2013.
Source: AP.
Organisations such as The Border Consortium have stopped providing food aid to IDP
camps as they adopt a new strategy
(http://www.theborderconsortium.org/media/84542/Strategic-Plan-2017-2019-En.pdf)
which is “focused on supporting the voluntary return, resettlement and reintegration of
displaced communities from Burma/Myanmar between 2017 and 2019.” However,
communities living in the IDP camps are fearful to return to their lands while the Burmese
military continues its operations to systematically depopulate the country’s ethnic states.
Burma’s government has claimed that it will provide the necessary aid to feed thousands of
displaced people who are now su ering as a result of these aid cuts. Burmese President’s
O ce spokesman U Zaw Htay recently issued a statement, calling on IDP camps to inform
Naypyidaw of their needs and request aid directly from the central government.
SEE ALSO: Rohingya child refugee dies in Thai immigration detention
(https://asiancorrespondent.com/2017/11/rohingya-child-refugee-dies-thai-
immigration-detention/#70Fbi3m37jDJWrR6.99)
It is perhaps unsurprising that Shan refugees are suspicious of the government’s o er to
deliver aid the IDP camps, suspecting it may simply be
(http://www.atimes.com/article/suu-kyi-government-vows-feed-displaced-shan-thai-

border/) a, “stunt to divert attention from the Burma Army’s ongoing military operations
to systematically depopulate the country’s ethnic states.”
The Shan State Refugee Committee released a statement explaining their scepticism:
(http://www.shanhumanrights.org/eng/index.php/336-media-release-from-the-shan-
state-refugee-committee-thai-border-on-u-zaw-htay-s-o er-of-aid-to-displaced-
shan) “The fact that the Burma Army is continuing its systematic brutality against the
ethnic peoples, with ongoing impunity, is what is preventing the displaced communities on
the Shan-Thai border from returning home. The Burmese government’s o er to assist the
displaced Shan, while keeping silent on the Burma Army’s ongoing systematic crimes, thus
rings hollow indeed.”
“We cannot yet return to our homes, because our villages are now derelict, or have been
occupied by the Burma Army, their militia or the United Wa State Army. Despite the peace
process, the Burma Army has expanded its troops, and is continuing to carry out military
operations and attacks around our villages. Villagers continue to be arrested, tortured and
killed,” it continued.
Burmese soldiers carrying launchers walk on a road as they patrol in Kokang, northeastern
Shan State. Source: AP.
“We appeal for our rights as refugees to be respected – the right to receive adequate
humanitarian aid, and to be given protection until we can return in safety and dignity to our
homes once there is a political settlement and genuine peace in Shan State.”
SEE ALSO: Burma: Watchdog wants probe into alleged torture, death of civilians in Shan
State (https://asiancorrespondent.com/2017/07/burma-watchdog-wants-probe-into-
alleged-torture-death-civilians-shan-state/#yIF6vCW3QLEi5JDF.99)
Burma’s military has spent decades doing everything in its power to expel ethnic groups
from the country, pushing them over the borders into neighbouring countries when
possible, in the same way it is doing with the Rohingya in Rakhine State. The cuts in

Topics covered:
international aid to these vulnerable communities along border, give the army a greater
chance of obtaining these goals, knowing that these people will not risk returning home,
and face either starvation in the mountains or an exodus across the Thai border.
With the inhumane actions of the Burmese military making daily headlines around the
world, it’s essential that the plight of victims in Eastern Burma not be forgotten, and that
international donors respond to their pleas for assistance before the food shortages result
in yet another humanitarian crisis.
Burma Refugees Shan State
8 Comments Sort by
Emdadul Haque · Dhaka Dental College
Not only Shan state, the humanitarian crisis is prevailing in other states as well.
Like · Reply · 4 · Nov 17, 2017 2:08pm
Aiting Kham
Not only do our Tai Shan refugees/IDP not have enough to eat access to them from Thai side has been curtailed.
Only the seriously ill are allowed to cross into Thailand for medical treatment.
Like · Reply · 2 · Nov 17, 2017 7:30pm
Nurun Nabi
China has opened another frontier in Myanmar like North koria to destabilize and control . Concept of geo political control where
humanity is not an issue at all.
Like · Reply · 4 · Nov 17, 2017 8:49pm
Sai Wansai
The assumption that the new NLD-Military government with its highly promoted ongoing peace process, which in reality creates more
conflict and more refugees and IDPs, the international donars still presumed that thousands and thousands of displaced and refugees
problems in Kachin Shan and Karen States are over.
It is over simplification and the recent 600,000 Rohingyas exodus is a living evidence that how wrong this oversimplification that there
is already peace in Burma. In short, the UN and the international community should continue to aid the refugees and IDPs, until there
is real peace in Burma, not withdrawing the help to the helpless prematurely.
Like · Reply · 1 · Nov 17, 2017 9:36pm
Nurun Nabi
Sai,
There is no sign of promoted peace process. The Myanmar army has taken an evil process by its fake creation of ARSA story
by general Min Aung Hlaing. Is there any one in Myanmar thinking for peace with all of its minority peeple?
Like · Reply · 3 · Nov 18, 2017 1:38am
Noel Kenneth Bryant
Muslim destroyed everything as they left
Like · Reply · 5 · Nov 19, 2017 8:57am
David Williams · University of Leeds
Really? Can you send me your sources?
Like · Reply · 6 · Nov 19, 2017 10:42am
Oldest
Add a comment...

p y
Nurun Nabi
Noel.
Are you creating story likr yor Min Aung Hlaing to justify the atrocity and hide you crime. Go and see by your blind eye.
Like · Reply · 1 · Nov 19, 2017 7:46pm
Chantal Ambois · Novitiate at Abbaye Notre-Dame de la Paix de Castagniers
Noel Kenneth Bryant you are stupid.
Like · Reply · Nov 27, 2017 6:48am
Show 1 more reply in this thread
Emdadul Haque · Dhaka Dental College
No Burmese people have found to deny the present Shan state crisis. And nobody found to claimed the news as a fake story. Why
silence ?
Like · Reply · 2 · Nov 19, 2017 4:53pm
Joe Maguro
Shan are bengalis too?
Like · Reply · 2 · Nov 19, 2017 6:11pm
Nurun Nabi
You are Crossed mixed Chinese/Russian/Indian too.
Like · Reply · 3 · Nov 19, 2017 7:47pm
Joe Maguro
Anyone who is not burmese is bengali in backward burma.
Like · Reply · 2 · Nov 21, 2017 1:01pm
Joe Shan are not Bengalis. There are no Bengalis in Burma. The Military Junta in Burma wants the international world to
believe that lie.
Show 1 more reply in this thread
The world has turned a blind eye on the Rohingyas and the Shan. This is genocide and no one is helping except Pope Francis. God
Bless Pope Francis!
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12/12/2017 The Northern Shan Crisis And Its Impact On The Peace Process – The Kachinland News
http://www.kachinlandnews.com/?p=27234 1/6
The Northern Shan Crisis And Its Impact On The Peace
Process
A newly formed coalition of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) calling itself the Northern Alliance-Burma (NA-B), began launching coordinated strikes against Burma Army
positions in Northern Shan State on November 20. The NA-B is made up of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar
National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Arakan Army (AA). The clashes centered around the bustling border trade town of Muse, and the small Kachin Sub-
state town of Mong Koe, which abuts the China border and the Kokang MNDAA area. The offensives resulted in the closure of the Mile 105 trade zone and occupation of
Mong Koe by Alliance troops for a short period of time.
The economic impact of the disruption of the lucrative border trade and the human toll in deaths and injured on both sides is not immediately known. While in-depth
coverage of the clashes in independent Burmese news outlets has been scant, well documented reports from the ground tell of the toll on innocent civilians. Thousands of
civilians have been displaced, most seeking shelter on the Chinese side. The reports also detail the abduction of about 100 wedding guests (locals and Chinese citizens),
and kept as hostages or human shields at Byuha Hill, a strategic army base, (https://www.facebook.com/klnenglish/videos/1217904131578003/) the rampant destruction
wrought on civilian homes and properties (http://kachinlandnews.com/?p=27116) by army air strikes, and the torching of homes (http://kachinlandnews.com/?p=27131)and
granary barns after the army regained control of Mong Koe (http://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/ethnic-armed-groups-withdraw-from-mong-ko-to-protect-civilians.html).
However, the most serious casualty arguably is the Second or 21st Century Panglong, as irreparable damage may have been inflicted on the so-called nationwide peace
process.
The attacks signaled a shift in tactics for the coalition. They had never before made forays into government controlled urban areas, confining themselves to defensive
warfare instead. The NA-B characterized the assaults as controlled or limited warfare, concentrating on preemptive strikes designed to thwart the Burma Army’s continued
deployment in ethnic territories.
The army responded with massive troop increases, and the deployment of heavy artillery, fighter jets and helicopters. Army Chief Min Aung Hlaing publicly raised the specter
of an army takeover, alluding to the 2008 army drafted constitution which makes provisions for such a move in a state of emergency. There was also an army spearheaded
attempt to label members of the NA-B “terrorist organizations” – thwarted in the Lower House, but passed in the Shan State parliament where military allied Union Solidarity
and Development Party (USDP) and army representatives hold a majority of seats.
The vote was not binding as it had failed to pass at the national level, but has been strongly condemned as being detrimental to the peace process by the 8 EAOs who
signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), and the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). A prominent Karen voice has also weighed in on who better fits
the “terrorist” label:
Who is it that rampages through the countryside, looting, torturing, killing and raping innocent civilians? Who is it that people are so terrified of that they run away at first sight
of their advance? The people know full well the answer to these questions!

12 COMMENTS
It is not that we ethnic peoples are against peace and coexistence with the Bamar brethren. Did not our forefathers, putting their trust in the Bamar promise of “full autonomy
in internal administration”, signed the Panglong Agreement in 1947 which gave birth to the Union that we know of today? The fact of the matter is that in the intervening
years, the ethnic peoples have become so disenchanted with the Bamar dominated central government for its broken promises and exploitation of land and resources that
they had chosen the path of armed insurrection to regain their inherent rights. This in turn has brought on the brutal occupation of ethnic lands by the Burma Army.
There have been intermittent attempts at negotiating peace, but thus far, none have borne lasting fruit. There was a 17-year period of ceasefire in the Kachin area, but it fell
apart when the military government, with the view of neutralizing the KIA, forced it to convert to a border guard force. This led to the renewal of war in the Kachin area in
2011.
Even so, the KIO (the political wing of the KIA), steadfastly participated in the peace process initiated by the Thein Sein government. This in spite of its positions being
shelled even as peace talks were being held. What transpired was that the KIO refused to sign on to the much touted Nationwide Ceasefire Accord (NCA), since it was not
truly ‘nationwide’, given the exclusion of 3 of its allies, the MNDAA, TNLA and AA. The NCA ended up being signed by only 8 of the 16 participating EAOs. In the meantime,
the KIA frontline post of Gidon has been bombarded incessantly for more than 3 months now, just as attacks on MNDAA and TNLA positions have been on-going.
With the advent of the civilian government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, an attempt to breathe new life into the peace process was made through the convening of the 21st
Century (or Second) Panglong Conference. But expectations of a breakthough fell flat when it also failed to be all inclusive. Interestingly, in the lead up to the conference,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s tone-deaf remark that EAO leaders should not just think of making demands but consider what they can bring to the table instead, resulted in this
impassioned retort from U Khoo Oo Reh of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP):
Come and take a look at our ethnic lands. Our rivers have run dry. Our mountains have been levelled. Our forests are no more. Our plains have turned into deserts. All
our natural resources are gone. Our people have had to flee homes and villages to live out their lives in IDP camps. What more do you expect us to give? We have
nothing left to give!
The renewed Kachin war is now well into its 6th year. The fighting shows no signs of letting up. Rather, it is growing in intensity and spreading even to urban areas. The IDP
situation is becoming increasingly more desperate, with all international aid to border camps cut off, while the number of IDPs keeps growing. Moreover, with the much
hoped for breakthrough in the peace process with the installation of a new civilian government now seem doomed, so do prospects of their longed for return to former homes
and farms.
Weighed down by the abuse and persecution they have had to endure for so many years, from generation to generation, the Kachins are now at breaking point. Just as cries
of Uhuru, Swahili for freedom, reverberated throughout Kenya at the height of the resistance movement against British colonial rule, clamors for Awm Dawm, its Kachin
equivalent, are now echoing through Kachinland.
It might surprise non-Kachins to learn that the KIO is the voice of restraint where awm dawm is concerned. Mindful of the terrible sacrifices such a radical venture would
entail, it had concentrated on working in tandem with other UNFC members to call for federalism within the Union. But KIO leaders are under intense pressure from their
people and the demand for awm dawm.
A KIO leader’s recent allusion to secession sparked the Bamar remark that it “impinged upon the red line (http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/opinion/24146-is-fighting-with-
the-na-b-the-beginning-of-a-full-fledged-crisis.html)” – a line that must not be crossed. To the ethnics, the “red line” reference smacks of hegemonism and bully tactics. Just
as no ‘red line’ should exist to keep a woman from leaving an abusive relationship, no threats should be levelled at the Kachin, or any other ethnic group for that matter,
wishing to exercise their right to secession. For after all, the Panglong Agreement, much like a marriage contract, is a pact whereby ethnic peoples pledged their troth with
the Bamars, with the “pre-nup” clause of the right to secession written in by far-sighted leaders, in case the union did not work out.
It goes without saying that a breakup of the Union would be disastrous and traumatic for all concerned. Indeed it would be the height of irony if the Union that the father
worked so hard to bring about, were to disintegrate at the hands of the daughter. The onus then is on the Bamars – specifically the daughter of the architect of the Union, in
her capacity as head of the current civilian government, and the army that he created – to make the ethnics want to stay. There is real danger of a breakup unless sincere
efforts to facilitate an all-inclusive peace process are made, and guarantees given for an equitable sharing of power within a federated system. Anything less would fail to
bring about the genuine peace and reconciliation the country so desperately needs.
About Pangmu Shayi
View all posts by Pangmu Shayi → (http://www.kachinlandnews.com/?author=76)
Roland Watson says:
December 17, 2016 at 11:12 am (http://www.kachinlandnews.com/?p=27234#comment-9997)
Everyone is so concerned about secession. Why? It worked for Yugoslavia. You have to understand. The Burmans are never going to give up power willingly.
Not Min Aung Hlaing. Not Suu Kyi. Not Than Shwe. Defeat the entire dictatorship or generate so much pressure that you create large safe areas –
autonomous states – which can serve as the basis for future nations. Those are the only options.
135 national races in Myanmar says:
December 20, 2016 at 9:46 pm (http://www.kachinlandnews.com/?p=27234#comment-9999)
See things clearly.
It means that you must clearly understand system and nationality. So also you must digest the history of Myanmar.
All nationalities including Burmese suffer the bad system. That is why 1988 riot occured and we are now on the path to democratic ways.

Since Indepedence to 1988 , top leaders of Government are not Burmese. Let ‘s say Major General Tin Oo ( Chief Intelligence). He is Mon. So also
U Sein Lwin( President ). He is also Mon. This two top leaders of the country ruled the country with dictatorship style. On the othere hand , Leader of
Burma Communist Party who is against successive Government are not Burmese. Thakhin Soe , leader of BCP is Mon national.
At present , SG Min Aung Hlaing is not Burmese. He is Dawai national and his wife is Rakhine national.
Daw Ag San Su Kyi is also somehow mixed ethnic national.
Present President of the country is also mixed ethinc national and 2 vice presidents are Mon and Chin respectively.
They all are now building Federal Democratic State.
Thus do not point your wrong fingers to Burmese only. It depends on person concerned.
Thus you must clearly understand bad people ( whichever ethnic nationality he is ) / bad system and good people / good system.
This is one issue.
Another issues is that leader of ethinc armed groups have different personal and commercial interest. What is commom to all is that they all are rich
with billion of USD through exploitation of valuable natural resources of the country , illegal drug business and so on and their sons/daughters and
relatives are living in oversea with luxious houses. These crony leaders do not want to give up their personal and commercial interest and thus they
are brainwashing their same people with ethnic hatred. Then they create armed conflict with Myanmar Tatmadaw so that they can do all kinds of
illegal business and their people will not be able to study school lessons and will become narrow minded people.
Thus only if there is no crony ethnic leaders who are sending their same people to wrong ways or brainwasing with black propagada , sincere ethnic
nationals will enjoy peace.
Another issuse is that states and regions are not owned by only one ethnic nationality.E.g. In Yangon, majority are Burmese and the rest are Karen ,
Kayah , Kachin , chin ,mon , Rakhin , Shan. So also in Shan State, majority are shan and the rest are Pa Oo, Da Nu, In Thar, Burmese, Wa,
Palaung , Mon, Karean and etc. In kachin State, half of the population is Red Shan. 1/3 is Kachin ,1/3 is Burmese and the rest is 1/3. In Mon state,
half are mon and the rest are karean , Pa Oo, Chin , Burmese , Shan , Rakhin .Thus if we go with Federal State, it must be based on geography ,
not ethnic.
In short , Do not compare with Yugoslave because Myanmar have 135 ethnic group.
I suggest You to study Myanmar History thoroughly.
Awm Dawm says:
135 national races?? Faked like the daily wagers trotted out at the Dec 18 pro-army rally, dressed as ethnic peoples? YOU might be
fooled, but we ethnic peoples are not!
naw man hla says:
I support Dec 18 Mass Rally which support Myanmar Tatmadaw and condemed so.called Northern
Terriorist Group for killing civilians cruely and doing all.kinds of sabotage activities in.Shan.and Kachin.State
We see differently between sincere ethnic people and self appointied leaders of KIA/TNLA/MNDAA/ AA Terriorist Group.
You know who they are
how they become rich?
They are exploiting their innocent same ethnic
people in the name of revolution.
If they are.confidentof themseves, give up their arms and economic benefits . Then come to legalfold and take part in democratic
election.
One thing sure is that they will.never be voted by People.
Why?
People know that.they are Opprotunist , Insurgents and Terriorist only.
The Truth is..... says:
Pilon Agreement just mentioned Financial Autonomy only. It did not mention Administration.
Autonomy and Administration have different meaning.
Crony Leaders of Armed Ethnic Groups brainwash their same race by twisting the word ” Administration ” which is not mentioned.
In fact, sincere honest ethnic people are so pitiful because they are being lied by their self-labled leaders.
So long as they are being lied and brainwashed , they will not enjoy Peace.

Awm Dawm says:
“Pilon Agreement” – another of the fake agreements you Bamars want to hoist on us, ethnics? Also, for your information, go to Wikipedia or any
English language dictionary to find out that autonomy in politics means self-government. Would you still argue that government and administration
are two different things? What a pathetic existence you lead as an army attack dog!
Gwann Maw says:
Without uderstanding the essence of Pilon ; do not nurture the meaning of Autonomy and Administration.
So.also without understanding the slight differences between this two words; you are not deserved to argue.
The essence of Pilon is get-togetherness among our different nationalities to gain Independence and degree of power sharing is different.
Read Pilon Agreement and its essence thoroghly.
chew yeo says:
Regarding with.Pilon
Agreement of 1947 , what I see is that it is just.mentioned Financial Autonomy. It means that ethnic people can enjoy Financial Autonomy.
It is not mentioned Administrative Autonomy. I saw that Awm Dawm is passimistic and full.of hatred towards Bamars. I do not why he is
haopening so. It might be that
1.He is narrow minded
2. He is not educated and brainwashed to hate Bamars
3.He was brought up in the jungles
So he does not have right.view and right thought.
The problem.of Myanmar is only commercial or intetest issuse , not ethnic.issue. Succueesive.leaders of ethnic armed groups stimulate
their.people under the name of ethnic because
1. it is easy to organize
2. People are not educated.
If there is no.commercial interest. they will not cry much.
Example
if there is no.jade
if there is no teak forest
if there is no mining products
if the land can not be produced poppy and drugs
In order not to lose the personal benefits , they want to.hold arms for life and also want to.be warloards.
Thus they gave excuses that they.are fighting for.them
I am sure that if people are educated and broad minded, people will.no.longer accept. their excueses.
Wish people in armed conflict areas enjoy eternal PEACE.
Who has become rich guys ? says:
Regarding with the words of Khu Oo Ye ” Come and take.a look our ethnic land” and ” we have nothing left to.give”. let me question you ” who has become
rich guys “.
The answer is that leaders of Ethnic Armed Groups have become rich guys through exploitation of valuable natural resources illegly in their land.
In Kaya State. KNPP led by Ku Oo Ye earn billion of USD $ through mining ( Ka Nauk.Sein inBurmese) and illegal extraction.of teak and other drug business.
So also in Kachin State. KIA/ KIO leaders and their families are very rich through extraction.of natual resources (E.g Jade ); illegal.cutting and selling of
valuable teak to neighbouring and doing drugs business.
Where are these Trillion USD $?
Though these ethnic armed groups are crying ethnic rights , they are earning Trillion USD but people in their controlled areas are living in poverty and
uneducated.
What is worst is that.these.innocent ethnic people are fighting for nothing for their rich guys ethnic leaders.
Thus it is right time for honest ethnic people to fight against their ethnic leaders who are just seeking their own.intetest for 6 decades.
On the other hands; they must comdem them who do not want Peace except creating Arm Conflict with Tatmadaw and against successive governments.
People themselves must find ways to get Peace in.their Areas.

Comments are closed.
Awm Dawm says:
Just as “the people know full well” who the real terrorists are – they know full well who the real trillionaires, billionaires are, grown rich from sucking the blood
life out of the country’s natural resources. Ever read the explosive report on the subject by Global Witness and many other such reports? Don’t be so deluded,
read and educate yourself and open your eyes to what is really going on!
Awm Dawm says:
As per GT.. behind the curtain is not only cronies of previous but also ethnic armed groups also. That is the main reason of why ethnic armed groups
do not want to give up commercial interest. Another undenyable fact is that 100 chinese men who are escorded by KIA is arrested by Myanmar
Authority. All nautral resources and jade are depleted or gone due to KIA and their associates.
Every ethnic has black sheep. So.we must find out who the black.sheep is.
Kachin people are generally honest but KIA are black sheep.for them.
steven says:
What I see is that Some facts mentioned in Global Witness might be correct. But those who really suck the fresh blood of sincere kachin people are
nothing but KIA leaders and their stooges. They are also invloved in exploitation of natural resources such as teak and jade for their own interest.
They really are rich trillioners.
Morover KIA like decoit rob the money from.poor kachin people in the name of tax but all are in the pocket of KIA. They forced their people die for
them in the name of ethnic issues. While innocent kachin people are fighting for nothing ; they are living in safe luxious houses.
People know very well who are terriorist really and 105 mile case proved that KIA and their dogs killed innocent civilians and fired public vehicles
and so on.
Thus do not be so deluded; educate yourself and open your eyes to what is really going on.

Posted By: SHAN on: November 18, 2015 In: Human Rights, News
Little aid, no contact: Shan State’s IDP crisis
Shan State’s 10,000-plus internally displaced people (IDPs) are now dispersed between more than ten locations in six townships, according to data
collected by the Tai Youth Network (TYN), a group of local volunteers worried that the basic needs of the displaced are not being met.
Children displaced by fighting in Shan State eat rice and cabbage in an IDP camp in
Mong Hsu Township. (Oum Mwe: S.H.A.N)
“No organization is helping them,” said Sai Hseng Murng, of TYN, after visiting Wan Wa, a Kesi Township village now hosting nearly 1,000 IDPs. The aid
that has reached the IDPs has been collected and distributed through community-based relief networks rather than international organizations, local
sources explained.
“Cold season is coming and they need more help,” he added. TYN delivered 300 bags of rice and 500,000 kyat (almost $400 USD) to the informal camp
yesterday.
Concerned about conditions at Hai Pa, an IDP host site in Mong Hsu Township, Sai Thurein Oo, an MP representing Namzang in the Shan State
Parliament, intended to travel to check on those displaced there—an estimated 1,500 people.
“The local people told us, ‘don’t go,’ because the Burma Army won’t let anyone through,” he said. “No one has been able to contact the Hai Pa IDPs
since November 8.”
Burma Army checkpoints on area roads are also allegedly blocking the transport of any large amounts of rice to Mong Hsu, according to local
merchants, in order to restrict the amount of aid that reaches IDP camps.
Also the site of repeated clashes, Kesi and Mong Hsu townships were previously host to a total of 6,000 displaced civilians, a number which increased
by 40 percent after the current wave of offensives began more than one week ago, on November 10, two days after Burma held its ﬁrst general
election in 25 years.
In the past week, the crisis has extended to new locations, as IDPs have also sought refuge in Laikha, Mong Yai, Namzang Townships and northern
Shan State’s Lashio.
Today marks the third day of escalated Burma Army offensives near the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N) headquarters,
according to a statement released today in Burmese by the SSPP/SSA-N.

“They attacked with artillery and fighter jets and reinforced their troops,” the statement read. “The refugees are increasing day by day. They have lost
their property.and they have had to leave their homes and flee. The farmers cannot harvest their rice. The children cannot attend school.”
On November 16, the Burma Army once again attacked the village of Wan Saw, formerly an IDP safe haven, with helicopters and fighter jets, displacing
the civilians who remained or had returned after an artillery attack there six days earlier.
Major Sai Su, spokesperson for the SSPP/SSA-N told SHAN that civilians from five villages surrounding Wan Saw fled when they saw the jets on
Monday, adding to the number of area IDPs.
Fighter jets reportedly dropped bombs near the SSPP/SSA-N Wan Hai base on November 17. Ground forces continued this attack in the early morning
hours today from Kyu Mawk Khao, a Burma Army base; this was reportedly carried out through the repeated use of heavy artillery, a tactic
documented regularly since the Burma Army initiated military offensives in central Shan State on October 6.
By SIMMA FRANCIS / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)
Reporting by NANG HOM and SAI YIPHONG / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

12/12/2017 Crisis Overview | OCHA
http://www.unocha.org/myanmar/about-ocha-myanmar/crisis-overview-0 1/1
Home » Myanmar » About OCHA Myanmar » Crisis Overview
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Crisis Overview
Assistant Secretary-General for
Humanitarian Affairs Kyung-wha
meets Rakhine IDPs in Set Yone Su
IDP Camp in Sittwe, Rakhine State,
Myanmar. 11 June 2014. Credit:
OCHA/P. Peron
Since 2011, more than 240,000 people in total
have been displaced in Myanmar. Two years on
from significant outbreaks of inter-communal
violence in Rakhine State, over 416,000 people
remain in need of humanitarian assistance,
including 140,000 in IDP camps and many others
in isolated villages living in dire conditions with
limited freedom of movement.
In Kachin and northern Shan States over 119,000
people remain in need of humanitarian
assistance, including over 98,000 people still
displaced as a result of the conflict that erupted
in June 2011. Some 50 per cent of them are
staying in areas beyond Government control where humanitarian access is limited.
Disaster preparedness also remains a major challenge as Myanmar is considered to be
one of the countries at highest risk of natural disasters in South East Asia. There is a
continued need for disaster risk reduction and activities aimed at strengthening
national capacity to prepare for and respond to natural disasters.
Download the Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan 2016
About OCHA
Myanmar
Crisis Overview
About OCHA Myanmar
Disaster Response Preparedness
OCHA Myanmar Funding
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in response to Rohingya Refugee
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12/12/2017 Hostilities with Burma Army across three Shan State townships: TNLA- DVB Multimedia Group
http://www.dvb.no/news/hostilities-burma-army-across-three-shan-state-townships-tnla/77408 1/2
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Clashes between Tatmadaw troops and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) flared
in three northern Shan State townships on Wednesday, the ethnic armed group has
announced.
At around 12:30 p.m., a skirmish erupted in Pangwah village, Namtu Township, followed by
another bout of hostilities in Hukin village, Namhsan Township. Fighting also broke out on a
mountain range near Lwe Kha Lay village, in Kyaukme Township, at about 5pm, according
to the TNLA.
The Tatmadaw’s 88th Light Infantry Division, Infantry Battalion Unit No. 301 and the 77th
Light Infantry Division reportedly encroached on locations where TNLA troops were
stationed, sparking the latest hostilities. Three members of the Tatmadaw were killed in the
fighting near Hukin village, the TNLA said.
The ethnic armed organisation did not report any casualties of its own in the fighting.
DVB was unable to make contact with relevant
representatives from either side of the conflict
on Thursday.
By DVB
14 September 2017 Print
Conflict News
Hostilities with Burma Army across three Shan
State townships: TNLA
A Ta’ang National Liberation Army soldier looks on during the 51st anniversary of Ta’ang National
Resistance Day at Homain, Nansan Township, in northern Shan State, on 12 January 2014. (Photo:
Reuters)

12/12/2017 Hostilities with Burma Army across three Shan State townships: TNLA- DVB Multimedia Group
http://www.dvb.no/news/hostilities-burma-army-across-three-shan-state-townships-tnla/77408 2/2
Three dead as Tatmadaw shells TNLA
hilltop post
Military softens stance on excluded
armed groups
Torture report ban shows limits of rights
under NLD: CSOs
Tags:
Separately, the Office of the Commander-in-
Chief reported that an improvised explosive
device was detonated on the Pyidaungsu Road
in Hsipaw Township on Tuesday evening as a
joint team of army and police personnel was
conducting security operations in the area.
The blast took place 20 metres from Kholone
Bridge, but no casualties were reported. The
Office of the Commander-in-Chief’s statement
did not assign blame to any specific individual
or group.
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12/12/2017 The Rise of The Kokang Militia Force – Tea Circle
https://teacircleoxford.com/2017/11/21/the-rise-of-the-kokang-militia-force/ 1/8


The Rise of The Kokang Militia Force
BY LIU YUN | NOVEMBER 21, 2017
Liu Yun looks at a new development in militia politics in northern
Shan State.
The Kokang Militia Force (KMF), a Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed
Forces)-supported community militia, has been emerging in
the con ict-torn Kokang Self-Administered Zone. This is a
fresh and tricky security development in the China-Myanmar
border areas, which have become more and more militarized
as a result of the Tatmadaw’s offensives across the ethnic
areas since 2009.
The Kokang region (782 square miles) is located in the
northern part of Myanmar’s Shan State, with the Salween river
to its west, and southwestern China’s Yunnan province to the
east. This area is mostly populated by Kokang people, a Han
Chinese group which belongs to the 135 taingyintha (national
races) of cially recognised by the Myanmar government. Since
2015, Kokang has been intermittently hit by deadly clashes
between the Tatmadaw and the Myanmar National Democratic
Alliance Army (MNDAA) which is led, if not directly, by
Kokang’s former leader Peng Jiasheng, who was ousted by the
junta in 2009.

On October 30th, the KMF was ceremonially issued weapons
by Colonel Kyaw Kyaw Tun, the acting commander of the
Laukai Regional Operation Command (ROC). He said, “The
militias in this country have been ghting together with the
Tatmadaw for several decades. Now the Kokang militia has
been successfully rebuilt into four standard units, waiting for
the nal approval from our superiors.”
The community militias controlled directly by local Tatmadaw
troops are part of a strategic arrangement that began in the
1960s, under the doctrine of people’s war: an emphasis on the
participation of the population in combating both domestic
insurgents and foreign threats . At that time, the “godfather of
heroin”, Luo Xinghan (a.k.a. Lo Hsing Han) started his opium-
traf cking career in Kokang as the chief of a Ka Kwe Ye (home
guard) unit, a local militia set up to ght the communists.
The issue of militias has only received occasional attention in
Myanmar scholarship. John Buchanan has taken a systematic
look at militias and their roles in economy, politics, con ict as
well as the communities in which they operate. In a research
report, titled “Militias in Myanmar”, published by the Asia
Foundation last year, Buchanan disaggregated the Tatmadaw-
af liated militias into three types, namely, Tatmadaw-
integrated militias, Tatmadaw non-integrated militias and
Tatmadaw-supported community militias. The KMF ts into
the third group which is “ made up of civilians recruited from a
community, trained and armed by the Tatmadaw.”
Buchanan also notes that the “Tatmadaw-supported
community militias … are part of the Tatmadaw’s national
defense strategy. When necessary, the Tatmadaw may mobilize
this type of militia to ght against foreign and local threats.”

Undoubtedly, all the “foreign and local threats” to the KMF will
be posed by the the MNDAA, which has fully taken advantage
of the porous China-Myanmar border to attack selected targets
inside the Kokang region, including hotels (November 27th,
2015), houses (September 15th, 2016) and casinos (March 6th,
2017) owned by rivals in the Kokang community who are loyal
to the Myanmar government. These rivals strongly support the
KMF, bearing the vast majority of the nancial burden, while
the local government provides monthly subsidies equivalent to
$76 per person.
One of the KMF’s four authorized units, with approximately
200 well-trained cadres, is headed by Bai Yingcang, the second
son of the Kokang self-administration’s former top leader
(2009-2016) Bai Suocheng (a.k.a.Bai Xuoqian). Bai Suocheng
boldly challenged his superior Peng Jiasheng’s rule and
became loyal to the then-SPDC government in the historic “88
Incident”, a violent con ict that erupted 8 years ago, leading to
Peng Jiasheng’s “eighth fall” and the Tatmadaw incumbent
Commander-in-Chief senior general Min Aung Hlaing’s
prominent rise.
The Tatmadaw’s master plan can be interpreted through
national-level initiatives. In his widely-read book, Building the
Tatmadaw, Maung Aung Myoe writes:
“Since the mid-1960s, the Tatmadaw introduced a three-phase
counter-insurgency warfare plan. Phase one transforms a
‘black area’ into a ‘brown area’, that is, transforms an area
controlled by insurgents, but where the Tatmadaw operates, to
a Tatmadaw-controlled area where insurgent operates. The
second phase is to transform from ‘brown area’ into ‘white
area’. In this phase, the area will be cleared of any insurgent

Tweet
activities. The nal phase is to transform it into a ‘hard-core
area’…In phase three, the government forms pro-government
militia units for both counter-insurgency and for overall
national defence.”
From this deeply rooted perspective, the Kokang region has
entered into a critical transitional process of becoming a
“hard-core area”. In this scenario, possible clashes in the years
to come will be less intense than the one in 2015, in which
over a hundred government soldiers and police of cers were
killed and around 80,000 locals were displaced. However,
constant assaults underscore that the MNDAA and its allies are
still very active. Their leverage has been further enhanced by
becoming a founding member of the Federal Political
Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) , a political
alliance led by the 30,000-strong United Wa State Army
(UWSA).
So why did the Tatmadaw, if that “three-phase theory” still
valid, decide to expedite the regional military pattern towards
a new stage? One logical explanation goes that it wants to
change the stubborn position of the MNDAA and its allies,
making room for the cease re agreement and political
dialogue. Rumor has it that the Tatmadaw has already
approached the MNDAA privately. After all, senior general Min
Aung Hlaing once quoted Bismarck as saying “politics is the art
of the possible, the attainable–the art of the next best.”
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POSTED IN POST • TAGGED CONFLICT, KOKANG, SHAN STATE, TATMADAW
Author: Liu Yun
Liu Yun is an independent analyst based in
China. He writes on Myanmar regularly. He can
be reached at: liuyun5398@hotmail.com View
all posts by Liu Yun
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12/12/2017 Refugees doubt Myanmar offer to aid displaced Shan on border | Asia Times
http://www.atimes.com/article/suu-kyi-government-vows-feed-displaced-shan-thai-border/ 1/9
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      1By JIM POLLARD | OCTOBER 29, 2017 8:10 PM (UTC+8)
R
epresentatives of Shan refugees have voiced skepticism about
an offer from the Suu Kyi government to help feed thousands
of people in camps for displaced people near the Thai-
Myanmar border, who have been hit by cuts to international
assistance.
MYANMAR IDP CAMPS THAI BORDER
Refugees doubt Myanmar offer to
aid displaced Shan on border
Shan refugees fear the offer to provide food to IDP camps was just a "stunt to divert attention from the
Burma Army’s ongoing military operations to systematically depopulate the country's ethnic states."
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Displaced Shan at the Thai-Myanmar border call for the Myanmar military to stop fighting against ethnic groups. Photo: Charm Tong/ Shan Human Rights Group.
More in Myanmar
     MYANMAR | Refugees doubt Myanmar offer to aid displaced Shan on border

A government spokesman said last week leaders of camps in Shan
State should inform the government about their plight and request
aid.
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U Zaw Htay, director-general of the State Counsellor’s Office, urged
camp leaders to report their conditions to the government and to ask
for aid. He said State Counsellor Suu Kyi had laid out the policy under
which the government would pay for costs related to food, education,
and healthcare of the displaced people.
“Some non-government
organizations are helping
but if these NGOs cut the
supply and there is a
shortage, report to the
government. The National
Reconciliation and Peace
Centre will lend a hand,” he
was quoted as saying.
There are camps for
internally displaced people (IDPs) in many parts of northern Myanmar
– areas controlled by both the government and ethnic armed groups.
The UN’s World Food Programme was providing food to camps with
about 150,000 people in Kachin and northern Shan State but supplies
were cut last year amid renewed fighting in both states and camps
have suffered food shortages since then.
There is also more than 110,000 IDPs in country’s southeast. The most
recent concern involves about 6,000 Shan in five camps on the Thai
border – Loi Tai Laeng, Loi Kaw Wan, Loi Lam, Loi Sarmsip and Kong
Moong Murng – who had food aid cut at the beginning of October.
U Zaw Htay said the situation for displaced people on the Thai border
was “a little complicated, as we have to talk to the Thai government”.
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Just a stunt to divert attention from abuses?
However, the Thai Border branch of the Shan State Refugee
Committee said on November 1 it had not been contacted by the
government on this issue and had doubts about the sincerity of the
offer. They feared was just “a publicity stunt to divert attention from
the Burma Army’s ongoing military operations systematically
depopulating Burma’s ethnic states.”
Most of the displaced Shan on the border fled a huge “scorched earth”
campaign in central Shan State in 1996-98, which drove over 300,000
people from their homes. “Hundreds of villagers were tortured, killed,
and raped,” the committee noted in their press release.
“The majority of the 1,400 villages forcibly displaced 20 years ago
remain abandoned to this day, the land seized and occupied by Burma
Army troops. Today the same horror is unfolding in northern Rakhine
State, while large-scale militarization and offensives are continuing in
Kachin and Shan States.
“The fact that the Burma Army is continuing its systematic brutality
against the ethnic peoples, with ongoing impunity, is what is
preventing the displaced communities on the Shan-Thai border from
returning home. The Burmese government’s offer to assist the
displaced Shan, while keeping silent on the Burma Army’s ongoing
systematic crimes, thus rings hollow indeed.
“What we want from the Burmese government is a political resolution
to the conflict, which will lead to a withdrawal of Burma Army troops
from our homelands and an end to military abuses,” SSRC (TB)
chairman Sai Lieng said from Koung Jor camp in Chiang Mai province.
“Unless this takes place, it is impossible for us to return home.”
He reiterated their urgent appeal to the international community to
resume aid directly to the Shan IDPs and refugees until they can
return home voluntarily in safety and dignity.
The Thai Border Consortium (TBC), the body which arranges food and
other support to nine mainly Karen refugee camps along the border,
12-12-2017 12:31
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RBP

Shan children are seen on a farm in the north of Thailand. Photo: Charm Tong/ SHRG
Young Shan boys and children on a Thai farm
announced two years ago that food rations to the six sites would be
cut, because of a substantial drop-off in donor funding.
Charm Tong: ‘Situation is desperate’
The plight of displaced Shan in IDP camps along the Thai border was
raised by Charm Tong, a well-known Shan activist, who appealed for
assistance during a discussion in Bangkok about the refugee situation
on the Thai-Myanmar border on October 18.
“There was a total cut in food aid because of a funding decrease from
donors – 6,000 people have lost food. The situation is desperate. This
is a crisis for all on the Shan border,” Charm Tong told the gathering at
the Foreign Correspondents’ Club.
Charm Tong said more than 1,000 of the displaced Shan were children
and showed pictures of Shan in the IDP camps holding up banners
appealing for the Myanmar Army to “stop fighting ethnic groups” and
to “Get out of Shan State.”
The activist said a quarter of the Burman Army was in Shan State and
many of the villages that the displaced people came from had been
destroyed.
“Fighting has increased since the National Ceasefire Agreement
started in 2011. There is no trust and no peace on the ground for Shan
people.”
Reports document massacres and gang rapes
The attacks on the Shan 20 years ago were documented in reports by
rights groups, such as ‘License to Rape’ about the extensive use of rape
as a weapon of war by Burmese troops, and ‘Dispossession’ about the
brutal relocation of villages in central Shan State in the late 90s.
Thai officials allowed hundreds of thousands of Shan to cross the
border but academics have said that Thai security chiefs believed the
camps set up for the Karen from 1984 till 1997 – in areas further south
– were a mistake because they created a “pull factor” and encouraged
more people to flee.
“The displaced were forced to survive as migrant workers,” Charm
Tong said. “In some cases, three generations of [Shan] families fled and
had to find any work for their survival.”
Many ended up on orange farms in Fang district but had to endure low
wages amid widespread use of toxic pesticides. There were hundreds
of workers on some farms and small schools had been set up for their
children, she said. Others found themselves in crowded unsanitary
facilities near building sites throughout northern Thailand.
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11-12-2017 12:23

Recent Myanmar governments have insisted that displaced people
who want to work in Thailand should return and undergo a
‘Nationality Verification’ process. But observers say this is unrealistic,
as many villages where they used to live have been moved and no
longer exist. So, the prospect of them finding someone to vouch for
them is tricky, slow, and risky.
Former TBC chief Jack Dunford spoke at the same discussion. He said
violence against ethnic Karen in the mid-90s had caused tens of
thousands to flee into Thailand. But the international community only
heard limited reports about this.
New technology helping to reveal army’s abuses
“Technology was very different in those days. There has been amazing
footage of the exodus of Rohingya from drones, etc,” he said. “About
250,000 Rohingya fled [to Bangladesh] in 1992, but I don’t remember
any major coverage of that in the international media.”
Dunford said the downfall of Manerplaw, the headquarters of the
Karen resistance, in January 1995 led to waves of refugees flooding into
western Thailand, from Kanchanaburi, west of Bangkok, right up to
Mae Hong Son in the far north. But the numbers were smaller than
what occurred in Rakhine State recently.
Sally Thompson, current head of TBC, said new global crises such as
the mass exodus to Bangladesh meant that refugees in Thailand
dropped down the list of priorities in terms of funding. “New crises are
putting demands on the same pot [of international assistance].
Asked about factors hindering a return of the 100,000 or so refugees in
the Thai camps going back to southeast Myanmar, she said “People in
the [border] camps here still live in a conflict mentality. You don’t go
into a ceasefire, then look at long-term development.” It would take
time.
For Charm Tong, there was a disturbing disconnect – millions being
poured into peace talks, yet Shan people were still being pushed off
their land, often to make way for mega-projects, and left with nothing.
“They say peace-building is a separate issue. But how about linking
these issues to people who want to invest in dams [on the Salween] –
what about the people displaced for those dams? I think there’s
something missing in the policy and development discussions.”

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France takes mysterious
radioactive mushrooms off
the menu (Stephen Bryen)
10-12-2017 12:04
Kyoto accord 20 years on:
hard won but inadequate
(Daniel Hurst)
10-12-2017 12:02
Japan opens up to
possibility of increasing

A map of Myanmar showing areas of conflict in 2013, two years after the peace process started.
(Charm Tong/SHRG).
   
Comments
#MYANMAR #IDP CAMPS THAI BORDER #IDP CAMPS #AID CUTS CRISIS #FOOD AID
#DISPLACED PEOPLE #SHAN STATE #SHAN STATE REFUGEE COMMITTEE #STATE
COUNSELLOR'S OFFICE #THAI BORDER CONSORTIUM #CHARM TONG #JACK DUNFORD
#LOI TAI LAENG CAMP #SCORCHED EARTH CAMPAIGN #KUNHING MASSACRE #BURMA
ARMY MILITARISATION #FORCED RELOCATION #VILLAGES MOVED
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renewable energy (Daniel
Hurst)      MYANMAR | Refugees doubt Myanmar offer to aid displaced Shan on border

12/12/2017 Myanmar government faces new crisis as ethnic armies attack military
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-myanmar-border/myanmar-government-faces-new-crisis-as-ethnic-armies-attack-military-idUSKBN13G06Y 1/8
#WORLD NEWS
NOVEMBER 21, 2016 / 9:16 AM / A YEAR AGO
Myanmar government faces new crisis as ethnic armies attack
military
Wa Lone, Brenda Goh
YANGON/SHANGHAI (Reuters) - Myanmar’s eight-month-old government faced a fresh
crisis on Monday, after four ethnic armed groups attacked security forces in the north of the
country, dealing a major blow to leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s top goal of reaching peace with
ethnic minorities.
Eight people were killed and 29 wounded when a coalition of northern rebels attacked military
and police outposts and a business center near an important trading hub on Myanmar’s border
with China on Sunday, the government said.
China put its army on high alert and said it was providing shelter for some people who ﬂed
across the frontier to escape ﬁghting in the towns of Muse and Kutkai, in Myanmar’s
northeastern Shan state. Beijing called on the parties involved to exercise calmness and
restraint.
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The sudden escalation of fighting comes as the government grapples with a conflict in
northwestern Rakhine that has sent hundreds of Rohingya Muslims fleeing to Bangladesh,
posing a new challenge to Nobel peace prize winner Suu Kyi, who swept to power last year on
promises of national reconciliation.
In an important realignment of ethnic armed forces, one of Myanmar’s most powerful militias,
the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), joined three smaller groups that have been in a stand-
off with the Myanmar military since clashes on the border last year.
The fighting last year pitted the army against the predominantly ethnic Chinese Myanmar
National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and its allies, the Ta‘ang National Liberation
Army (TNLA) and the Arakan Army (AA).
The three groups said they had joined with the KIA to attack the military over the weekend.
“The Burma armed forces have been assaulting to destroy all political and military struggles of
the ethnic peoples because they have no will to solve Myanmar’s political problem by
politically peaceful negotiation methods,” the four groups said in a statement.
S P O N S O R E D
ADVERTISING

STUTTERING PEACE PROCESS
One of the government’s peace negotiators, Hla Maung Shwe, told Reuters the fresh violence
may severely delay the stuttering peace process.
“It was really regrettable that civilian areas have come under attack. This is likely to further
complicate the peace process,” he said.
The fighting threatened to derail whatever progress has been made by Suu Kyi since she
organized a major peace conference with most ethnic armed groups in August.
“We will increase the operations to secure these areas and protect the civilians,” said Ministry
of Defence spokesman Major General Aung Ye Win. He did not comment on questions
regarding the military’s next steps.
Thousands of people have been displaced by decades of fighting between the military and
ethnic armed groups in Shan state, which is home to several large groups operating close to the
borders with China and Thailand.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said a stray bullet from the fighting had
wounded a Chinese resident and China has lodged a protest.
China was infuriated last year when five Chinese people were killed when the fighting spilled
over into Chinese territory.
“The Chinese army is on high alert and will take the necessary measures to safeguard the
country’s sovereignty and safety, as well as protect the lives and property of Chinese citizens
living along the border,” a defense ministry statement said.
(This version of the story was refiled to clarify that statement in the last paragraph is from
defense ministry)
Additional reporting by Beijing newsroom; Editing by Paul Tait and Alex Richardson

12/12/2017 Over 30,000 displaced by Burma Army attacks face humanitarian crisis in Shan State | Burma Campaign UK
http://burmacampaign.org.uk/over-30000-displaced-by-burma-army-attacks-face-humanitarian-crisis-in-shan-state/ 1/2
For human rights, democracy and development inBurma
August 10, 2011
Press release by the Shan Women’s Action Network and the Shan Human Rights Foundation
Over 30,000 displaced by Burma Army attacks face humanitarian crisis in northern Shan State
Numbers of villagers eeing Burma Army atrocities have soared to over 30,000 during recent
intensi ed attacks against the Shan State Army North (SSA-N), causing a dire humanitarian
crisis in northern Shan State.
Over 4,000 Burmese troops from 42 battalions were deployed during July to seize the SSA-N
headquarters of Wan Hai in Ke See township, backed up by jet ghter planes. Advancing
through surrounding villages, troops have been scaling up atrocities against civilians,
including killing, rape and mutilation. One dead villager was found with his leg and hand cut
off.
An estimated 31,700 villagers from nine townships have ed since the Burma Army began its
offensive on March 13, breaking its 22-year-long cease re with the SSA-N. Some have ed to
towns, to Wa-controlled areas along the China border, or to the Thai border, but most are
hiding in the jungle near their villages.
Those in hiding are facing chronic shortages of food, clean drinking water, shelter and
medicine, with heavy rains exacerbating the situation. In the Wan Hai area alone, at least 24
displaced villagers, mainly children and old people, have died of diarrhea and malaria in the
past month.
No international aid has reached these displaced communities so far. Aid agencies working
of cially inside Burma are being denied access to the con ict areas.
Shan community groups are appealing to the international community to provide cross-border
aid through local relief teams to these internally displaced villagers.
OVER 30,000 DISPLACED BY BURMA ARMY ATTACKS FACE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN SHAN STATE
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12/12/2017 Over 30,000 displaced by Burma Army attacks face humanitarian crisis in Shan State | Burma Campaign UK
http://burmacampaign.org.uk/over-30000-displaced-by-burma-army-attacks-face-humanitarian-crisis-in-shan-state/ 2/2
“With the regime keeping tight control on all aid in Burma, cross-border aid is the only way to
reach war-affected populations,” said Nang Hseng Moon, coordinator of the Shan Women’s
Action Network. “We urge international donors to respond to this humanitarian crisis before
further lives are lost.”
Although the Burma Army withdrew its extra battalions from the Wan Hai area in late July after
facing heavy losses, their local troops remain encircling the SSA-N stronghold and ghting has
been ongoing. Over 40 truckloads of new Burmese troop reinforcements have arrived from
Lashio and Hsipaw this week.
Detailed lists and maps of recent abuses and ghting incidents, as well as video of displaced
villagers, can be viewed on shanhumanrights.org <http://www.shanhumanrights.org> and
shanwomen.org (shanwomen.org)

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Comment, briefing & analysis from Burma Campaign UK
Burma
Briefing
Crisis in Shan State
On 13th March 2011 the dictatorship in Burma broke
a 22 year long ceasefire agreement with the Shan
State Army – North. 3,500 Burmese Army soldiers
took part in a military offensive in north-central Shan
State, an area with a population of 100,000. Sixty-
five clashes were reported in the first three weeks of
the dictatorship breaking the ceasefire. Civilians are
being targeted in the military offensive, with mortar
bombs fired at civilian villages. Abuses committed
by the Burmese Army include arbitrary execution,
arbitrary detention, torture, looting, rape, forced
relocation and forced labour. These abuses are
violations of international law.
More than 3,000 people have been forced to flee
their homes. Many are hiding in the jungle.
Local community organisations are calling on the
international community to condemn the attacks,
and take action to persuade the dictatorship to
implement an immediate nationwide ceasefire.
They are also calling for humanitarian assistance,
including cross-border aid, which, because of aid
restrictions by the dictatorship, is the only way aid
can be delivered in some areas.
Background to ceasefires
Since 1989 Burma’s dictatorship has signed
ceasefire agreements with around 17 different
armed organisations in Burma. However, under
the new 2008 Constitution, the Burmese Army is
the only permitted armed organisation allowed
in the country. The organisations with ceasefire
agreements took part in the National Convention
which drafted the principles of the Constitution.
Every single one of their proposals which would
grant some level of autonomy to ethnic states,
and protection for ethnic rights and culture, were
rejected by the dictatorship. (A detailed analysis of
this is available in Burma Briefing No 11, Burma’s
New Constitution, Denying Ethnic Rights, published
by Burma Campaign UK.)
Ceasefire organisations were ordered to place their
armed wings under the control of the Burmese
Army, as a Border Guard Force or Burmese Army
controlled militia. Their political wings were told
to apply for permission to take part in the rigged
election held in November 2010, where at best they
could hope for a handful of seats in a powerless,
rubber stamp Parliament. Not surprisingly, most
ceasefire groups rejected this ultimatum.
Since 2009 the dictatorship has issued repeated
deadlines by which ceasefire groups must submit to
being absorbed into the Burmese Army.
Crisis in
Shan State
No. 12
May 2011

2
Most groups ignored these deadlines, instead
calling for dialogue. In August 2009 the dictatorship
launched an offensive against the Myanmar National
Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), of the ethnic
Kokang group in Northern Shan State. Around
30,000 refugees fled into neighbouring China to
escape the attack. The MNDAA was defeated, and a
proxy organisation put in its place.
The attack against the Kokang, considered by some
as a soft target which could secure the Burmese
Army an easy victory, was seen as a warning to
those ceasefire groups refusing to become a Border
Guard Force. Following this offensive, the Burmese
Army continued to build up troops in Shan State,
but there was no other major violation of ceasefire
agreements until 8th November 2010, when the
Burmese Army launched an offensive against
Brigade 5 of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army
(DKBA) in Karen State. This Brigade had refused to
follow the rest of the DKBA into being placed under
the control of the Burmese Army. To date, the might
of the Burmese Army has been unable to defeat the
400 soldiers of this Brigade.
The breaking of the ceasefire with Shan State Army
– North on 13th March is the third time in the past
two years the dictatorship has broken a ceasefire
agreement. It is also threatening to break all other
ceasefire agreements. This would lead to large
scale conflict from Mon State, Karen State, and
Karenni State, to Shan State and Kachin State. The
result would be a major humanitarian crisis and a
massive escalation in human rights abuses against
civilians, as the Burmese Army targets civilians in
conflict. Burma Campaign UK has been warning
of this danger for years, but the international
community has ignored the danger of Burma
slipping into widespread civil war.
Recent history of Shan State
In 1947, when Burma was about to get
independence from Britain, a historic conference
was held at Panglong in Shan State between ethnic
leaders and the Burmese Government. At the
conference it was agreed that some ethnic peoples
would enjoy full autonomy and the right to secede
after ten years. However, this agreement was never
honoured.
The first Shan armed opposition group was formed
in 1958 to fight for autonomy and fundamental
rights for the Shan people. Some of these groups,
including the Shan State Army – North, later made
ceasefire agreements with the dictatorship. The
Shan State Army – South continued armed struggle.
In 1996, the attacks by the Burmese Army in
Shan State intensified and the dictatorship forcibly
relocated over 300,000 villagers from central and
southern Shan State to military-controlled areas. In
most cases the villagers were given only three or
five days notice, and the villagers were threatened
with violence if they did not move.
During the relocation, villagers were beaten,
tortured, killed and raped. There was mass use
of forced labour. Thein Sein, the new President
of Burma, was one of the regional Burmese Army
commanders in Shan State at this time.
About the Shan:
• Shan State is the biggest of Burma’s seven
ethnic states.
• The population of Shan State is
approximately 8 million people, of which
around 4 million are ethnic Shan.
• The Shan are ethnically related to the Thai
and have a similar language. The Shan
call themselves “Tai”. “Shan” is a Burmese
language term.
• Shan State is rich in natural resources, such
as gems, minerals and teak. Large hydro-
electric dams are also planned for the state.
• Buddhism is the main religion.
• The main livelihood of Shan people is
agriculture.
• There are several ethnic minority groups in
Shan State, including Akha, Kachin, Lahu,
Palaung, Pa-O, and Wa.

3
In 2002 the Shan Human Rights Foundation and
Shan Women’s Action Network published the
groundbreaking report, ‘Licence to Rape’, revealing
the scale of the use of rape as a weapon of war
against ethnic women.
About the Shan State Army – North
The Shan State Army (SSA) is the armed wing
of the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP). North
is added to the name to differentiate it from the
Shan State Army – South, which does not have
a ceasefire agreement with the dictatorship. The
SSA was founded in 1964, and the SSPP in 1971.
The political goal of the SSPP is for there to be an
autonomous Shan State within a Federal Union
of Burma. The SSA agreed a ceasefire with the
dictatorship in 1989. In April 2010 the SSA split
into two groups, one group agreed to become a
militia under control of the Burmese Army, while the
other refused. It has been estimated that the SSA
has a total of 5,000 soldiers. Brigade 1 of the SSA,
which has refused to be placed under control of the
Burmese Army, is estimated to have up to 3,000
soldiers.
Gas Connection
The area of Northern Shan State where fighting is
now taking place is where a proposed gas pipeline
will run from the giant Shwe Gas Project. This
project will pump gas from offshore of Arakan State,
through Burma, to China. China is also proposing
the construction of an oil pipeline as well, which
could transport oil from the Middle East and Africa.
Over the next thirty-years it has been estimated
the project and pipelines will earn the dictatorship
around $30bn.
Abuses Committed Against Civilians
The Shan Human Rights Foundation has
documented the serious human rights abuses being
committed by the Burmese Army in Shan State
since it broke the ceasefire. These include:
Shelling of civilians:
On 13th March the Burmese Army fired mortars at
Wan Nam Lao village, hitting a temple and killing
four novice monks and injuring two other villagers.
In another attack 11 villagers were injured by
mortars.
Forced labour:
Villagers are commonly being forced to act as
porters and guides for the Burmese Army. They are
made to carry military equipment and food supplies.
In one instance on 18th March 50 women were
forced to carry military supplies to Loi Larn mountain
for the Burmese Army.
Forced Relocation:
200 families in four villages in Kun Hing Township
were told to move to a new village or face their
villages being burnt down.
Looting:
Burmese Army soldiers have been looting food,
livestock, medicines, blankets, money, cars, and
other valuables from villagers. They have also taken
farmers oxcarts for transport. On some occasions
food that cannot be carried away is destroyed rather
than being left behind for villagers.
Arbitrary Detention:
Ten youths from Nam Lao village were tied up and
detained at a house by soldiers from the Burmese
Army. They were accused of not reporting SSA-N
troop movements.
Torture:
The most common form of torture used by the
Burmese Army has been severe beatings. One
woman in Kesi Township was tied up for a week
as punishment for her brother allegedly leading an
attack against the Burmese Army. One boy tortured
was just 16 years old and was reportedly covered in
blood.
Internally displaced children queue for lunch at an
orphanage in Shan State, near the Thai border.

4
Human Shields:
In some cases those people used as forced labour
are used as human shields, being made to walk in
front, in the middle, and behind the Burmese Army
soldiers, to prevent attacks on them, as they know
the Shan State Army – North does not want to injure
civilians.
Gang-Rape:
Several cases of gang rape by Burmese Army
soldiers have already been reported. On 21st March
in Nam Lao village, Nang M, a 30 year-old woman,
was gang raped by a large number of soldiers. She
died immediately after being gang-raped. Another
woman was gang-raped in the same village on the
same day.
Two women from Wan Pa Tab village were also
raped, the exact date is not yet known.
On 23rd March Burmese Army troops from Light
Infantry Battalion 291 and Infantry Battalion 33
gang-raped Nang B on a road outside her village.
She is 19 years old.
On March 26th a 25 year-old mute woman from
Wan Mai Kai village was gang-raped by soldiers
from Light Infantry Battalion 147.
Arbitrary Execution:
On 19th March 2011 the Burmese Army accused
Sai Ar, a 28 year-old mute, of assisting Shan troops,
and shot him dead.
Full details of these cases are available on the Shan
Human Rights Foundation website:
http://www.shanhumanrights.org/
NOTE: Given the difficulties in obtaining information
from this area, the true scale of abuses is likely to
be much higher.
International Law
The abuses committed by the dictatorship since
they have broken the ceasefire with the Shan State
Army – North constitute war crimes and crimes
against humanity. They are violations of international
law, which require an international response. The
UN Special Rapporteur on Burma has repeatedly
called for a UN Commission of Inquiry into possible
war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma.
He has stated that the failure of the international
community to act provides the dictatorship with a
sense of impunity.
Burma Campaign UK has argued that the
establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry would
help end that sense of impunity. The prospect for
the first time that there might be consequences for
these serious breaches of international law, and
that military commanders may be held to account
for their actions and the actions of the troops under
their command, may in turn help to reduce the scale
and severity of some of these abuses.
This is especially urgent in the context of the
dictatorship breaking ceasefire agreements, and the
escalation of human rights abuses which inevitably
follow. The abuses taking place in Shan State now
are an example of this.
Danger of Major Increase in Conflict and
Abuses
The breaking of the ceasefire with the Shan State
Army – North has already led to a significant
increase in human rights abuses and humanitarian
problems. However, the Shan State Army – North,
with some estimates that they have up to 3,000
soldiers, is one of the smaller armed groups in Shan
State.
There has also been an increase in Burmese Army
troops in the area in Southern Shan State where the
Shan State Army – South is based.
Shan State is also home to the United Wa State
Army (UWSA). This is the largest and best
equipped ethnic Army in Burma, with estimates of
25,000-32,000 soldiers. The UWSA has also been
threatened with military attack if it does not submit
to placing its soldiers under control of the Burmese
Army. The UWSA has also refused to do so.
The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) also has
soldiers in Northern Shan State, and has been given
the same ultimatum.
If the dictatorship breaks its ceasefire agreements
with the UWSA and KIA, the fighting will be on a
scale much greater than has been seen so far.

5
The consequences will include a human rights
and humanitarian crisis which will spill over into
neighbouring countries.
Given the increasing likelihood of this happening,
it is astonishing that the international community is
taking no serious action to prevent it, or to prepare
for the humanitarian consequences.
Further information:
Shan Women’s Action Network:
http://www.shanwomen.org/
Shan Human Rights Foundation:
http://www.shanhumanrights.org/
Corridor of Power, Shwe Gas Movement, 2009.
Media release from Burma Campaign UK, April
2010, International Community Ignores Danger of
Burma Sliding Into War:
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/index.php/news-
and-reports/news-stories/international-community-
ignores-danger-of-burma-sliding-into-war/16
Burma Campaign UK - Burma Briefing No 11,
Burma’s New Constitution, Denying Ethnic Rights:
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/index.php/
news-and-reports/burma-briefing/title/burmas-new-
constitution-denying-ethnic-rights
Burma Campaign UK provides briefings on a range
of issues relating to Burma and the international
response. These are available at:
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/index.php/news-
and-reports/burma-briefing
Recommendations
Governments, the European Union, and the
United Nations, should make public statements
and private representations condemning the
dictatorship for breaking ceasefire agreements.
Governments, the European Union, and the
United Nations, should call for a nationwide
ceasefire, and actively work to negotiate such a
ceasefire.
European countries and the European Union
should increase aid to civilians affected by
conflict, including increasing cross-border aid,
which is the only way for aid to reach some
areas.
The European Commission should stop
cutting aid to refugees from Burma who are in
camps in Thailand. Other governments should
increase their financial support for refugees in
these camps, where rations are being cut.
The international community has repeatedly
stated that the solution to the problems in
Burma lie in tripartite dialogue between the
dictatorship, the mainstream democracy
movement, and ethnic groups. However, no
serious effort has ever been made to secure
such dialogue. Efforts to secure such dialogue
should be a top priority for the international
community in its engagement with the
dictatorship.
Shan political leaders, and all political
prisoners, should be released from prison so
that dialogue can take place.
This girl had to flee Burma Army attacks and now has
to live in a camp for internally displaced people in Shan
State, near the Thai border.

Published by Burma Campaign UK, 28 Charles Square, London N1 6HT
www.burmacampaign.org.uk info@burmacampaign.org.uk tel: 020 7324 4710
for Human Rights, Democracy
& Development in Burma
Published 4 May 2011
!
!
!
!
!
!
!
^_
^_
^_
^_
^_
Nam Lao.
Wan Hai
Hsipaw
Mong Yai
Tangyan
Mong Nang
Mong Nawng
Mong Su
Kesi
Burma Army offensive against Shan State Army-North (March 13 - April 6, 2011)
0 3015
Kilometers
±
Nam Parng
Salween
Map by Shan Human Rights Foundation
^_ Former SSA-N base
Villages in conflict area
! Towns
Rivers
Roads
Location of fighting
Burma Army base
BURMA
SHAN STATE
!
!
!
!
!
!
!
^_
^_
^_
^_
^_
Nam Lao
Wan Hai
Hsipaw
Mong Yai
Tangyan
Mong Nang
Mong Nawng
Mong Su
Kesi
Location of reported human rights violations by Burma Army (March 13 - April 6, 2011)
0 3015
Kilometers
±
Salween
Map by Shan Human Rights Foundation
^_ Former SSA-N base
Villages in conflict area
! Towns
Rivers
Roads
Human rights abuse
Burma Army base
BURMA
SHAN STATE

12/12/2017 Crisis in Shan State | Burma Campaign UK
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For human rights, democracy and development inBurma
<https://twitter.com/share>
May 4, 2011
Burma Brie ng No. 12
On 13th March 2011 the dictatorship in Burma broke a 22 year long cease re agreement with
the Shan State Army – North. Sixty- ve clashes were reported in the rst three weeks of the
dictatorship breaking the cease re. Civilians are being targeted in the military offensive, with
mortar bombs red at civilian villages. Abuses committed by the Burmese Army include
arbitrary execution, arbitrary detention, torture, looting, rape, forced relocation and forced
labour. These abuses are violations of international law.
More than 3,000 people have been forced to ee their homes. Many are hiding in the jungle.
Local community organisations are calling on the international community to condemn the
attacks, and take action to persuade the dictatorship to implement an immediate nationwide
cease re. They are also calling for humanitarian assistance, including cross-border aid, which,
because of aid restrictions by the dictatorship, is the only way aid can be delivered in some
areas.
Download this brie ng <http://burmacampaign.org.uk/media/12-Crisis-in-
Shan-State.pdf>
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12/12/2017 Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) | Peace Insight
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Shan Women’s Action Network
(SWAN)
Con icts: Myanmar
Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) was set up on 28 March 1999 by a group
of Shan women active in Thailand, inside Shan State and along the Thai-Burmese
border, to address the needs of Shan women.
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Before the formation of SWAN, Shan women in various locations had already been
active in a number of projects to assist women. Even though informal networks
were in place, it was felt that more could be achieved, in addressing both practical
and strategic needs of Shan women, if a more concrete network among the various
women could be formed. This Shan women's network would also be able to
coordinate with other women's organisations from Burma, as well as other
organisations working with women locally, nationally and internationally.
The organisation is commited to working for gender equality and justice for Shan
womenin the struggle for social and political change in Burma through community-
based action, research and advocacy.
SWAN runs programmes in Information and Documentation, Crisis Support,
Women’s Empowerment, Health, Education, and Income Generation,
Programmes
Information & Documentation Programme
Production of Shan, Burmese and English-language newsletters, booklets,
posters and lea ets on gender issues and human rights.
Documentation of violence against women.
Publication of reports on the situation of women inside Shan State and
Thailand.
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Crisis Support Programme
Running two centres for women in crisis.
Providing emergency assistance to migrant women and children in crisis
(access to health services, clothing and food).
Networking with other local organisations to provide legal and other support
for emergency cases.
Conducting handicraft-production and other vocational trainings.
Women's Empowerment Program
Conducting training on leadership, gender, documentation methods and
human rights.
Offering a year-long internship programme for Shan women to build capacity
levels to run community-based programmes along the border and inside Shan
State. From 1999 to 2008, 25 young women were trained as interns with
SWAN, and most of them are working full-time at SWAN and community-
based organisations along the border.
Organising and supporting Women’s Exchange meetings at six locations on the
Thai-Shan border.
Health Programme
Running three community health centres for migrants and displaced
populations on the Thai-Shan border.
Providing basic health care, including maternal and child care, to these
communities.
Awareness-raising on preventative health care, especially for reproductive
health, and HIV/AIDS.
Education Programme
Operating sixteen schools (nine schools providing basic literacy skills and
seven nurseries) with the collaboration of the Shan community along the Thai-
Shan border.
Providing Shan language text books.
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Organising training and networking meetings for teachers.
Income Generation Programme
Selling paper dolls.
Making conference bags to order.
Producing traditional Shan fabrics and garments.
Major achievements
SWAN co-hosted the “Trust Building for Peace Conference,” held from 26-28
November, 2012, at the Royal Rose in Rangoon. It was initiated by the Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and co-organised by Shan civil society
organizations, including Kaw Dai, Hsai Pen Media Group, the Shan Literature and
Culture Association in Rangoon and SWAN.
The conference was attended by over 170 participants, including leading Shan
scholars, members of three political parties, four cease re armed groups and
eleven civil society organizations from 42 townships. The conference included 17
presentations, including two from SWAN, and involved workshop discussions on
the peace process and current developments in Shan State, the amendment of the
2008 constitution, increased militarisation, and the need for a genuine Federal
Union in Burma for sustainable peace.
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CRISIS IN SHAN STATE MYANMAR

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